Emotions As Factors of Social and Cultural Change in Museological Discourses

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Emotions as Factors of Social and Cultural

Change in Museological Discourses

A Caryatid, Black Pete, and the Display of Rape Culture as Emotional Topoi

Submitted to the Graduate School of Humanities at the University of Amsterdam in partial fullment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Heritage Studies: Museum Studies

Supervisor: Mw. Dr. M.H.E. Hoijtink

Second Reader: Mr. Dr. DJ Elshout

Iliana Tatsi 11735236

Submitted on 31st January 2019

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Table of contents

Preface

Acknowledgements

Introduction 1

1. Chapter I | T he Parthenon Marbles 10 1.1. Emotions in Archeology 10 1.2. The Elgin Marbles: Discourses of Return 15 1.3. The Caryatid(s) 28 1.4. Research Method 30 1.5. Discussion 31

2. Chapter II | T he Tradition of Black Pete 40 2.1. Perception of Slavery in Contemporary Netherlands 40 2.2. The Figure of Black Pete 43 2.3. Afterlives of Slavery 48

3. Chapter III | Exhibiting Rape Culture 62 3.1. What Were you Wearing 62 3.2. What Were you Wearing Crosses Borders 65 3.3. What Were you Wearing Goes Public 72 3.4. What Were you Wearing as Activism 74

Epilogue 80

Bibliography 83

Appendix 104

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Preface

The basis for this research, as well as the passion for exploring emotions in heritage, stemmed from my time as a research intern at Imagine IC. During my internship, I had the opportunity to become acquainted with many aspects of Dutch culture and history, that were previously unbeknownst to me. I came to realize how the the concept of “we make our own heritage” can function in an utterly participatory and inclusive manner.

This thesis is intended as an exploration of emotions and aect in museological discourses, focusing especially on groups that are traditionally overlooked. The tradition of Black Pete combined with the outt choices of assaulted people, along with a Caryatid, might sound as the introduction to a Tom Robbins novel, but for me they are small universes ripe in emotions; emotions that when analysed, could not only produce valuable insights for how museums and institutions should display heritage, but also highlight the sense of responsibility that accompanies that mission.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Mirjam Hoijtink for supervising this thesis and my second reader Dr. Dos Elshout, for their valuable guidance. Also, all of my colleagues at Imagine IC, for their helpful insights and support. This thesis could not have been written without all the knowledge that my professors provided me with, the support and friendship of my classmates, my family’s and my boyfriends’ unwavering love and understanding.

I am immensely grateful to you all.

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Introduction

A turning point for Dutch society came when the Rijksmuseum acquired the gun used in the assassination of the populist politician, Pim Fortuyn (Pieters, 2017), who became widely known for his anti-Islam opinions. His assassination elicited feelings of outrage across the country, and triggered the collective emotion, with people's (supporters or not) most frequent concern being that his loss rendered them voiceless, since he always "said what [they] thought" (Margry, 2011, p. 328). By acquiring the gun, the Rijksmuseum, implicitly armed the "lasting importance of the [nationalistic] movement and of Fortuyn's legacy" (Margy, 2011, p. 334).1 This outburst of "strong emotions", that can be even capable of producing violent behaviours (Burke, 2008, p. 110), has been also extended to the Black Pete discourse, with the appearance of nationalistic tendencies within the Dutch society. In particular, some people also exhibit strong emotions for the Black Pete discourse, because they feel that they have been overly tolerant so far; to the point that they are in risk of losing a part of their national myth and narrative; their traditions (Wekker, 2016, pp. 149-150).

In like manner, for the Greek government and society, the quests for the repatriation of the Parthenon marbles, usually "personied" by the Caryatid(s), have been associated with a banal sense of nationalism, originated by Melina Merkouri in the 80's, having as a central axe the notion of returning to one's roots (Papatheodorou, 2014). This notion of romantic populism is able to trigger people's emotions and sensitivities, while simultaneously concealing political and mercenary incentives, by constantly reminding people of the glorious past and triggering the national imagination by posing the question of what would have been. The case of the Parthenon marbles is not the only instance of emotional debates, regarding the repatriation of artifacts. The President of France, Emmanuel Macron issued a statement in 2018, asking for the return of many African objects removed during France’s colonial period, currently on display in various French museums. This plea caused a ripple of reactions in society and relaunched a new round of heated debates and discourses regarding the repatriation of looted artifacts. This debate is not only limited to France, but it also extends to other former colonial powers, such as the United Kingdom. However, the British Museum, currently housing a huge amount of colonial artifacts, is still resistant to the idea, legitimising their denial on the basis of their function, as a world

1 According to De Witte (2013), "even ordinary objects may be elevated to the level of the extraordinary and achieve a new sublime or sacred quality" (p. 276).

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museum, even though many African countries have been pushing for the restitution of their own heritage. Maybe the most famous case are the Benin bronzes, decorative metal plaques removed by British troops from the palace of Benin in Nigeria in 1897, and currently on display at the British Museum, in London (Maclean, 2018). Heritage is an accumulation of things that people feel that are meaningful -thus denoting them as such- and want to preserve for the future. This means that heritage is ultimately, self-made; also it never applies to a single object or concept, but rather to an assortment of elements, either tangible or intangible. Consequently, since heritage is made to what it is by people, it is only natural that emotions are a signicant part of it, with people experiencing a wide range of emotions in the presence of a heritage item (Dibbits & Willemsen, 2017).

The instances described above are enmeshed within hegemonic narratives, strongly connected with the idea of the nation and consequently, nationalism. However, amongst other debates, emotions in museums can also be relevant in discourses that strive to disrupt power structures, incorporating feminist theories. "What Were You Wearing?" is a clothes installation that was created at the University of Arkansas in 2014 -a rather urban context-, aiming to dissolve the myths around rape culture and victim blaming. Feminism has been gaining momentum over the last decade, with more and more museums and galleries, exhibiting feminist art and artists. A contemporary example would be the Naked exhibition in the Kranenburgh Museum, in the Netherlands. Interestingly enough, the exhibition is not on display in one of the major cities of the country, but in Bergen, a smaller, wealthy area in the North. The exhibition mostly deals with the image of the female naked body as the emotional topos of controversy and censorship, since the naked image of the body is often judged by society, considered to be vulgar. It should be noted that the display could raise more awareness and instigate public social debates or even acts of activism, if it was exhibited in a more urban setting.

This thesis aims to critically explore the role that emotion and aect currently play in the heritage eld, as well as the social dimensions of feelings that might emerge when discussing a particular heritage item or a piece of intangible heritage. How can emotions in cultural landscapes, cultivate empathy and aid with the establishment of multiform connections between dierent people, with possibly diverse opinions? Also, it will be investigated to what extent emotions in the heritage eld, aect opinion making and instigate social change and activism in the cultural sphere. Hence, the research question: To what extent do museological discourses as a

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result of societal and historical discussions, contribute to social and cultural changes in the 21st century, when perceived from an emotional perspective?

Firstly, the research will focus in the range of emotions and their implications, that the Parthenon marbles from Athens, with a focus on the Caryatid, currently located at the British Museum in London, still impose upon Greek and British people. Secondly, the exhibition Afterlives of Slavery at the Tropenmuseum, will be analysed in regard to the legacy of slavery in Dutch society and the Black Pete controversy, that is still very much relevant in a contemporary context. At last, the art installation that originated from the University of Arkansas in 2014 titled "What Were you Wearing?", showcasing the outts of sexual assault and rape survivors, will be analysed on the basis of emotions and its sociopolitical context in the transnational landscape.

All of the above case studies follow a very similar social trajectory, what Smith (2012) called the "bottom up approach". Feelings and emotions multiply while remaining bottled up, a process that quite often can be manipulated by the public authority to favour political ideologies and dominant power structures. Also, the production of narratives is dened by aective practices (Wetherell, 2012, p. 53), which are worldly “situated” (Bauman, 1986) and could be entangled in hegemonic battles. Nevertheless, given the fact that narratives are essentially constructed by humans, they can easily add to the perpetuation of past narratives that have excluded groups of people -or even cultures-, all the while being reinforced by the "emotionally authentic" signicance they hold for dominant social groups (Munroe, 2017, p. 115). Therefore, emotions applied and stabilised through heritage and cultural practices might be in position to (de)stabilize that repetitive pattern and allow the narratives of previously excluded groups, to nally move to the forefront.

Museological discourses evolved and adapted in direct relation to changes in society and culture. In particular, starting from the 1980s, a shift from the dominant narrative of the Western canon was observed. Matters of race and colonial biases directed towards underdeveloped countries ghting for their independence, as well as feminism striving to highlight the female contributions to culture, while exposing male discriminations, constituted two main challenges that brought upon a new approach to cultural history; known as "New Cultural History" (Burke, 2008, pp. 48-52). New issues as such, brought up by the academic world, were thus moved to the forefront of discourses, simultaneously becoming a part of the public debate, being

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acknowledged and instigating awareness; treating the collective in a more comprehensible manner, while providing a new approach to perceive the individual (Burke, 2008, p. 51). Bakhtin introduced some signicant notions on the "polyphony or polyglossia" that one can introduce in texts or speeches, emphasizing the importance of many dierent voices, ranging within dierent tones and being either male or female, in order to provide a language to express sensitivities in society; all the while highlighted by the establishment of New Cultural History (Burke, 1988, pp. 85-90). According to Freyre (1950), "the study of social and cultural history’ is, or might be, a way ‘to bring people together’ and open ‘ways of understanding and communication between them" (Freyre, 1950, pp. 139-165).

The feminist, postcolonial and postmodern critiques of the New Cultural History, also extended to the modern museum, shaping the concepts that Vergo (1989) introduced in the academic world, with the anthology called "New Museology"; marking the museum's distancing from its own institutional context. "[C]ollections and processes of museaIization [were] radically re-signied and re-posited in the cultural arena" (Andermann & Arnold-de Simine, 2012, p. 1). According to Marstine (2006), the "post-museum" (p. 19) turned into a starting point of rectication for social inequities:

"[T]he transformation of the museum from a site of worship and awe to one of discourse and critical reection that is committed to examining unsettling histories with sensitivity to all parties, [looking towards] a museum that is transparent in its decision-making and willing to share power. New museum theory is about decolonizing, giving those represented control of their cultural heritage. (p. 5)

Smith (2006) posits that the meaning-making of heritage in museums, is "a cultural and social process ... [dened by] using the past, and collective and individual memories, to negotiate new ways of being and expressing identity" (p.2). Nevertheless, the eorts to render heritage as a potential way of community-building, are marked by various approaches, usually manipulated by dominant hierarchies (Rassool, 2018, p. 218). The methods to dispute and alter the hierarchies of heritage, lie with "critical heritage studies", in particular deriving from "agency, experience, memory, locality and performances in and of community" (Smith, 2012, p. 538). Smith goes on to conclude that this "bottom up" approach to the politics of heritage, derives

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from the academic world, something that would also explain the analytical aspect of the process (p. 538).

Therefore, new museology altered the museum's functions and mission, not merely by altering a narrative, but by redening the narrative-making process and the ways of communicating with the public. Museums served no more as "disciplinary spaces of academic history", but rather as "places of memory", open to the public; raising awareness for socio-cultural issues, focused on locality and the community (Andermann & Arnold-de Simine, 2012, p. 1). The Athens Museum of Queer Arts (AMOQA), serves as a prime example of how museums can transcend their sometimes rigid academic functions, raise awareness for current social issues, instigate social changes by engaging in activism, and make meaningful contributions to society. The sta of the Museum was deeply aected by the brutal murder of queer activist and drag performer Zak Kostopoulos, on the streets of Athens in 2018; the reason being he did not t in society’s strict patriarchal and traditional frameworks. The museum not only organised a march in his memory to raise awareness on problems that are deeply ingrained in the collective social consciousness, but also organized fundraising events to help cover the legal expenses for the murder trial. Both initiatives received signicant support from the community, including even people that were not connected to the Athenian LGBTQ scene.

The concept of emotional interaction and exchange of feelings between dierent people, can be facilitated in the heritage eld, consequently engendering discourses that are able to produce divergent feelings. Collective memory is an "overtly political and emotionally invested phenomenon" that is heavily inuenced by historical and societal events; therefore it is logical that nations -and consequently their citizens- develop dierent cognitive mechanisms to come to terms with conict and memory (Weiser, 2015, p. 392). By incorporating emotions in the cultural or heritage process, it it possible to observe not only whether or not people’s opinions can be altered, but also how far individuals can be brought closer together by instances of collective memory, and cultivate a sense of empathy. Museums are institutions that not only reect society and historiography, but are also inuenced by cultural and political interests, that derive from the sensitivities of the past; and can therefore create collective memory, which as a function, can be more prominent than merely displaying historical and objective "facts" (Aronson & Elgenius, 2015, p. 2).

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When discussing emotions in museums, it is signicant to have a clear theoretical demarcation between aect and emotion. Ideas and attempts to term what is "aect" and emotion and establish their in between relationship, have emerged over the last decades across dierent disciplines, something that is visible in the terms produced. Massumi (2002), while presenting his notion of the relationship between aect and emotion, denes aect as more inclusive than emotions. Emotion for him is a partial expression of aect, as it incorporates only some aspects and inclinations of memory, no matter how eectively it can embody the full richness of a potential experience. It is interesting to consider the emergence of aect as a noun, "a phenomenon or sensation that can eect how we feel, our wellbeing and so on" (Crouch, 2015, p. 181). The aective can take place in things, in non-human life, internally or amongst dierent people, intentionally or not.

Each individual reacts dierently before heritage sites and is capable of creating their own meanings; “museums and heritage sites are places where people go to feel” (Smith, 2014a) and handle their emotions. Museums often establish dynamic, reciprocal relationship with their visitors, something that means that museums also act from an emotional point of view. Besides working actively with visitors' emotions, museums have also focused on the relationship between the visitor and the objects, a relationship that has changed in the 21st century. Museums should prompt the visitors to get curious. According to Thomas (2016), in order for museums to improve the world, they need to transmit to their visitors an "interest in what is novel, singular, or dierent [which] is conducive to empathy, to a readiness to acknowledge and encounter dierence" (p. 143). Nevertheless, the emotional aspect of museum visiting, the root question of why people visit museums still persists. People go to museums to cherish familiar memories, reinforce identities, learn about the past, discover new narratives or stabilise existing ones, and pay respect to dierent cultural groups (Smith, 2014b, p. 2). The reinforced emotional role of the museum can be attributed to empathy; a rather important emotion for many visitors that can be triggered not just by following guided tours or reading interpretive material, but also simply by being present on location.

As it has been established above, museums are emotional places; “even the most ordinary museum settings can become emotional arenas” (Silverman, 2010). Emotions can be traced not only between visitors, but also between dialogues with visitors and objects or even between the conservators/curators and objects they feel particularly close to. The aective turn in the

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museum world, relies upon work based on the "emotional nature of our interactions with heritage sites and museums" (Schorch, 2014). It is rather important to consider that the "relational" patterns of heritage provide useful frameworks for comprehending the embodied and felt expressions of the heritage experience that materialises out of the relations between texts, people, sites and objects (Latour, 1993, Actor Network Theory).

Since this thesis will be focused not only in museological discourses related to emotions, but also on the social and cultural contexts framing them, the research will move away from art historical and aesthetic concepts, and instead focus on cases related to wider social and cultural concepts, that inuence how people perceive not only objects, but also other people. Therefore, the research will present the above mentioned three case studies, ergo three chapters, each one reecting a signicant historical and cultural period or incident of the 21st century. The research will not be limited or contained within a specic type of museum or cultural institution, but instead will incorporate an expanded sampling area, so the inuence of aect and emotionality could be observed and analysed, in various types of cultural practices. The research methods incorporated for the case studies, are literature analysis, observations, on-site display analysis, photographs, and an exclusively for this thesis developed questionnaire, which was administered electronically, and then processed using the data analysis library pandas and the python programming language.

The rst chapter of this research, will focus on the politics of display and the emotional and social implications of exhibiting contested archaeological artefacts, by analysing the aective state of the Parthenon marbles; in particular the relation between the Caryatids located at the Acropolis Museum in Athens, in regard to the Caryatid, currently located at the British Museum in London. What kind of feelings and emotions does the process of encountering the Caryatid(s) in both sites engender for Greek and British people alike? What are the aective claims of repatriation and what could be the incendiary rhetorics behind such claims? Moreover, the sociocultural and political implications of the emotional separation of the Caryatids, in regard to the formation of a collective cultural and national identity for Greek people, will be elaborated on.

The second chapter will concentrate on the perception of slavery in contemporary Netherlands and the discourse around Black Pete. Racialised groups can experience a heritage site as

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alienating, since feelings of experiencing yourself as the “other”, coupled with the absence of power to express your opinion, leads them to develop a double sensitivity; one that is allowed and one that is not (Tolia-Kelly, 2016, p. 901). Therefore, it will be examined to what extent the voice and the body of the postcolonial subject on display, is capable of producing waves of empathy, in terms of emotion. Would this be enough to challenge “authorised heritage discourses” (Waterton, Smith & Campbell, 2006)? Furthermore, it will be analysed what kind of emotions the depiction of the slavery past in the Netherlands, and the gure of Black Pete, as displayed in a heritage institution, produces for dierent groups of people. The above questions will be exemplied through the display techniques and the narratives of the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam, and in particular of the semi-permanent exhibition Afterlives of Slavery, whose primary aim is for visitors “.. [to be] confronted with today’s legacies of slavery and colonialism in the Netherlands” (A fterlives of Slavery, 2 017).

The third chapter will focus on the topic of gender inequity, rape culture, and the social and cultural consequences for women still present today. The University of Arkansas created a student-survivor art installation titled "What Were you Wearing?" (2014), recreating the outts that assault survivors, were wearing on the day the were assaulted. These outts serve to demolish the myth that the victim should be held accountable, and the underlying notion that the assault would not have happened if they were wearing clothes, that are not considered provocative. Each outt is accompanied by a note narrating a personal story. During a time of political and social turmoil in an ever-changing global landscape, where gender stereotypes still pervade rape culture in social and cultural levels, museums and heritage institutions have to steer away from neutrality and adopt a distinct political stance. How can museums and heritage institutions become vocal in a way that allows not only victims to speak out and come forward, but also visitors to be more aware and open to hear their voices? Furthermore, the extent to which heritage institutions can aid in the dismantling of stereotypes regarding rape culture, will be examined. In particular, the aective connections forged between the visitors and the objects and the empathy and emotions they can produce, will also be analysed.

The case studies described above, are matters of general interest and are situated within the public sphere, instigating discourses, eliciting reactions, and acting as mediators between the general public and the public authorities. Museums as described above in the dawn of the 20th century were inuenced and "aected by changes in economic, social, and education policies of

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the period: they were not immune to the broader political contexts of the times"; they are therefore functioning in the public sphere (Barrett, 2011, p. 4). Museums can "provide inspiration, motivation, and resources for change, the other half of the social foundation of identity", processes that render them institutions which promote social change between individuals and their relations to society (Silverman, 2011, p. 60).

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1. The Parthenon Marbles

1.1. Emotions in Archaeology

The academic archaeological community considers its aims and eorts as broadly scientic. Emotions have been demonised and overlooked as objective and compromising, in a eld that above all, cherishes rationality and precision (Stocker, 2002, p. 285). However, there are cases of archaeological excavations, that would not be comprehensible without emotions. For instance, an excavation led by the University of Leicester in 2012, resulted to the exhumation and reburial of Richard III of England, with the process being widely commemorated by the general public (The Discovery of Richard III, n.d.). The excavation of human remains can often be highly challenging and emotional, especially when the remains in question are recent (Thompson, 1998). For instance, forensic archaeologists in Argentina in 1992, were trying to nd the bodies of the people that had disappeared under the military regimes between the 1970s and the 1980s; attempting to simultaneously rebuild both individual and collective memory (Crossland, 2000, p. 146). Emotions are dened as elementary, common or culturally distinct and innate. However, this dualist notion of emotion and reason has been challenged by neurologists and psychologists alike. In particular, neurophysiologist Damasio deduced that "emotions and feelings may not be intruders in the bastion of reason", but rather suggesting "that certain aspects of the process of emotion and feeling are indispensable for rationality" (Damasio, 2006, pp. xii-xiii).

What is interesting to mention in this discourse is the emotional engagement that archaeologists feel today, towards artifacts of the past. Artifacts hold values, which can range from economic to aesthetic and even emotional. Objects can be ripe in emotions, especially through their intimate associations with individual bodies and personal histories (Harris & Sorensen, 2010). Archaeological artifacts analysed through semiotics, can contain visible and invisible layers of information, functioning as "semiophores", semiotic links between the present and the past (Pomian, 1991, pp. 30-37). In addition, even though specialists and journals might be exponents of rationality’s hold over emotion in archeology, they omit the excessive "satisfaction" that heritage specialists draw from ”reconstructing the past” (Tubb, 2011, p. 290). Archeology’s ulterior aim is to not only develop a deeper understanding of the past, but also to form links with the present. Archaeologists use the knowledge they derive from material remains, in order to

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recreate emotional and analytical ancestral landscapes (Tubb, 2011, p. 295). Similarly, it is only logical that the destruction of archaeological sites is "met emotionally with anger, frustration, and disgust, since it thwarts archaeologists’ rational goals" (Tubb, 2011, p. 295).

Tarlow (2012), stresses the importance of knowing how material things and places are involved in the process of forming and expressing emotions (p. 169). Her opinion derives from the notion that emotion is culturally constructed and highly volatile and that the distant past is considered uncharted territory. However, as mentioned previously, that does not mean that places and objects cannot become sticky with emotion, with their signicance being potentially amplied to mend memories (Tarlow, 2012, p. 174). While exploring the aective capacities of material things, Gosden (2004) concludes that emotions are materially established and material culture is emotionally established, while emotions often forging associations with spaces (pp. 34, 39), a notion that is being supported by the literature in dierent disciplines that elaborates on how "human beings and things reclusively shape each other" (Latour, 1993). Emotions can exist in the individual, personal plane or in the collective, national plane, nevertheless they often are inextricably linked by a causal relationship. Sometimes, members of a community are not familiar with other fellow members, without that meaning that they all stop sharing their common, imagined ideals of what makes them a community. This imagination, often deriving from emotions moving from the individual to the national plane, allows for the forging of national myths and traditions that bind the community together, with bonds of fraternity (Anderson, 1991, pp. 6-7).

Archaeology, similar to many other disciplines was also inuenced by the arrival of New Cultural History in the 1960s, with archaeologists showing a renewed interest in cultural theory, centering around symbols, images, and language (Hodder, 1986). This new turn called for the establishment of an archaeology that was more "social, anthropological, contextual, interpretative, [and] cognitive"; a cultural archaeology, adept and informed about current debates in the eld (Burke, 2008, pp. 138-139). Moving forward, during the 1990s the dominant notion that the past as depicted through archaeological practices, was 'run' by people that were anaisthitoi, "people without faces" -or without bodies capable of sensory- (Tringham, 1991, p. 94), called for some changes. In particular, the development of -innovative at the time- sensory studies, aided by a climate that favoured debate and the existence of many diverse voices in academia, produced a new archaeology; "more sensory, sensual, emotional, and [more focused

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on] the experiential past" (Day, 2013, p. 20). Archaeological studies that are focused on memory, incorporate Bourdieu's notion of habitus, meaning rstly that corporal methods not only display but also emulate dierent societal elements, and secondly that material culture can be perceived as a way of "storing memory in extrabodily form" (Jones, 2007, p. 1).2 This exact property of archaeological discoveries, is capable of rendering archaeology a vehicle to reinforce nationalist notions and imaginations, with actual remains providing materialized support to contemporary ideologies; being perceived as emotional, tangible gateways to the past (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 29). Nevertheless, people approach the past in dierent ways; however, sometimes these approaches meet at the interjection of temporality and spatial locality. Therefore, approaches to the past, are not consistent; instead they are shaped according place and time (Lowenthal, 2015).

However, the principles on which traditional archaeology was established were quite dierent. To an extent, archaeology was developed to constitute a representational apparatus of modernity, a "collateral cultural institution[s]", within which the context of depiction, power, and truth were established; an "exhibitionary device" (Bennett, 1995, p. 6), that closely collaborated with various cultural institutions. According to Preziosi (2003), "since the late eighteenth century, these co-implicative practices have functioned to render an object domain called 'the past' synoptically visible so that it might operate in and upon (while at the same time distancing itself from) "the present" (p. 104).3

Archaeology in Greece, dating back to the establishment of the Greek modern state in 1828, served a distinctively similar purpose. Greek archaeologists, heavily inuenced by Bavarian Neoclassicism, commenced to construct and erect Greece geographically and ideologically, as a topos, a Foucaldian heterotopia, "a space of illusion that exposes every real space" (Foucault, 1986). 4 According to Leontis (2015), Greece constitutes a heterotopia, as a "space set apart precisely because it contains classical ruins", a space sequestered by the Western colonial imagination and eventually reconstructed, hence "self-colonized" by Greek writers in modernity, who believed

2 "H abitus is one of Bourdieu’s most inuential yet ambiguous concepts. It refers to the physical embodiment of cultural capital, to the deeply ingrained habits, skills, and dispositions that we possess due to our life experiences" (Habitus, n.d.). For more information, please see: http://routledgesoc.com/category/prole-tags/habitus, Retrieved on 16.12.2018. 3 A distinctive example that attests to that, is the depiction of archaeological materialities in 19th century exhibitions and international fairs, such as the "universal exhibition" in 1851, at the Crystal Palace (Hamilakis, 2015, p. 41). 4 Greek archaeologists were inuenced by Bavarian Neoclassicism, due to the appointment of the Bavarian prince Otto, as the rst modern King of Greece in 1832.

12 https://docs.google.com/document/d/10DIKjuJat0XmeggfO4T3fhb8JpAdau_DmM0umOJbKRY/edit# 12/111 1/31/2019 FINAL THESIS YAS - Έγγραφα Google

that their intellectual properties were attributed to a grandiose past (p. 44). 5Archaeologists, heavily inuenced by this exact magnicent past, strived to promote its classical element -for which they were its guardians-, as one of the main building ingredients of the modern Greek state, in order to increase the nation's intellectual uniqueness, while simultaneously connecting the past and the present (Plantzos, 2008, p. 14). Therefore, the maintenance, enrichment, and reverence of Classical remnants, combined with the way that Greek archaeologists strived to reconstruct the present, based on a reassessment of the past, did not just constitute a visual notion in the realms of aesthetics, but also a political one. Hamilakis (2007) posited that material monuments of this kind of heterotopia "operate not simply as the iconography of the national dream, but also as the essential, physical, natural, and real, and thus beyond any dispute, proof of the continuity of the nations, a key device for its naturalization" (p. 17).

The way of assembling the Hellenic heterotopia, relied heavily on a long procedure of "purifying" national monuments -of classical nature- and removing anything foreign, striving to highlight "the national, emblematic character required by Greeks as the foundation of their national identity" (Valavanis & Delivorrias, 2007, p. 13). The purication procedure started with the rst project that Greek archaeologists took on, right after Greece became an independent state; the demolition of the Frankish Tower from the Acropolis, a symbolic landmark of a foreign settlement (Plantzos, 2008, p. 7). This process of removing anything foreign, laid the foundation for the formation of an international symbolism for Classical Greece; a symbolism that was "researched, ostentatious, and thoroughly modern" (Plantzos, 2008, p. 15). Archaeologists in modern Greek culture became the safekeepers of the nation's aesthetics, essentially designating what would be permitted to exist in the present; their power founded on an impromptu hierarchical scheme of values, that above all cherished a -sensed- ideal of classical aesthetics (Hamilakis, 2007, pp. 35-36). According to Plantzos (2008), "archaeology thus provides the theatre and the props for a strategically placed production of modern Greece as a continuation of Hellas" (p. 16). Furthermore, behind the ideological plane of modern Greece's dependance to its Classical past lies a more sobering notion; that ancient sites and monuments dotted all over the countryside could be perceived as economic assets for the advancement of the state; being perfectly preserved while waiting for the 'West' to visit, automatically rendering the development of the Greek landscape as a medium to satisfy foreign, western expectations, that

5 The process of self-colonizing the past, allows one to promote what they consider to be their rights of the past, to the present (Anderson, 1991, pp. 163-185).

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would help the nation not only achieve global acceptance, but also gain nancial assets (Plantzos, 2008, p. 15, 16).

However, the relationship between the people and antiquities in Greece during the Ottoman Empire, was rather dierent than in 'national' archaeology as it came to be established in the consequent years. Antiquities were not perceived as great ancestral achievements, proof of a grandiose past, but rather as praiseworthy works that were made by the people that used to inhabit the same piece of land as they; the Hellenes. Due to the size of the classical ruins, that were considered to be metaphysical, especially when compared to the human body, Hellenes were also constructed as giants in the contemporary imagination. Statues, sculptures, and inscriptions were incorporated in daily life by being positioned amongst religious and regular buildings, where people treated them as important agents with protective abilities. People also "anthropomorphised classical statues, and attributed human qualities, emotions, and feelings to them" (Hamilakis, 2015, p. 40).

According to Hamilakis (2011), this kind of narrative that lies at the intersection of the materialities of Classical Antiquity and the way that they are perceived by everyday Greek people, could be characterized as an "alternative, indigenous" archaeologies (p. 61). This term is used to characterize the pro-modern relationship of the locals with the material remnants of the past, which originates not only from their incorporation in everyday life, but also from the ritualistic nature and the traditions of the local communities. The indigenous archaeologies of Ottoman Greece, consist of processes of analysis, elucidation, collection, reappraisal, demonstration, and sometimes even reverence. For instance, it was quite common to nd objects of the past, such as stelai hanging carefully above house doors. Their placement at such a liminal place, the threshold between public and private, transcends the merely re-contextual and demonstrative reasons, and assigns protective properties to the objects. Hence, Ottoman Greeks believed in their power and agency (Hamilakis, 2011, pp. 57, 61), establishing a multiform, polysensory, and rather imaginative connection with them.

During modernity, the focus shifted from the symbiotic existence of the locals with antiquities -dened over dierent historical timelines- and instead focused on their monumentalization; antiquities were integrated in the historic linear time, being venerated from afar as objects of the highest aesthetic value. Hence, a need was born, that dictated from them to be collected,

14 https://docs.google.com/document/d/10DIKjuJat0XmeggfO4T3fhb8JpAdau_DmM0umOJbKRY/edit# 14/111 1/31/2019 FINAL THESIS YAS - Έγγραφα Google

preserved, and exhibited in museums, as sacred ancestral heirlooms; tangible proof of the nation's ancient origin (Hamilakis, 2008, pp. 66-74). Where Greece is concerned, elements of pre-modern archaeology where absorbed into formal discourse, to create a "modernist hybrid archaeology" where "older, folklore narratives, [...] were appropriated and modied from folklorists, so they could attune to the national narrative and hence serve as evidence that locals were not only the descendants of ancient Greeks, but also the rightful guardians of their ancient heritage" (Hamilakis, 2008, pp. 278, 280).

1.2. The Elgin Marbles: Discourses of Return

The term "Elgin marbles" refers to a group of marble statues, sculptures and other antiquities that were removed from the Acropolis in Athens between 1801 and 1802 by Thomas Bruce (widely known as Lord Elgin), ambassador of the United Kingdom to the Ottoman Empire and his associates.6 The Parthenon sculptures are the largest and most famous part of the collection that Lord Elgin accumulated, and are currently located at the British Museum, in London. The rest of the collection is exhibited at the Acropolis Museum in Athens. In particular the British Museum owns half of the authentic Parthenon frieze, seventeen pedimental pieces, fteen metopes, a Caryatid and a column from the Erechtheion, as well as some other fragments from the Acropolis (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 246).7 The sculptures depict mythological scenes, local traditions, and heroic battles, all deriving from the Athenian temple, built in the 5th-century BC (F ig. 1, F ig. 2 & F ig. 3) .

The sculptures were originally created following an initiative by Pericles, as a part of a broad edice to serve decorative purposes on the Acropolis in Athens, following the militant victory against the Persian invasion. The project was grandiose, involving a large labor force, well-renowned architects and sculptors, and a ghastly amount of resources and gold (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 248). This project had a clear political purpose and symbolism; to give prominence to the "Athenian political hegemony", its status, fame, and ambition for posterity (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 248). According to Spivey (1996, p. 136-140) their desired message aimed to reach much further than the Hellenic society, in particular it was destined to exhibit the Athenian power and

6 The British Museum used to be legally obliged to refer to these specic group of artefacts, as Elgin marbles (Hitchens, 1997, p. 17). For the rest of this chapter, the terms Elgin Marbles and Parthenon Marbles, will be used interchangeably. 7A small number of the sculptures' fragments are located in museums at various locations, such as France, Denmark, Germany, Austria, and Italy.

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greatness to their defeated enemies, the Persians.8

Fig. 1: The surviving gures from the East Pediment of the Parthenon, currently at the British Museum in London. Photograph © Andrew Dunn, 3 December 2005. Retrieved from http://www.andrewdunnphoto.com/.

Fig. 2: Part of the central section of the east frieze. From left to right, Hermes (sitting), Dionysos, Ares, Iris (standing), Hera and Zeus. The British Museum. Retrieved from w ww.britishmuseum.org, on

8 However, without a direct reference to Persians in any of the iconography, the only signs that might point to the preceding wars and the Athenian prominence, would be the battle of the centaurs or with the Amazons, which pointed at the inferior 'Other', which in this case would translate to the Persians being "barbarians" (Spivey, 1996, p. 150).

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15.12.2018

Fig. 3: Head of a horse, part of the collection of the Elgin Marbles. The British Museum. Retrieved from www.britishmuseum.org, on 15.12.2018

Elgin's associates removed parts of the "upperworks" of the temple on the north, as well as the south, breaking some triglyphs in the act. Their removal has caused much controversy over the years both in Greece and in the United Kingdom. European historical sources have registered that the Ottomans were rather indierent to the matter, hence providing Lord Elgin with the firman he needed to remove the sculptures, without any objections (Williams, 2009). According to Eldem (2011) though, it is not impossible that Lord Elgin might have 'misinterpreted' the restricting text of the firman, that only allowed the removal of some "pieces of stone with inscriptions or gures" (p. 286). He goes on to posit, that the firman certainly did not allow lord Elgin to remove parts from existing sculptures, but rather only authorising him for the retrieval of measurements, in order for casts to be produced. Eldem (2011) suggests that the disparity between the content of the firman and the consequent action is possibly attributed to a bribe (p. 287), a notion that would render Lord Elgin's act of removing the sculptures, highly immoral

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from the very start.9

Nevertheless, similar procedures of disassembling continued over the next four decades, with the temple enduring "constant diminution and sifting at the hands of demolition workers, stone-masons and collectors of antiquities" (Korres, 1994, p. 156). Elgin's original intentions with the marbles, supposedly revolved around the creation of casts and drawings, in order to provide information as to "improve contemporary art and design" (St. Clair, 1998, 399-401). However, due to his unfortunate nancial situation, Lord Elgin submitted a proposal through a committee to the English Parliament, in order to sell his collection to the nation. After many rounds of negotiation and the examination of the marbles by various prominent artists of the time, as well as notable antiqueries from all over Europe, who were called to estimate their value, the collection became national property in 1816, declaring that Britain is the most appropriate country to honour, preserve, and exhibit the magnitude of ancient Greece (Jenkins, 2018, p. 107).10 The marbles were transferred to the British Museum in 1816, and situated at a temporary gallery previously constructed to house the Bassae frieze (Cook, 1984). The Parthenon marbles were amongst the rst "complexes" to be purchased by a government, and situated in a museum, instead of adorning an individual collection, as was the usual case (Boardman, 2000, p. 241). Even though the British Museum did not have any archaeological collections when it rst opened its doors, there was a great amount of pride accompanying the acquisition of the Elgin Marbles. The museum's initial predicament changed in the 19th century, when it altered its mission and ocially transitioned from being a "cabinet of curiosities" to an institution focused on archaeology and art (Jenkins, 2018, p. 84). In the 19th century the Elgin Marbles were venerated by the general public, with what could only be described as "near religious awe" (Sloan, 2004, p. 17), with Rothenberg (1985) describing them as a "universal shrine" of Classical Antiquity, dedicated to its greatest time; Athens in the fth-century BC.

While at the British Museum, the Parthenon Marbles were not only be admired by the general public, but they also served scholarly purposes. This symbolic gesture clearly paved the way for

9 According to Ellis (1833), "when the rmaun was presented to the Vaivode of Athens, presents of value were acknowledged to have been delivered to him". For more information, please see: Ellis, H. (1833). The British Museum: Elgin and Phigaleian Marbles. London: [Published under the Superintendence of[ The Society for the Diusion of Useful Knowledge. 10 For more information on the story of the negotiations between Elgin and the Government, as well as the estimation of value of the Elgin Marbles by various artists, please see: Cook, B. F., & British Museum. (1984). The Elgin marbles. London: Published for the Trustees of the British Museum by British Museum Publications, pp. 61-66.

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the role of such sculptures to be considered rst and foremost, educational and instructional; "[they] had changed the social function of rare antiquities from decorative to educational, and from private to public purposes" (Rothenberg, 1985, p. 3,7). The gallery room in which the Parthenon Marbles were situated, was proving to be quite impractical, due to the large amount of visitors that rushed to the British Museum to admire the antiquities of the Classical Past. Therefore, Lord Duveen, a wealthy art connoisseur, dealer, and supporter of the museum, was gracious enough in volunteering to fund the creation of a new gallery room to house the Elgin marbles.11 He had very clear ideas on how to display works of art; he strongly disliked the discoloration in the marbles and wanted them to be monochrome, in particular white; hence he hired workers to clean the marbles, while the administration of the museum timidly succumbed to his purist whims (Boardman, 2000, p. 246). The over-cleaning of the marbles in late late 1930s supposedly cannot serve as proof of bad maintenance, but for Duveen it was necessary, in order to construct the pure, "pristine white" that was expected at a museum display.

Boardman (2000) suggests that in order to deduce if any signicant impairment has taken place, the sculptures needed to be evaluated on two levels, as "works of art and as archaeological documents" (p. 256). The rst level, he believes to be a matter of personal taste, since the surface that was removed to achieve a monochromatic result was minimal; minus 150 microns. On the second level, he believed that their educational and instructional role -which supersedes the value of the authentic image- to be greater and more valuable, in their current state. Secondly, he evoked his authenticity and experience, after spending hours of meticulously studying the originals and the casts, where he found no important or visible signs of damage (Boardman, 2000, p. 257-258). The Parthenon marbles are exhibited up to this day at the British Museum in the Duveen Gallery (room 18).

According to Weiner (1992), artifacts such as the Parthenon marbles, can be described as "dense objects", with their density in this case, originating from their rich and emblematic biography as masterpieces of the Classical Antiquity, from their sensory and aective properties, and their contemporary signicance as a contested asset between two countries; Britain, a global force, and Greece, a country that considers itself an imperial power of culture. The Parthenon Marbles have acquired dierent meanings over the years, and dierent roles in allegorical transactions. They

11 For more information on the history of Lord Duveen and the controversy regarding the Duveen gallery, please see: Kehoe, E. (2004). Working hard at giving it away: Lord Duveen, the British Museum and the Elgin marbles. Historical Research, 77 (198), pp. 503-519.

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started o as examples of Athen's imperial power; moving on to aesthetic depictions of both identity and otherness, then turning into a transactional commodity between Britain and the Ottoman regime, and ultimately becoming the jewel in the British crown of imperial might. Their stay in London has turned them into an expression of the British national identity, directly linked to imperialism and colonial practices, while they are simultaneously perceived as maybe the most signicant symbol of the Hellenic national identity. The latter would explain the strong reactions they elicit from the Greek public, everytime their role in gurative transactions "oends "their sacred stated, in the eyes of Greek citizens (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 31).

A point that could only be emphasized by the strong reaction the Greek public had, once the Duveen over-cleaning scandal broke out. The unauthorized cleaning of the sculptures in the 1930s by Duveen's workers, signied more than an arbitrary intervention on some of the most important works of Classical Antiquity. The sculptures were such signicant symbols of the Hellenic national identity and played such an important role in the national myth, that people had attributed metaphysical powers to them, essentially treating them as living and breathing creatures, that were capable of human emotions. Frequently in the Greek press and media, appear texts that highlight the pain and sadness that the marbles have experienced -and continue to do so- from the forceful separation and mutilation from their natural habitat. Therefore, their scraping, apart from the removal of the "patina of age" that rendered them authentic (Yalouri, 2000, p. 17), guratively signied the loss of their human skin in the eyes of a large part of the Greek public, making them unable to establish a "haptic" connection with the people that are expecting them back in the homeland (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 280).

Over the past decades both public debates and formal claims for the return of the Parthenon Marbles to Greece have been instigated, with a detailed timeline presented in Fig. 4. The rst round of public outcry was instigated by Lord Byron's poem Childe Harold's Pilgrimage (1812-1818), with Lord Byron publicling characterising Lord Elgin's act not as a heroic protection of "historic treasures" as many others did, but rather as a "vile desecration" (Jenkins, 2018, p. 97).12 In comparison, public criticism also against the British Museum, has been steadily growing since the acquisition of the Elgin Marbles. During the 1980s Melina Merkouri, a Greek

12 Lord Byron's poem titled Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, A Romaunt instantly became famous and launched a heated round of debates, regarding Lord Elgin and the return of the Marbles to Greece. Lord Byron, a well-known Philhellene, dened the 'tradition' of emotional tears as a reaction to the tragic delement of the Acropolis -even though he was not the rst to write about it (Beard, 2010, pp. 11, 15).

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actress who had also served as minister of Culture, launched a political campaign asking for the return of the Parthenon Marbles to Athens, therefore turning the matter into an ocial government issue. According to Merkouri when asked for the return of the Elgin Marbles: "The very name of our country is immediately associated with the Parthenon. The Parthenon has become a symbol of democracy".13 After the discourse ocially entered the nation's agenda, it became a sacralized topic; unfaltered of any sense of criticism. This change to how the matter was perceived, could be attributed to the global "transition from modernity to late modernity, when post-nationalistic tendencies gave place to the resurgence of the nation-state: neoliberal tensions evoke new dimensions for the national narrative and create a new space for tourism to become a dominant economic asset" (Angouri et al., 2017, p. 211). Ever since Merkouri brought the return of the Parthenon Marbles on the surface, the discourse of their return had a constant but uctuating presence in the media’s sphere and national imaginary (Hamilakis 2010 [1999]).

Fig. 4: Timeline of the history of debates for the return of the Parthenon marbles to Greece. (Angouri et al., 2017, p. 212)

In more recent years, the Parthenon Marbles have ocially been a topic of negotiation between Greece and the United Kingdom, under UNESCO's aegis, since 2001. Greece's perseverance in demanding the return of the Parthenon Marbles throughout the years, has rendered the

13 Merkouri, M. (June 1986). Speech to the Oxford Union. Retrieved from http://www.parthenon.newmentor.net/speech.htm, on 04.01.2019.

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discourse a topic of international acknowledgement. Greece managed to be able to revisit the negotiations every two years -and until a nal solution is reached- through UNESCO'S ICPRCP.14 However, the United Kingdom has ocially refused to accept UNESCO's mediation so far. A fair reason for that would be that the UK does not value UNESCO's role enough to acknowledge any possible intervention as signicant; a notion that was met with callousness from both the Greek and the international press. What can be deduced however with certainty is that previous public declarations of willingness to reach a solution, made by the British Museum or the Government, currently seem like nothing more than pretenses (Stamatoudi, 2016, pp. 450-451).

As mentioned previously, the Parthenon marbles have become the emblematic manifestation of a national imagined linear connection between contemporary and ancient Greece. This exact ethnically constructed sacralised belief, has rendered the Parthenon Marbles a symbolic article, as a product of national labeling. Therefore, the debate's inclusion in the national agenda of the Greek government, not only made the discourse more signicant for the ethnic political stage, but also originated a "new era of national narratives", naturally situated within Greece's current social and economic situation (Angouri et al., 2017, p. 215). While the initial demands for the return of the Parthenon marbles by the Greek government were made on the basis of ownership, recently their agenda and diplomatic approach has changed. In particular, they have adopted a stance that does not treat the objects as artefacts and possessions, but rather as breathing bodies, in need of empathy and compassion, while they are away from home (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 282); bodies that need to be reunited to create the 'whole' that has been absent for all these years.

An interesting analysis of the discourses of return could be ensued by following the sociological trajectories of the debates. If roles were to be assigned to the two poles of the argument, in a rather liberal and allegorical manner, based on their position in the global power structure, then according to hegemonic hierarchies, Greece could be viewed as the general public and the UK as the power structure, rooted in authority. Therefore, in a transnational context, Greece strives to achieve the return of the Marbles by following a bottom-up social approach; applying pressure

14 "UN ESCO Member States which have lost certain cultural objects of fundamental signicance and are calling for their restitution or return, in cases where international conventions cannot be applied, may call on the Intergovernmental Committee for Promoting the Return of Cultural Property to its Countries of Origin or its Restitution in case of Illicit Appropriation" , Retrieved from http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/restitution-of-cultural-property/intergovernmental-committee/, on 06.01.2019.

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and demanding social change from the public to the authority. However, in a national context the trajectory followed is top-down, where the authorities apply pressure to the public, so it will demand with more fervour their return, especially during times of political opportunities, essentially manipulating the sentiment surrounding the Parthenon marbles, and what they symbolise for contemporary Greeks, for their own political gain. Public debates and acts of protests, are still a highly recurring event. For instance, associations of Greek students who reside in the UK have often visited the British Museum with signs, asking for the return of the sculptures to Greece (F ig. 5). Melina Merkouri's death also instigated a new round of heated protests; an actress turned politician, with her name inextricably linked to the campaign for the return of the marbles. On the day that she died, many Greek people visited the British Museum to deposit owers on the Parthenon sculptures, as if they were her own grave. A highly sentimental notion, which reveals that people not only had aligned Merkouri's life cause with the Parthenon sculptures, but they also considered her to be their most prominent modern "safekeeper" (F ig. 6) . More recently, six women dressed as Caryatids, led by the soprano Sonia Theodoridou entered the British Museum looking for their long-lost sister (F ig. 7) . This protest-march, as a sign of banal nationalism, renders the passion for the return of the sculptures as the grotesque exoticism of a country, that spends its cultural capital in museological farces (Papatheodorou, 2014). According to Hatzis (2005), Greece needs to nd its place in an ever-changing globalised world; a place that won't be acquired with ancient Greek togas or fustanelle, but rather with creative and meaningful contributions to the world (p. 183).15

15 A f ustanella (pl. fustanelle), is a pleated-skirt, that is a part of Greek male national costumes.

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Fig. 5: From the student demonstration for the restitution of the Parthenon marbles, outside the British Museum, 5 December 1997, (Hamilakis, 2009, p. 45)

Fig. 6: Greek demonstrators leave owers on the sculptures of the east pediment in 1994, a few days after the death of Melina Mercouri, (Hamilakis, 2009, p. 255).

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Fig. 7: The "Caryatids"protesting at the British Museum, Retrieved on 26.01.2019, from https://www.tovima.gr/2014/06/10/culture/eksi-karyatides-sto-londino-zitoyn-pisw-ta-glypta-toy-parth enwna/#commentForm. This sentiment as described above, dictates that the Parthenon marbles under the scope of romantic nationalism are perceived as the exiled, abducted children to a defenseless mother, a metaphor that has been perpetuated following their removal, and nding its peak within the campaign for their return.16 A rhetoric gesture, usually repeated within the political, the social, and the cultural realm, demands the return of the marbles, incorporating their own agency, their voice. The sculptures demand their re-unication with the motherland. For example in 2009, during the opening of the Acropolis museum, the minister of Culture at the time, stated that "The Marbles seek the other Marbles.. The Parthenon and its sculpture were victims to looting. This crime can be amended today. The [Acropolis] museum is the moral voice that calls them back" (Gkotsi, 2015, p. 58). This statement highlights the museum's own agency, by assigning it,

16 Metaphors between the ancient and the contemporary Greeks have appeared in various philhellenic writings. For example, Chateaubriand (1969, p. 902) while gazing at the marble and rock ruins of Attica in 1806, was moved by the sorrow of the living remnants ("où des ruines vivantes détournent à chaque instant votre attention des ruines de marbre et de pierre").

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the voice needed to demand the restitution of the monument.17 After all, the display technique used at the Acropolis Museum to exhibit the Caryatids, is a constant reminder of this exact demand; ve Caryatids displayed in the exact same order as they used to stand in Erechtheion, with a distinct empty space where the sixth one used to be, constantly declaring her "absent presence" (Higonnet, 2007, p. 209), as well as the urgency for this mutilation to be addressed (F ig. 8 & Fig. 9) . Furthermore, cast copies of pieces of the frieze are exhibited in the Parthenon Gallery at the Acropolis Museum, along with original blocks of the frieze. This juxtaposition, with the cast copies not looking up to par with the original blocks of the frieze, intentionally draws the gaze and the attention of the visitor, constantly reminding them that something is missing (F ig. 10) .

Fig. 8: Caryatids at the Acropolis Museum. Retrieved from https://www.theacropolismuseum.gr/en/content/erechtheion, on 11.01.2019

17 For more information, please see: http://www.bringthemback.org/Gegonota/ElTheseis.aspx (Retrieved on December 02, 2018).

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Fig. 9: Caryatid at the British Museum, Retrieved from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Caryatid-Erechtheum-British_Museum-3.jpg, on 11.01.2019

Fig. 10: The Parthenon Gallery with the combination of original pieces of the frieze block and cast copies, Acropolis Museum. Retrieved from https://www.theacropolismuseum.gr/en/content/parthenon-gallery, on 08.01.2019.

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1.3. The Caryatid(s)

A very popular myth in the Greek national imagination is that of the Caryatids' lament. This story was born when Elgin's associates removed the Kore that was standing second from the left in the south porch of the Erechtheion, a temple which was supported by a total of six Korai instead of the typical columns.18 The removal of the Caryatid -along with other architectural parts of the temple- cost the building its structural integrity; it gradually collapsed over the next two decades. Legend has it that on the night of the Caryatid's removal, people could hear not only the lament coming from the Korai that were left behind, but also the individual sculpture's own mournful moans, grieving her separation from her sisters. During the 19th century, similar narrations have emerged, that describe in a very similar manner the emotionality of antiquities that are being dragged away from their natural environment (Gkotsi, 2015, p. 64). Hobhouse (1813), Lord Byron's friend and travel companion, during his rst trip to Greece (1809-1811), wrote about the Athenians' certainty that the sculptures were mutilated beings that had been fossilized by magical powers, and that the Greeks who carried the box with the Parthenon Marbles at Piraeus, could hear the spirit that was residing within them, screaming and growling for their companions, that were left behind in the Acropolis (p. 348). Therefore, the tradition about the Caryatids' lament is so popular, that by this point, it constitutes a part of national mythology (Hamilakis & Yalouri, 1996, p. 69).

However, when contemplating concepts intertwined between emotionality and national imagination, such as the Caryatids' lament, concepts that have been diused in literature and have especially been documented through the orientalist gaze of foreign travellers, it is important to wonder whether they constitute a part of "folk memory", a reaction against the impending decline of the Ottoman Empire or a collective social protest against European colonial powers (Gkotsi, 2015, p. 63). Even though Greece has not been ocially colonized, the procedure of its birth as a modern nation-state, corresponds to that of colonization, inuenced not only by the notions of western modernity, but also by the actions, mechanisms, and groups that were essential in forging and disseminating the new global order (Hamilakis, 2009, p. 20). Literature played a decisive role in modernity, showcasing the Caryatids as animated forms. The female sculptures can cause intense bodily reactions to the viewer, something that could explain the

18 Kore (translates as "maiden", plural Korai), is a sculpture of the Archaic period, depicting a standing young female.

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magical and dangerous properties, that sometimes travellers have attributed to them, while being supposedly mesmerized from their beauty. Frequently, foreign travellers to Greece, dened the relationship between modern Greeks and the classical antiquities, as forged through an orientalist gaze; a non-orthologic relationship, bound to superstition and a vivid poetic fantasy, the latter being inherited from ancient times (Gkotsi, 2015, p. 65).

This orientalist gaze mentioned above, is telling of the hegemonic stance of foreign travellers against the material and symbolic topos that Europe had not only admitted to be the cradle of its civilization, but had also dened Greece, as a political, aesthetic, and moral role model. Europe was keeping its distance from the traditional oriental populations, treating them either with arrogant salience or with genial charity; something that highlights the deep and meaningful connection of the European subject with Classical Antiquity. This connection was forged on the humanistic demand for the exploration of Classical Antiquity, for the scientic research and aesthetic appreciation of classical art, as well as the desire for a mental connection with the ancient spirit. Therefore, this exact western gaze not only moralised Europe's supposedly 'rightful' claims on the material antiquities, but it also might have justied the consequent removal of some of them (Gkotsi, 2015, p. 65).

The previously mentioned notion of anthropomorphic traits, often attributed to statues and sculptures -especially the ones that have either human or animal forms- either in the realm of the Greek national imagination or even before, has been diversely appropriated so as to not only express general feelings, but also to accommodate national aspirations, which of course extend to antiquities; classical complexes and monuments that hold a special meaning (Yalouri, 2001, pp. 65-75; Hamilakis, 2007, p. 281). There is a sort of a family relationship that connects people in the contemporary historical sphere with "ancestral" antiquities they consider to be their own, a relationship that is maybe most prominent with anthropomorphic sculptures, currently on display in many European and American museums; which sometimes are so deeply rooted in the national imagination that they can even be experienced as the ancestors themselves (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 297). The white colour of these sculptures, is capable of creating the false illusion of esh for some viewers (Hamilakis, 2007, pp. 272-285). Exiled antiquities with a strong symbolic meaning are in position to mark both quests of national totality and confrontations between the national self and hegemonic others (Gkotsi, 2015, pp. 56-57).

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Since the Caryatid is the most distinguishable part of the Parthenon Marbles internationally, while holding a special meaning for the Greek national myth and narrative as an anthropomorphic statue, it will be the focus of this chapter's research. In particular, the research will follow an accumulation and analysis of both qualitative and quantitative data, aiming to explore the dynamics of the Caryatid statue currently located at the British Museum, in regard to the other Caryatids currently located at the Acropolis Museum.

1.4. Research Method

In order to try and measure the sentiment around the Parthenon Marbles, with a specic focus on the Caryatid currently located at the British Museum in London, a top-down, mixed research method has been created and implemented, using the questionnaire as a research instrument.19 The questionnaire was modelled after careful consideration of the literature on the topic and the accumulation of relevant information, leading to the formation of a non-validated questionnaire for the purposes of this chapter. In particular, the questionnaire was digitally administered from December 2018 to January 2019, and has been formed, with the intention to gather qualitative and quantitative data on: demographics, awareness of the fact the Lord Elgin removed sculptures from the Parthenon, how do people feel about a possible return of the Caryatid, the emotions they register when looking either at the Caryatids at the Acropolis Museum or at the Caryatid at the British Museum, as well as if they consider the Caryatid a part of their national heritage. The sampling procedure followed was stratied sampling and the sample consists of 226 participants, 100 Greek citizens, 98 British citizens, and 28 people from other nationalities. Due to the size limitations for this chapter, the analysis will take into consideration the collected data targeting British and Greek citizens. After the gathering of the answers, the coding process followed. Closed questions were pre-coded, however open-ended questions needed to be coded, so they could be analysed properly. Possible answers were assigned to groups in an A-Z format. After the extraction of the answers to a csv format, they were inserted in pandas, an open source BSD-licensed library, providing data analysis structures and tools. In order to analyse the results, the Python programming language was used. The questionnaires, the detailed results, the coding of the open-ended answers, and some accompanying gures can be found in the Appendix.

19 The survey and the questionnaire were designed and conducted by the author of this research, for the purpose of this thesis and in particular, the understanding of this chapter.

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1.5. Discussion

An incredibly high percentage of Greek citizens (89,9%) would like to see the Caryatid returning to Greece and being placed next to the other Caryatids at the Acropolis Museums, while 90% of the Greek sample considers the Caryatid to be a part of their national heritage (F ig. 11 & Fig. 12) . The emotions that they mostly experience while at the Acropolis Museum are admiration, pride, and calmness (F ig. 13) . On the contrary, the emotions experienced at the British Museum apart from admiration, are discomfort and irritation (F ig. 14) 20. Their answers regarding the reasons they would like to see the Caryatid returned, revolved around the original location that they were created, the way that it was removed -which they often characterized as illegal-, and its origin from their ancient past, an emotional and cultural bridge to their ancestors. Also, it is quite interesting that many of the answers, attribute human-like properties to the Caryatids, such as feelings or family relationships (e.g. reunited with her sisters), a fact that could be attributed to both the national myth and the folklore imagination, surrounding the Caryatids, as well as the emotionally charged undertone that the media assign to the discourse.

Fig. 11: Desire for a Possible Return of the Caryatid at the Acropolis Museum, in Greece

20 Irritation is used as a direct translation for the equivalent Greek emotion.

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Fig. 12: Consideration of the Caryatid as a Part of National Heritage

Fig. 13: Emotions at the Acropolis Museum

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Fig. 14: Emotions at the British Museum

Since the early 90's the claims for the repatriation of the Parthenon marbles by the Greek government, are made under the axis of the Marbles' need to be exposed to the light of their homeland, the famous Attic light, as well as the aesthetic and scientic appreciation of the monument in its totality, emphasising its symbolic signicance as the cradle of western civilization; making it thus, the main argument of pro-restitution claims. The debate over the Parthenon marbles could allegorically be linked to the general negotiations regarding the position of the contemporary Greek nation in the global landscape, and its eort to evade targeted feelings of deprecation, while using the great Hellenic ancient past as leverage; reminding simultaneously to the West the eternal gratitude that they should exhibit towards Hellenic heritage (Hamilakis & Yalouri, 1996, p. 119).

This call for the venerance of the monument in its entirety, especially in connection to the Caryatid, is an important sign of the connection between national imagination and antiquities. As mentioned above, the Caryatid has been attributed human emotions and feelings, as if it is a lively entity, a human gure capable of pain and sadness. This anthropomorphism of objects, the

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concept of disintegration, the pain accompanying "dismemberment and mutilation", the exile and the wish for the return to the homeland, the Homerian nostos, and lastly the reunication with their family under the Attic light, are all properties revealing the longing for the "recollection of fragments and the reconstitution of the whole" (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 277). All of the pain, loss, and violence inicted upon the apparently alive sculptures, seem to have been inicted by extension to the nation itself, rendering the national sentiment and feeling for the repatriation of the Parthenon Marbles quite strong and compelling. Interestingly enough, other objects of Classical Antiquity spread throughout various European museums, have neither induced similar feelings to the national sphere nor have people actually invested in any collective eorts to claim them back.21 Instead, regarding the Parthenon sculptures the public's reaction in Greece, rests on anthropomorphic, empathetic, and aective concepts, that not only eectively abolish the contrast between people and antiques, but also distinctly blur the bordinal space between the present and the past (Hoskins, 1998). According to Hamilakis (2007) this desire and nostalgia for the whole, inextricably ties with nationalism:

Nationalism seems to share with modernity the desire to imagine bodies, both bodies of persons (and statues and objects) and bodies of nations, as complete, indivisible, bounded. Rather than seeing the national body as the collective sum of parts and fragments (of places, persons, things), it seems that nationalism sees each individual (human or other) as a miniature image of the national body, as an autonomous national entity. The nation therefore is not the accumulation of disparate fragments, but the reunication and re-collection of forcefully separated national entities. It is this nostalgia for the whole (in addition to the pain of their violent mutilation and forceful removal) that demands the return of the marbles. (p. 282)

For British citizens, 70% agreed with the repatriation of the Caryatid to the Acropolis Museum (F ig. 8) , with the dominant answers being: the Caryatid should be returned for moral reasons, it is a part of universal heritage therefore it should stay at the British Museum; and lastly that it was removed illegally, therefore it should be returned. A little more than the one fourth of the sample (28%), considers the Caryatid a part of their national heritage (F ig. 9) , a much lower number

21 Two distinctive examples are the Nike of Samothrace and the Venus de Milo, both located at the Louvre Museum, in Paris.

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than then Greek equivalent of 89,9%. The primary answers of British citizens are: (i) no, it was taken illegally from Greece, (ii) yes, it is part of my heritage, but in a negative way (colonial implications); and (iii), yes, as a symbol of European/global heritage. The emotions that British citizens experience at the Acropolis museum are mostly admiration, guilt, and discomfort (F ig. 10) , while for the British museum the emotions remain the same, with the addition of irritation (F ig. 11) . It is evident that the emotions experienced at both sites are in accordance with the dominant answers expressed in both open-ended questions, experiencing guilt and irritation not only about Britain's colonial past, but also about the circumstances under which the Caryatid was removed from the Erechtheion. Also, admiration is still a dominant emotion at both sites, which is not surprising, based on the fact that the Parthenon Marbles are "prime examples of world art", maybe the most symbolic artefacts of the western civilization (Boardman, 2000, p. 260). While trying to comprehend the formation and the establishment of these emotions, it is important to note that the public debate on the Parthenon marbles has been a part of the Greek and the UK public sphere alike, for more than 200 years now, as well as the important role that media plays in the development of the debate.

A similar survey conducted by Channel 4 and included in a British documentary, presented by William G. Stewart in 1996 in the UK, indicates that the British public opinion regarding the matter, has apparently not changed much over the years. More than 91,000 people took part to a telephone vote, were 92,5% of the participants were in favour of the restitution.22 Another similar poll in 2006, showed that the analogy of the British people that are in favour of the return of the Parthenon marbles, is eight to one (Smith, 2006, p. 32). Both past surveys presented here, as well as the survey that was conducted for this chapter, indicate that the public sentiment wishes for the sculptures to be returned to Greece. However, during the literature research carried out for the purposes of this thesis, it became evident that the sentiment of both the British cultural authorities and the academic world, are widely dierent. Professor Merryman (1985), rejects the emotional claim of the Greek nation, since it does not have a legal ground to demand the return of the Elgin marbles, and he posits that moral debates, fail to legitimize such an act. He goes on dismissing "cultural nationalism" as a general basis for the Elgin Marbles' predicament, since it conveys ambiguous principles and is grounded on sentiment (p. 1881). Furthermore, he suggests that the standards provided by the Greek nation to both preserve and

22 For more information and similar polls, please see: h ttp://odysseus.culture.gr/a/1/12/ea128.html, Retrieved on 15.01.2019.

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render the Parthenon Marbles accessible, are not favourable for the Greek nation's case, whereas it is insinuated that the British Museum is up to the task. However, one can wonder that if the Greek sentiment is so easily being dismissed as being unimportant, dubious, and overall unreliable, is the same courtesy extended towards the majority of the British sentiment, that as mentioned above, has been strongly in favour of the return of the Parthenon Marbles, probably ever since Lord Byron published the C hilde Harold's Pilgrimage i n 1812?

The negotiations for the return of the Parthenon marbles, have become more prominent ever since the Acropolis Museum opened its doors in 2009. One of the main positions of the British Museum for denying the return of the Parthenon marbles, was the concern for their maintenance, since there was not an suitable space in Greece where they could be displayed, a point that clearly did not stand anymore. As previously elaborated on, one of the main arguments of the Greek nation in the restitution debate, revolves around the rather emotive incorporation of the famous Attic light.23 If the sculptures were ever to be returned to Greece, they would be exposed under the same Attic light under which they were originally created; a notion that would not only increase their sentimental value, but would also create a temporal pathway, eectively abolishing the distance between the present and the past. According to Beresford (2015), the design of the Parthenon Gallery in the Acropolis museum with its glass exterior, was a deliberate choice, neither aiming to please the visitors that would have a direct optical connection to the Acropolis rock nor to provide a better understanding of the temple, but rather "as a powerful weapon [..] in the campaign to reclaim the sculptures removed by Lord Elgin and now on display in the British Museum" (p. 24). However, many of the largest museums in Athens, have a similar design to the Acropolis Museum (e.g. National Museum of Contemporary Art, Benaki Museum, etc.). The Athenian light is so famous for a reason, and it

23 Melina Merkouri frequently mentioned the Athenian light, when discussing the repatriation of the sculptures. "These stones cannot make do with less sky. I think that the time has come for these marbles to come back to the blue sky of Attica, to their natural space, to the place where they will be a structural and functional part of a unique whole". For more information, please see: Melina Merkouri, ‘Address of Mme. Melina Mercouri, Minister of Culture and Sciences of Greece, to the World Conference on Cultural Policies, organized by UNESCO in Mexico, July 29, 1982, on the submission by Greece of a Draft Recommendation on the Return of Cultural Property to its Country of Origin’ (Reproduced on the website of the Melina Mercouri Foundation, 1982). http://www.melinamercourifoundation.org.gr/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=72&Itemid=4 9&lang=en

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has been and will probably continue to be an important element in the design of the Greek architectural and cultural landscape. Moreover, even if the motivation behind the construction of the Parthenon Gallery in the Acropolis Museum, indeed aimed to strengthen Greece's position in the debate for the return of the Elgin Marbles, why would it be considered peculiar for a country to invest in its state museums and improve its cultural landscape?

A frequent answer in the British sample that merits interpretation, would be the perception of the Parthenon marbles and by extension the Caryatid, as a part of the universal, global heritage. According to Lowenthal (1988), Greece unlike many other -previously colonized- countries that request the restitution of their cultural artefacts, is considered to be the cradle of the western -and European- civilization. The signicance of the Elgin Marbles transcends national borders and moves on to the European realm, compelling the Greeks to extensively share their own heritage (p. 727, 733). The British museum continues to deny claims of restitution, based -among others- on the context of an "encyclopaedic" collection, which is home to objects from many dierent civilizations, hence allowing the visitor to better grasp the relationship between ancient Greek culture and the world (Jenkins, 2018, p. 3). Also, the evolvement of objects within the spatial and linear time, is usually stressed to make a point of not only how objects have been removed from their original location, but also how the original location has been amalgamated with the contemporary residents. This allows room for contemplation on the meaning of the Elgin Marbles as a potential part of the British identity. Since they have been a part of the nation's cultural landscape for over 200 years, do they belong to the people of London, based on their consequent, uninterrupted presence at the British Museum? According to Jenkins (2018), "artefacts go on to hold a meaning and inuence beyond that which they had at the moment of creation", meaning that people are able to appreciate cultural artefacts, regardless of present national conditions and nationalities (p. 213, 218). Therefore the value of global heritage is appointed at the Parthenon marbles by the British Museum, creating a rather convenient sense of universalism in the process. Interestingly enough, the British Museum in order to promote this sense of universalism, has formed an alliance with many large institutions of the Western canon, who all promote the same cause; objects that belong in the collections of universal museums, cannot be allocated to any national agenda (Lewis, 2006, p. 379).

However, who is worthy enough to become the safekeeper and guardian of universal heritage and on what grounds? Why would they be more potent in displaying the universal, as opposed

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to the local? Bhabha (2004) notes that "[T]he global perspective [...] is the purview of power", indicating a highly politicized sense of a representational geography, that declines to recognize not only its colonial basis and its contemporary motives, but also strives to sustain and promote "neocolonialism", hidden under the disguise of "multiculturalism and universality" (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 271). According to Wallerstein (2006), the ideas of the Enlightenment have allowed the West to globally interfere in various matters, legitimised by notions of civilization, evolution, and progress; notions produced in the 18th century Europe and assumed to be universal, in line with natural law. Nevertheless, these notions are not global, but engraved in European thought, hence allowing dominant nations to impose their will over upon weaker ones, under the pretense of benecialness and universalism. Therefore, the ideals of the Enlightenment are used as tools to legitimise power, authorizing the powerful to "intervene against barbarians", so that the new global order, the capitalist world system continues to function uninterrupted (p. 71).

Maybe the role of the Elgin Marbles at the British Museum can be best described by the words of John Boardman (2000), through which he declares that questions of racial and national ownership are eclipsed by the "history of [all] human beings", whereas the term "national heritage", especially in countries such as Greece, where people's cultural identity has been altered so much over the years, can engender a type of nationalism that could potentially turn to "ethnic cleansing" (p. 257). He believes that the Elgin marbles should remain at the British museum, where they are -and have been since the rst day- widely accessible to educate visitors on Greek culture and be admired -free of charge- amongst the best that other major ancient cultures have produced. In comparison, he posits that if the marbles were to be returned, they wouldn't serve such a wide educational role, since apparently Greeks only bring up the marbles' controversy to camouage political crises. He indicates that the marbles are "ambassadors" for the Greek culture, and if emotions get in the way, it would be a "betrayal of the standards by which we should use the cultural property of the mankind" (p. 258-260).

First of all, Boardman (2000) while explaining his position, completely shuns out the emotional factor of the discourse, claiming it is unimportant and menial, further conrming the fact that emotions are demonised in the eld of archaeology. Also, he posits that antiquities, and especially incredibly important ones, such as the Parthenon marbles, should not be associated with the term "national heritage", since that might lead to surges of nationalism so violent, even an "ethnic cleansing" might occur. However, antiquities can play an important role for the

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national meaning-making process, since they possess "the ability to create a spatiality, to transform the timeless, homogeneous, empty space of the nation into [a] concrete place" (Appadurai, 1995, p. 213). Moreover, he mentions that political motives are hiding behind the demands for the return of the Parthenon marbles. Instances during political meetings, have shown that this opinion is not unfounded, however any existence of political motives should not derail the view from the core of the argument, and it certainly cannot be used as leverage to legitimise the neocolonial approaches of a museum, functioning under the scope of universalism.

It is very fortunate to be able to witness the concern for the maintenance of the sculptures, as well as the excessive emphasis given on their educational role. After all, as it has been previously mentioned, maintenance was the main reason that led to their removal from the Parthenon by Lord Elgin, and education was the main reason behind their acquisition by the British Museum. However, by studying Lord Elgin's correspondence with one of his employees in Athens at the time, his constant anxiety that the French would manage to remove the sculptures before him (Hobhouse, 1813, pp. 345-348), indicates otherwise; in particular it reveals a competition between two hegemonic powers. According to St. Clair (1998), the anxiety of Lord Elgin over the French advances was also addressed at the British House of Commons, when contemplating the purchase of his collection (pp. 156-157). The reason that the Parthenon marbles have been for over 200 years and still are standing at the Duveen Gallery of the British Museum today, is because they tell a story of imperial power and nationhood. They serve as tangible proof that Britain considered itself to be the one true and worthy ospring of Athens in Classical Antiquity, an heir that was capable enough to protect the masterpieces of western civilization from both the "oriental barbarians (the Ottomans) but also the negligent modern Greeks" (Hamilakis, 2007, p. 255).

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2. The Tradition of Black Pete

2.1. Perception of Slavery in Contemporary Netherlands

For this chapter the research will focus on the impact of slavery in contemporary Netherlands and the perception of the tradition of Black Pete; Sinterklaas' helper in distributing gifts to the children. Black Pete has been in the centre of controversy in Dutch society for many decades now, but especially during the last decade, every November has been marked by the juxtaposed voices of people who protest against the tradition of Black Pete and others who defend it. Both the perception of slavery in the Netherlands and the gure of Black Pete will be exemplied through the semi-permanent exhibition Afterlives of Slavery at the Tropenmuseum, in Amsterdam.

In the afternoon of 17th November 2018, the traditional parade celebrating the arrival of Sinterklaas arrived at the Kanaaldijk-noord in Eindhoven. There stood a group of protesters from the group "Kick Out Zwarte Piet" silently holding up signs saying that Black Pete is a racist caricature, therefore expressing their disagreement to the Black Pete tradition. On the other hand, pro-Black Pete demonstrators were screaming racial slurs, performing oensive hand gestures, and even throwing eggs at the anti-Black pete protesters, which had to be transferred to a safe place by the police (Bak, 2018) (F ig. 15) . The popularization of the Black Pete discourse in the Netherlands, renders it a very relevant and contemporary issue that creates disunity within a large part of the Dutch society.

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Fig. 15: Pro-Black Pete protesters at Sinterklaas parade in Eindhoven, 2018. A picture that presents not only a noticeable amount of men amongst the crowd, but also an indicator of how beliefs and traditions can easily and mindlessly be adopted from the next generation. Picture by Merlin Daleman, Retrieved from: https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2018/11/19/haagse-politici-huiverig-om-kleur-te-bekennen-in-piet-debat-a 2755718

Throughout history, the Netherlands has included and oppressed minorities, while simultaneously "trading in" repression overseas, through the slave trade, and colonialism of West Indies, Suriname, and Indonesia. The latter also served as a case for "enlightened colonialism, [..] a colonial modernisation policy" introduced by the Dutch Government, regarding the collection of cultural heritage in Indonesia, a period of time known as the "Ethical Policy"; which simultaneously conjured a contradictory combination of both "empathy and distance" (L egêne, 2007, pp. 221-222) . Due to this complicated past and this racial, ethnic and religious friction, many people from minority backgrounds in the contemporary Netherlands, and especially post-colonial subjects, due to their cultural archive, have produced a rather unstable sense of belonging, divided between two realities, an "ambivalent citizenship" (Cain, 2010). According to Said (1993), the cultural archive is "a deep structure of inequality in thought and aect based on race, [that] was installed in 19th century European imperial populations", which consequently constructed a -possibly convoluted- sense of self; therefore the cultural archive, "foregrounds the

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centrality of imperialism to Western culture". Even though Dutch society has always been multicultural, the element of proper "Dutchness" is still very much relevant and applicable today, reserved for white Europeans born in the Netherlands (Essed & Trienekens, 2008).

During colonial times, and especially from the 17th till the 19th century, the Dutch showed their most cruel face to South Africa, which became "the epitome of potential Dutch racism"; especially after the arrival of the European settlers, who massacred, enslaved, and seized people's properties (Fredrickson, 1981). They continued to enslave and trade Africans from ten dierent fortresses on what is now known as Ghana, until 1863.24 It is interesting to note that the Dutch did not confront their history regarding the colonies and the slave trade in a national context, until recently (Horton & Kardux, 2005 and Oostindie, 2009). This recognition and acknowledgement of the past has been formulated on the basis of rather Eurocentric conceptions, that strive to not only institutionalize the slavery past, but also to disconnect it from contemporary racial issues and their inuence on identity formation (Hira 2012; Nimako and Willemsen 2011; Small 2011; Weiner 2014).

However, it is important to take notice that more often than not, postcolonial theories tend to generalise discourses of colonialism, without considering individualities or any particular cultural or social characteristics. For example, Britain acknowledges its past in a rather dierent way than the Netherlands. Instead of dealing with the colonial past, a "chain of defensive argumentation" is set in motion, "that seeks rstly to minimize the extent of the empire, then to deny or justify its brutal character, and nally, to present the British themselves as the ultimate tragic victims of their extraordinary imperial successes" (Gilroy, 2005, p. 94).25

An unacknowledged notion that four hundred years of colonial and imperial rule, have not left a mark on the feelings and the knowledge of Dutch society, as well as its meaning-making processes has rendered dealing with people's feelings and emotions today, rather problematic. Gilroy (1993) when dealing with the same subject acknowledged that "slavery broke the world in half, (...) You can't do that for hundreds of years and it not take a toll. They had to dehumanize,

24 The slave trade decreased between 1870 and 1815, with the Dutch involvement at the Atlantic slave trade, being roughly calculated between 5-7 percent, translating to approximately 600,000 Africans. For more information, please see:h ttps://www.ascleiden.nl/content/webdossiers/dutch-involvement-transatlantic-slave-trade-and-abolition. 25 Gilroy (2005) has captured this concept in the British context as "postcolonial melancholia", meaning "the guilt-ridden loathing and depression that have come to characterize Britain's xenophobic responses to the strangers who have intruded upon it ... recently" (p. 90).

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not just the slaves but themselves"(Gilroy, 1993, p. 178). To mention race as a derivative of the European idea seems completely unreal to what the "colorblind" European beliefs stand for today, however, it would be ignorant and problematic to ignore the destructive ideology that spread all over the world (El-Tayeb, 2011). Incorporating William's (1977) critical phrase "structures of feeling", Wekker (2016) explores the rejection and the renunciation of thought or desire, that the biggest part of the white population adopts when reecting and dealing with race (p. 30).26

2.2. The Figure of Black Pete

In 1850, Jan Schenkman, a former Dutch teacher wrote a book called St Nikolaas en zijn knecht (Saint Nicholas and his servant).27 In this book appeared a nameless gure that would become one of the most controversial gures of contemporary Dutch culture, discussed and negotiated by Dutch and international people alike, for many years to come; Black Pete (Zwarte Piet) (F ig. 16) . The origin of the name 'Black Pete' is still under consideration, however researchers believe that the name came to be established as the ocial name in the rst half of the 20th century. Since the celebration of Sinterklaas had a highly national character and was celebrated nationwide in a similar manner, the name had to be identical in every location. Up until 1950, there were many dierent name speculations that had been attributed to Sinterklaas' helper, usually emphasizing his exotic appearance (Booy, 2008). Nevertheless, it is not unlikely that he got assigned a regular Dutch name for servants, such as Piet, which in the course of the 20th century would aid in highlighting his "typical Dutch" character. A juxtaposition of the words black and Pete was already found in a book from 1863 titled The Celebrating Catholic Church in the Netherlands. House book for Christian families, where it was explained that when Sinterklaas came to visit, he was accompanied by another person, a 'Negro', who went by the name of Pieter. The above combination according to Helsloot (2011), could also be found in a booklet

26 Structure of feeling refers to the dierent ways of thinking, trying to emerge at any time in history. It appears in the gap between the ocial discourse of policy and regulations, the popular response to ocial discourse and its appropriation in literary and other culture texts. Williams (1977) uses the term feeling rather than thought to signal that what is at stake may not yet be articulated in a fully worked-out form, but has rather to be inferred by reading between the lines. 27 According to historians, Saint Nicholas originated from Myra (the area of present-day Turkey), where he was a bishop in the 4th century A.D. For more information, please see: Tavares, I. (2004). Black Pete: Analyzing a Racialized Dutch Tradition Through the History of Western Creations of Stereotypes of Black Peoples. Retrieved 07.11.2018, from https://www.humanityinaction.org/knowledgebase/255-black-pete-analyzing-a-racialized-dutch-tradition-through -the-history-of-western-creations-of-stereotypes-of-black-peoples.

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containing religious poems by Jozef Alberdingk Thijm (1820-1889), titled St. Niklaasgoed. 1850. In the front page of the booklet is a handwritten inscription by Thijm, where the words "St. Niklaas" and "Pieter-mê - knecht" are visible.

Fig. 16: S t. Nikolaas and his helper, illustration to Jan Schenkman,Sinterklaas en zijn knecht, ca 1848. Color lithograph. Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague. Retrieved from (Essed & Hoving, 2014).

In the book, the nameless gure is introduced as St. Nicholas' devoted and obedient servant with Moorish roots, that travelled with him from Turkey, wearing a page costume in red, that would emphasize his Orient image and build on the forged myth of the faraway, strange land, thus conveying the element of exoticism (Reyes, 2018, p. 13). "Next to his Orientalist symbolic implications [...] the black servant of European iconography functioned as a reminder of the signicant inuence of the transatlantic slave trade [...] and societies in the Old World" (Hinrichsen, 2012, p. 24). Schenkman launched the annual Sinterklaas tour in Amsterdam, with his song and accompanying print Zie ginds komt de stoomboot (See yonder comes the steamboat), eectively transporting Sinterklaas and his helper from Spain to the Netherlands on a steamboat.

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The book was written amidst the era of industrialization, therefore the steam engine was considered a highly modern means of transport for such an important gure as Sinterklaas, making clear connotations of imperialism in the process. Also, at the end of the book, both protagonists left the Netherlands in a hot air balloon, which even though invented in the late 18th century, it still was considered a luxurious mean of transportation (Neutkens, 2018). Interestingly enough, when that book was published, the Netherlands had yet to abolish slavery, and it would be an extra ten years after they signed the decree in 1863, till the Dutch slave owners would feel that they have proted enough, hence freeing the enslaved Surinamese (Falkenmire, 2014).28

There are many dierent versions exemplifying the provenance of Black Pete. In the beginning of the 19th century, during the celebratory visits of St. Nicholas to the wealthy merchant houses of the metropolis, he came to be accompanied by a servant (k necht) of African origin, with the iconography of the time sometimes depicting objects, such as metal collars, clearly pointing to African enslaved children (Muysken, 2016, p. 352; Koln, 2013).29 Given that Thijm's memory is reliable, it places "Pieter, the servant" sometime in 1828, almost 25 years before Schenkman's book was published, something that inherently raises questions about his provenance, his name, and the reasons he became known as Sinterklaas' helper. Thijm himself in an article in 1887, in De Hollandsche Lelie, wondered if Black Pete was merely "a creature of popular imagination", born out of the need for a dierent, contrasting image (Helsloot, 2011). Some academics posit that Black Pete might have originated from German mythology, with a blackened face to remind of evil, demonic creatures (Scheer, 2014).

Dutch folklore is opting for a dierent approach, suggesting that Black Pete is black, because he enters houses through the chimney; a rather popular tale that parents tell to their children. Of course what they fail to explain to them (or even to themselves) is the pronounced red lips, the afro hair, the clean clothes or the big gold earrings, that are all part of a typical Black Pete attire in

28 T he British Empire abolished slavery in 1834, with the French colonies following in 1848, and the United States in 1865, after the Civil War ended. For more information, please see: https://www.ascleiden.nl/content/webdossiers/dutch-involvement-transatlantic-slave-trade-and-abolition 29 A lberdingk Thijm wrote an article in 1884 in the De Amsterdammer, where he describes a childhood memory of him being invited at a Sinterklaas celebration in 1828, at the house of a wealthy merchant in de Herengracht. As he was celebrating with other children, Sinterklaas made his appearance, with a man next to him; a man with black skin and frizzy hair. He gave all the children treats and at one point he retrieved presents from the basket of Pieter, his servant. According to Thijm, the duet did not only visit the house of this particular merchant, but other wealthy families as well (Helsloot, 2011).

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contemporary Netherlands (Mesman et. al, 2016, p. 10). Children tend to learn the truth about Saint Nicholas' existence, when they are around seven years old. However, the same courtesy is not extended with Black Pete, something that leads to Dutch kids growing up without ever being given the opportunity to "come to terms with Black Pete's ontology, leaving their emotional investment in the gure untouched" (Wekker, 2016, p. 220), leading to the creation of problematic social concepts that will be further elaborated on, later in this chapter.

In the Netherlands, similar to other European countries, exists a widespread concept of "non-racism" (Bonnet, 2014), based on the assertion that race does not exist (Lentin, 2008; Essed & Hoving, 2014). As mentioned above, Black Pete is depicted as black not due to genes, but because he got dirty as he climbed down the chimney. The notion that a black faced Black Pete would even be considered as racist, was highly oensive for the Dutch self-image of "being goed" (Muysken, 2016, p. 356). According to Raboteau (2014), the Dutch fail to acknowledge that Black Pete is racist, because they have yet to "experience shame" for their engagement with the slave trade. Hence, the depiction of Black Pete as a servant to a white, dominant gure that his primary role was to scare their children, was inoensive to the Dutch.

However, this started to change towards the end of the 60's when "progressive, white people" started protesting Black Pete's racialized stereotypical image (Helsloot, 2013, p. 126). This change in the opinion of "progressive" individuals coincided with an academic turn towards anthropology, which redened cultural history; a turn that became widely known as "historical anthropology" (Burke, 2008, p. 31). One of the main inuences for this turn was an opposition against the dominant narrative and power structures of the west and a developing consciousness of what remained unseen within them. Colonial biases and their tenacious grip in the postcolonial era, were both a part of this narrative. Hence, the arrival of historical anthropology provided fertile ground for the establishment of the postcolonial theories that in the following years, found their way from the academic world to the public realm (Young, 2001). The voices of protest only multiplied in numbers after Surinam gained its independence in 1975 and large numbers of people moved from the former Dutch colony to the Netherlands, where the presence of Black Pete instigated negative emotions for them, in particular "hurt their feelings and dignity, [that] he caused sorrow and perpetuated attitudes previously associated with the

endorsement of slavery" (Helsloot, 2013, pp. 125-126).

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In 2007, two artists from Germany and Sweden respectively, created a project in the Van Abbe Museum in Eindhoven, about Black Pete, called Read the Masks. Tradition is Not Given. Deriving from the fact that Black Pete was "a cultural tradition that has been depoliticized, neutralized and then incorporated into the collective memory and consciousness of present society", they asked the public to participate in a march, a "protest performance [meant to give] voice to a critique against the phenomenon of Zwarte Piet" (Helsloot, 2013, p. 127). There was a massive wave of public uproar chiding the action, with the museum receiving so many negative and threatening messages, that they had to cancel the initiative, fearing for the safety of the participants. It was clear that the artists had "struck a highly sensitive collective nerve, [producing high] levels of emotion as expressed in emails and comments" (Helsloot, 2013, p. 127). The national discomfort surely did not only focus on the fact that the whole country was being accused as racist, but mostly on the fact that two non-Dutch artists had decided to besmirch the Dutch positive and tolerant self image.

The turning point for the Black Pete discussion came in 2011, when Quincy Gario and Jerry Afriye, were two out of the four people that were arrested during the Sinterklaas parade in Rotterdam, for wearing shirts that read "Z warte Piet is Racisme" . They were immediately suspended by the police and arrested, but not long after, the video of their arrest made it to all media outlets. Gario went on to give interviews and appear in talk shows, forcefully entering the national political and cultural scenery (Muysken, 2016, p. 351). His protest has turned into a public, civic debate. After all of the above incidents, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, started investigating the subject, in order to gure out how to deal with the strain between a "nineteenth-century ideal (the nation) and a twentieth-century Convention.. in the twenty-rst century (when debates about belonging, history, and representation are magnied and decontextualized through a globalized mediascape" (De Beukelaer, 2017, p. 5). It is only logical to assume that the reason for which Black Pete has been such a controversial topic over the past decade, only reects the strains in the Dutch multicultural society.

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2.3. Afterlives of Slavery

"People, don't erase me. This is part of your history too."

-Onias Landveld, Tropenmuseum30

"Exhibitions today seem natural to us only because they are dressed in a familiar style. Historical exhibitions, on the other hand, expose the continuing artice of display" (McCarthy, 2007, p. 1). They are informative not only because they are a living testament of how dierently the ancestors viewed the world, but also how disputed the concept of exhibiting was. Where geography is concerned, parts of its discipline remain unhindered by notions such as power and race, incorporating grounds of aect as a stimulator of cultural economies (Crang & Tolia-Kelly, 2010; Thien, 2013; Tolia-Kelly, 2006). Aective charges are the core of everyday culture and life, including racisms (Ahmed, 2004). "There is an active de-historicization of 'Others' and a lack of belief that the 'Other' is situated in geological time and not modernity (...) There is no seeing-or being- with the 'Other' as a possibility; indeed, the 'Other is not felt, known or understood beyond consideration as a material artefact" (Tolia-Kelly et al., 2017, p. 3).

Tolia-Kelly (2016), expands on the concept of racialized others, coming across themselves in the museum cabinet. The museum is no longer a "neutral" location of display (Stocking, 1985), but instead feelings about others as "Others" are established as a result of power relations. The most important point of the art practice is to jolt the viewers out of their comfort zone, into a new interpretation that will make them feel things; especially in the case of postcolonial cultures, the voice and the body of the postcolonial subject is producing waves of empathy, in terms of feeling. Heritage is perceived as a consequence from "the feelings of being, becoming and belonging", capable to disrupt imperial regulations and "ways of seeing" (Bennett, 2005). Postcolonial writing has provided a rather important foundation for examining aective encounters and narratives of race at the museum (Bennett, 1995; Fanon, 2014; Said, 1979; Spivak, 1988).

The representation of black people in the art production of the Netherlands has preoccupied many scholars over the years. The dierent approaches around their representation in artworks revolved around either the depiction of their lives and experiences as objects of newly found

30 A recording of the artist Onias Landveld's (1985) work, is installed at the opening of the exhibition H eden van het slavernijverleden at the Tropenmuseum, in Amsterdam. For more information, please see: https://www.facebook.com/tropenmuseum/videos/heden-van-het-slavernijverleden-onias-landveld/14758697058 15816/.

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interest or as generating discourses of sociocultural signicance regarding specic stereotypes in visual culture (Brienen, 2016, p. 413). The allure that black people have had over Dutch artists during the years could be attributed to "curiosity, admiration and perhaps even aection", with Dutch artists consciously allocating roles to black people in their artworks (Koln et. al., 2008).31 Since the late 1980s there have been a few initiatives from museums to explore the signicance and the intricacies of Black Pete's gure within Dutch visual culture. The two most important were the exhibition Wit over Zwart (White on Black) at the Tropenmuseum (1989-1990) in Amsterdam and more recently the exhibition "Black is Beautiful: Rubens to Dumas" (2008) at the Nieuwe Kerk, also in Amsterdam (Brienen, 2014, p. 181).

The temporary exhibition of the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam, titled Afterlives of Slavery (Heden van het slavernijverleden), opened on 6th October 2017, as the rst tentative exploration in the postcolonial debate, regarding the Dutch overseas slave trade.32 Concentrating on the history of slavery, as well as its role in the contemporary Dutch society, the exhibition was designed to demonstrate new viewpoints of what continues to prove a rather confrontational topic. The collective memory in the Netherlands excludes colonial memories by displacing them; "the victims of colonialism are not memorable within a national context and there is no language available to discuss them as part of Dutch history" (Bijl, 2012, p. 458). Maybe the most striking example of that, and a part of the Afterlives of Slavery exhibition, was the unravel of a monument dedicated to slavery in 2002 at Oosterpark, that would make slavery a recognizable part of Dutch history (Balkenhol, 2014).

People from African descent came to the unravel of the monument from dierent corners of the Netherlands, however they were not allowed to attend the ceremony. After all, these were times of turbulence and high-prole guests such as the Queen and the Prime Minister were in attendance.33 As a result, amidst high security, a big part of "ordinary" people were excluded, rendered down to watch their own historic event by climbing the fences, "merged with an

31 F or example, Rubens always preferred to depict black people vividly in a gurative manner, without any exaggerations in their features, as could usually be found in engravings of the past (Koln et. al., 2008). 32 Amongst the many contributors -apart from the museum sta- that aided in the realisation of the exhibition are: The Black Archives, Dorothy Blokland, Onias Landveld, The New Urban Collective, University of Colour, Gloria Wekker, etc. 33 T he date of the monument's unravel took place after 9/11 and less than two months since the assassination of the politician Pim Fortuyn.

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iconography of black suering that had already been well-established. Black people once more became the object of “pity" (p. 282) (F ig. 17) .34

Fig. 17: Screenshot from a YouTube Video titled: R ellen bij onthulling Slavernijmonument door Koningin Beatrix. © Frank Buis/RPA, Retrieved on 28.01.2014, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LEIu9XqOwfY

However, it is important to note that whilst contemplating ways to deal with racist oppression, the idea of treating it as a "feeling of hurt", prevents people from dealing with it as a "structural problem" (Martina, 2014). Amidst a sea of negative aect, many reactions now revolve around a sense of exasperation, characterized by the feeling that the Dutch society has been overly tolerant so far, and consequently needs to close up. According to Wekker (2016):

... The part of white self-representation on display is one that experiences a sense of deep loss, that things aren't the way they used to be anymore for the Dutch people; we are being questioned in our own home by ungrateful guests, whom we have received as gracious hosts. (pp. 149-150)

When it comes to dealing with slavery and its aftermath in the Netherlands, "indierence" is the starring emotion amongst a large part of white people, whereas "silencing" occurs by conventionalizing the Dutch nation as a "victim of its own compassion"(Balkenhol, 2016, p. 283). However, after the unveiling of the slavery monument a range of emotions ooded the Dutch press, with many people expressing honest compassion for the black crowd, who was once

34 For more information, please see: h ttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LEIu9XqOwfY, Retrieved on 15.01.2019.

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again treated unfairly. At the end of the day, the predominant impression was one of "white" people expressing indierence or even anger and of "black" disappointment and emotional pain. Nevertheless, the emotional engagement exhibited towards the monument, revolved around the concept of compassion. Whether it emerged out of political mobilization, a perversion stemming from a "Dutch" sense of compassion or even an obligation of the "whites", these were the main terms under which slavery needed to be discussed as a moral issue. According to Spelman (1998), compassion, either critical or armative, occurs as a regulating moral position both problematic and possibly transformative. Compassion can either signify a relationship of power manifested in the distance between a compassionate, bold self and a suering and passive other, or it can stimulate political action and solidarity, aiming to change this exact hierarchy (Berlant, 2004).

The introductory text at the entrance of the exhibition clearly chooses to draw the focus away from the perpetrators of Dutch colonialism and focus instead on showcasing the acts of resistance by the enslaved people. It is rather important for an ethnographic museum to adopt this stance, placing the colonised subjects as the exhibition's central point, making them "an agent of vision whose view of the events will inuence our interpretation of them" (Bal, 1994, p. 85). In the rst section of the exhibition, a series of stories is showcased; a section where people's stories that are somehow tied to the slavery past can be heard, read or seen by visitors. The power of stories, the aective storytelling can inuence emotions, since the museum representation of the slavery past does not only revolve around historical facts and ethnographic objects, but rather actual people who practice their own religion, enjoy traditional food, and create music. Consequently, it is easier for the visitor to feel connected to the people and their stories and cultivate a sense of empathy. Overall, is it clear, that this production of narratives is dened by aective practices (Wetherell, 2012, p. 53), which are worldly “situated” (Bauman, 1986) and could be entangled in hegemonic battles.

Next to the segment with the storytelling, lies an array of some of the objects that the people in the stories used, providing visual stimuli to connect the object with the person, establishing thus a deeper aective connection, not just decontextualized ethnographic objects exhibited with minimum information by its side. The emotion and aects that could be engendered by the stories and the objects above, could be critical in shaping encounters, producing alternative narratives and pedagogies; the aective being ”transpersonal, interpersonal and engenders political events” (Thrift, 2004). The idea of the ”aective atmospheres” as elaborated by

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Anderson (2009), can stimulate political action, that in turn can be translated into ”economies” (Thrift, 2004) and national sensibilities (Stephens, 2015).35 It is important at this point to consider the temporality of the exhibition. Even though the Afterlives of Slavery is a product of participatory work amongst many dierent groups, that is in position to convey strong emotions and feelings to its visitors, it has no impact on the permanent exhibition of the Tropenmuseum. Further research could be carried out in order to determine why the display techniques of such a bold and emotional exhibition are not implemented in the permanent one.

In another section of the exhibition, titled (U n)conditional Freedom, some objects that hold powerful connotations are exhibited, such as a foot shackle that was used on enslaved people and a receipt for buying a girl (F ig. 18 & Fig. 19) . Kwint (1999) highlighted the role of objects as bearers of memory and capable of evoking the senses, being "productive forces .. [that] both trigger memory and carry meaning". Similarly, Stewart (1999) has posited that objects have the power to reach out and "touch" people. On the same section, some colon statues are featured (colon being short for coloniser), that according to some researchers might have possessed spiritual qualities (T ropenmuseum, 2017) (F ig. 20) . However, these sculptures turned out to become popular as touristic art and interior decorations, therefore losing their spiritual context. A culture's feeling of encountering a spiritual object, could range from joy and awe at being reunited with them to feelings of pain, grief, loss, and sadness that derive from the guilt of not being able to keep the spiritual aspect safe, intact, and above all, alive. Seeing their culture being displayed in an estranged environment could inict injury and trauma to the community (Tolia- Kelly, 2016, pp. 906-907). Some groups might be able to discover their identity through trauma and injure (Ahmed, 2004), but the aective politics at the Tropenmuseum facilitate a generalised "politics against representational practices” (Hall, 1997).

35 Aective atmospheres are the "shared grounds from which subjective states and their attendant feelings and emotions emerge" (Anderson, 2009).

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Fig. 18: F oot Shackle, Tropenmuseum, 2018. Photograph by Iliana Tatsi.

Figure 19: R eceipt for the Purchase of a Girl, Tropenmuseum, 2018. Photograph by Iliana Tatsi.

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Fig. 20: T he Colon Statues, Tropenmuseum, 2018. Photograph by Iliana Tatsi.

Through the exhibition space, the presence of historical facts in the form of wall texts are quite evident. Biographies of people who fought hard for the abolition of slavery, are hung from the cage-like structures, house to all objects and texts; a direct and aective connotation to slavery, lack of freedom, and a rather bold curatorial choice. Moving on to the exhibition and under the section Creation of Race: Re-Presenting the Colonial Past, ve photographs of Surinamese enslaved people are showcased. Amongst them is a photograph from the the Amsterdam International Exhibition in 1883 (F ig. 21) , with its label reading:

A circular tent was set up on Museumplein in Amsterdam. Visitors stood behind fences to stare at the 13-year-old Maroon boy Johannes Kodjo. This photograph comes from a book about the inhabitants of Suriname, which included detailed descriptions of the outward appearance and backgrounds of the Surinamese men, women and children who were exhibited.

Even though visitors can read the label and grasp a slight context, they are left to construe the deeper meaning of the photo for themselves; a meaning that was assigned to the picture by a

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white, European, male gaze. The photo can render the viewer quite uncomfortable, looking at a child in the middle of an arena handed "primitive" objects, in reality colonial props, and asked to entertain the civilized, superior crowd. The boy does not look straight into the camera, because he has obviously been forced into this situation. This picture indicates the totality of the power dynamic, between coloniser and colonised, while forcing the viewer to take part in the colonial gaze; another member of the crowd that gazes upon the boy as an exotic object, a curiosity. The viewer could easily establish ties of sympathy or even pity for the boy, or even attempt to "reconstruct a subaltern representation of colonial history" (Willcock, 2017, p. 5). However, this reconstruction would not be accurate, since it really is impossible to display the actual voice of the subaltern, such as Johannes Kodjo. On the other hand, omitting photographs as such, on the basis of their colonial gaze, would become "another form of disavowal and aphasia, because it closes down both the possibility of analysis and the possibility of historical agency for colonial subjects" (Edwards and Mead, 2013, p. 24).

Fig. 21: P icture of Johannes Kodjo, 2018, Tropenmuseum. Photograph by Iliana Tatsi.

It is important to contemplate on why people choose to look at images that depict the abuse and humiliation of people, historically recreating images produced within unequal power structures.

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Images as such "map the complex pattern of acknowledgement and denial, recognition and myopia that has characterised the colonial relationship" (Lydon, 2010, p. 250). The most prominent and historically documented examples of said abuse can be found in various world exhibitions. The starting point was the Great Exhibition at the Crystal Palace in London in 1851, a world fair designed to exhibit the greatest achievements in science, industry, art, and design. However in reality, it served as a location for global encounters between the British and visitors from all over the world, who similarly to the objects displayed, were there to be observed and examined; "visible representations of their particular culture, class, race and/or nation" (Merrill, 2012, pp. 321-322). A more recent world exhibition, that took place in 1958 in Belgium, housed the world's last "human zoo", a live exhibition of actual humans (F ig. 22) . At the time, Congo was still under Belgium's rule. Congolese men, women, and children, set in a predened, constructed space, set to imitate their "native conditions", so that white Europeans could be educated, while amusing themselves (Boey, 2018). Belgium however, was not the only country having fostered "human zoos". Even countries that do not strike as primary colonial powers in the European collective memory, had forced "exotic people" into exhibiting themselves living in "native" habitats, as a performance for the European, white, urban, curious eyes (Andreassen, 2012, pp. 126-127). Denmark also organised a number of exhibitions focused on exotic people from its colonies at the turn of the 20th century, namely Greenland and the Danish West Indies; aiming to also educate and amuse the Danish viewers (Halberg, 2018, p. 77). This exact scientic knowledge engenderment that has prioritised white European males, over inherently inferior non-white people, holds a central role in "both colonial and modernity narratives" (Haraway, 1989).

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Fig. 22: A 'human' zoo in Belgium, 1897. Photograph by R. Stalin (Inforcongo), 1958, RMCA Teruven. Retrieved on 10.01.2019, from https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/apr/16/belgium-comes-to-terms-with-human-zoos-of-its-co lonial-past

The aective narratives that include the actual voices of the subaltern, are essential to disrupt hegemonic patterns (Bennett, 1995, 2005). The aective atmospheres produced from pictures such as the Johannes Kodjo one, have absorbed a wide range of emotions throughout the years, such as subjugation, denial, and violence. Therefore this whole "dysphoria" is aggravated by the the absence of voice and power of enunciating one's own cultural story (Spivak, 1988). Experiencing a person's culture through the eyes of another, can often lead to a "veil, a prism of trauma, anxiety and alienation"; feelings of alienation challenging the usual articulations of "other" cultures as sensual, in-situ beings" (Tolia-Kelly, 2016, p. 902).

The interpretation of each culture through someone's eyes is often dependant on a particular, subjective reection. For example, Van Gogh perceived Japanese culture as a "paradise", even though he had never visited it. Through an interest and study of Japanese prints, not only did he create a series of works, in what is known as his most productive period, he also constructed the image of Japan as his own ideal "primitivistic utopia" (Kōdera, 1984, pp. 200, 208). It is interesting to juxtapose in comparison, the image that the Japanese had of the Dutch in period between the 17th and the 19th century, which they documented in prints. During that period,

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the Dutch were the only foreigners allowed to reside in a small island in Japan called Deshima, where they worked in trade. The Japanese were rather intrigued from Dutch features, outts, habits, and their "strange" western apparatuses, but since they were not allowed to freely visit Deshima and depict them, they had to improvise a lot, basing their interpretations on brief glances, rushed descriptions, and an insucient amount of available western prints (International Institute of Social History, n.d.).

In the section titled What is the Price of Freedom?, an array of objects is on display, collected within the last six years, which highlight to what extent slavery still aects today's society. Amongst these objects are a pair of shoes that had been used for a Black Pete costume, and a shirt that reads "Stop Black Face! Stop Zwarte Piet!" (F ig. 23) . By the mere presence of these objects in the narrative of the exhibition, Black Pete is assigned a role within the extensive legacy of colonialism. This posits that if the tradition of Black Pete would ever be banned, it would constitute an important historical point in Dutch social history. To strengthen this point, the display case of objects relating to Black Pete is positioned next to the ocial decree on the abolition of slavery (Willcock, 2017, p. 7).

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Fig. 23: ' Stop Black Face! Stop Zwarte Piet!' shirt, Tropenmuseum, 2018. Photograph by Iliana Tatsi.

Every year on St. Nicholas celebration, on the 5th and the 6th of December (depending on the area), Saint Nicholas arrives on a boat (supposedly from Spain) to spread joy and oer presents to children, along with a group of black servants; a group of Black Petes. Back in the Middle Ages, Saint Nicholas would only oer presents to children that have been good and punish the ones that were not. Of course a saint, punishing and traumatising small, innocent children was not acceptable by the sanctimonious community, therefore an alternative needed to be constructed. This alternative was found in the face of the saint's wicked helper, the evil being domesticated by the Saint, namely Black Pete (Falkenmire, 2014). Recently there has been change in a few areas of the Netherlands, with children receiving presents from Saint Nicholas himself or one of his "Petes", though not a black one, the word being omitted for political correctness at public events (Van der Pijp & Goulordava, 2014).

It is interesting to analyse how Black Pete has been portrayed over the years, especially in regard to Saint Nicholas. Saint Nicholas navigates through the crowds on a horse, while Black Pete, runs and jumps next to him, the rst speaks perfect Dutch, while the latter struggles with expressing himself clearly, greatness and absurdity as dierent sides of the same coin. Black Pete does all the hard work, carrying heavy gifts and sliding down chimneys (Smith, 2014, p. 225), while Saint Nicholas enjoys the love and respect of the crowd. Black Pete's broken language derives from a narrative that stands for language skills being equivalent to privilege and power (Fusco, 1995). Saint Nicholas might have historically originated from Turkey, but "Black Petes were invented out of hegemonic discourses and constructs of the subjugated African presence in the colonizing world" (Reyes, 2018, p. 12). Racial dierence is not actually to see distinctive bodies, but to actually observe bodies as being essentially blemished by a singular way of gazing, while focusing on clear facets of manifestation. Historical traditions of black bodies throughout the world have been dened by this specic manifestation of slavery, gender stereotypes, colonisation, legal segregation, and social and economic subjugation (Riggs, 2008).

According to Brienen (2014), the color of Black Pete's skin is "not ideologically empty; his complexion is dark because in European visual culture from the Renaissance forward, black skin has traditionally been associated with exoticism, servitude, and entertainment" (p. 197). Hence, blackface epitomized the stereotypical aspects of the submissive black body, marked by the lack

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of intellect and language skills, as an enforced portrayal that has managed to spread across the the world (Reyes, 2018, p. 5). This overall performativity of Black Pete as one of the most beloved traditional gures in the Netherlands; as an essentially romanticized "happy black" type, who is "brainless", worriless, and he is often seen dancing and telling jokes, so that white people can entertain themselves, signifying a "ritualized degradation" (Hall, 1997, p. 245), serves clearly as proof of the centuries of Dutch colonial past, as well as the involvement in overseas slavery.

Nevertheless, the display does not focus either on the ongoing debate or on the feelings that the gure of Black Pete produces for the black community, instead choosing to draw attention on the activism and the protest of the community that strives to instigate change. However, for a large part of the exhibition's audience, namely white, supremacist, elitist visitors, it would be essential to be able to experience black people's feelings and emotions where Black Pete is concerned, to experience the pain that this tradition inicts upon them, so that the roots of protest and activism on display, could be better comprehended and justied. In particular, touching upon the sensitive subject of "Black Pete" in the Netherlands, when contemplating its obvious racist connotations, the public's response when accused of racism -especially white male subjects-, ranges from annoyance, anger and dismissal to even uttering life threats. Whereas for white, female subjects, the reactions mostly revolve around fearful evasions, anxiety, and guilt (Wekker, 2016, p. 79). Wekker (2016) wonders what "cherished feeling" is at stake, what do white people believe that they will lose, and hence react as strongly (p. 141).

While reminiscing a talk she gave in 2014, Wekker (2016) analyses a white educated woman's reaction regarding the subject of Black Pete. Said woman felt, that black people incite pain on white people, when they keep insisting on that such a beloved, folkloric gure can be racist. She was also hurt in the mere idea that Black Pete might be vanished, thus depriving her children of such a nostalgic memory and tradition from her own childhood. The woman in the crowd, while victimizing herself, exhibiting her full sense of displacement, and implicitly blaming black people for taking something valuable from her, falls under what Essed and Hoving (2014) call "entitlement racism". A contemporary phenomenon where one is able to express openly in public, saying anything they want, without realising that their opinion might be oensive to some people (pp. 141-142). Another popular notion, is that black people who have a problem with Black Piet, are being tortured by inherent self-loathing and guilt about their own blackness, and should hence seek professional help. However, in reality people that openly protest Black

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Piet, face consequences such as: "ridicule, ostracism, abjection, and aggressive and dismissive reactions" (Wekker, 2016, p. 153, 156). Therefore, the time is more than ripe for museums to not only display minorities and their struggle, but also give them space to represent themselves, allow their voices to be heard.

Since the "authorised heritage discourses" (Waterton, Smith, & Campbell, 2006) in the museum are also in position to produce aective responses and shape minds, it is imperative for the subaltern to have their voices expressed in the aect and emotion area (Araeen, 1987; Sylvester, 2009). Aect and emotion establish the remains of colonial approaches of "seeing other world, peoples and places" (Said, 1979, p. 93), whereas a space for postcolonial critique can be formed by considering the "aective presence through technologies of display" (Boehner, DePaula, Dourish & Sengers, 2005). Consequently, it is also important for further research to be carried out, targeted in the analysis and examination of emotions about Black Pete, within black communities. Having as a starting point, that completely homogenised communities do not exist, one can assume that the Black Pete discourse is also dierently experienced, within black communities. The dierent emotions produced can create new hierarchies and divide people amongst the ones who feel that Black Pete allows them to integrate into Dutch society, and others who feel excluded and segmented.

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3. Exhibiting Rape Culture

3.1. "What Were You Wearing?"

A poem by Dr. Simmerling, titled "What Were you Wearing?" is the inspiration behind a 2013 exhibition of the same name at the University of Arkansas. The poem treads on the myths around sexual assault and rape, and in particular the omnipresent narrative of blaming victims and legitimizing perpetrators. In particular, Dr. Wyandt-Hiebert and Ms. Brockman were moved when hearing the poem for the rst time at a conference, where they immediately started brainstorming of ways to bring a visual representation to life. After conducting interviews with various members of the student body, all survivors of sexual assault, they created an art installation, comprising of recreations of the outts that the students were wearing on the day they were assaulted. Both interviewers realised that most of the students who shared their stories, had been asked the question "what were you wearing?" when they reported their assault. The required clothing was donated by a thrift store in Arkansas. The art installation opened its doors 36 at the Student Union Connections Lounge of the University of Arkansas (F ig. 24) . Next to every recreated outt there were labels, providing short descriptions of the event, as to dispute 37 the assumption that clothes can in any way precipitate sexual violence and rape. According to M. Geneva Murray, director of the Ohio Women's Centre, "arts-based practice is a powerful way of communicating these experiences, so that we think of sexual assault as beyond statistics and as 38 representing actual people".

The main intention of the installation is to force the viewer to stare head-on at the answer of the infamous question of "what were you wearing", and start questioning its origin and the reasons behind its formation and utterance -subconscious or not. An everyday action of dressing up is tainted with suering, pain, and feelings of self-blame, essentially leading the viewer to question if other ordinary actions as such, could prove to be equally perilous. Hence, the extent to why

36 The exhibition will be described based on articles of its digital presence on the internet. In particular, for more information please see: h ttps://sapec.ku.edu/what-were-you-wearing#, Retrieved on 04.01.2019. 37 Even though there were also male outts on display, for the purposes of this chapter the focus will be on female outts, mostly since the question "what were you wearing" regarding sexual assault, is not usually addressed to male victims (Grubb & Harrower, 2008, p. 447). Therefore, the analysis that will follow will examine sexual assault and rape culture as perceived by women. 38https://www.ohio.edu/nearts/whats-happening/news-story.cfm?newsItem=FAB9E278-5056-A874-1DB894FB 90828D33, Retrieved on 04.01.2019.

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this question is not only completely unnecessary, but also harmful, becomes painstakingly obvious.

Fig. 24: T he "What Were You Wearing?" student-survivor art installation at the University of Arkansas, from 31.03.2014 to 04.04.2014. Photo Credit to Jennifer Sprague. Retrieved on 13.01.2019, from https://sapec.ku.edu/what-were-you-wearing#

Sexual violence has far more to do with a person’s need to assert power and control over another 39 than it does with the clothing worn by the harm ed individual. Rhoda Miller, posits that "the question of ‘what were you wearing?’ persists as one of the most victim-blaming questions we hear”, emphasizing that one of the most important goals of the installation, is for the 40 participants to accept that their clothing had nothing to do with their assault.

Sexual assault and rape, is a rather common international phenomenon, which doesn't apply to any particular culture. Even though it is considered an omnipresent crime, perpetrators are frequently walking away with a slap on the wrist from the authorities (Grubb & Harrower, 2008, 2009). Consequently, the reporting ratio in comparison to the actual crimes of rape and sexual assault, is notoriously low (Kelly, 2002), with authorities being one of the primary factors behind it. In particular, survivors very often don't go ahead with reporting a crime, because they are afraid of the social backlash, including victim blaming (Ullman, 1996). Research has

39 https://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/resources/publications/en/guidelines_chap2.pdfm, Retrieved on 10.01.2019. 40https://emu.edu/now/news/2018/03/local-partnership-brings-what-were-you-wearing-survivor-art-installation-t o-emu-three-other-locations/, Retrieved on 07.01.2019.

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indicated that such responses, especially coming from public authorities and the justice system, can constitute "a form of secondary victimization", with victims blaming themselves for what was done to them (Campbell & Johnson, 1997); something that is very frequently observed with female victims (Whatley, 1996).

The notion of rape mythology was rst established by the feminist movement in the 1970s (Brownmiller, 1975), with rape myths described as "attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held [..] to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women" (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994, p. 134); essentially classifying them as cognitive biases that legitimise male violence and propagate constructed gender roles. These gender roles demand males to be aggressive, dominant and in control, whereas females are expected to be obedient, docile, and weak; therefor e, both rape and the consequent action of victim blaming can be perceived as a continuation of these socially attributed roles (Burt, 1980). In other words, the higher the embrace of traditional gender roles, the higher the possibility of victim blaming (Ben-David & Schneider, 2005).

The creators of the "What Were You Wearing?" student-survivor art installation, wanted to make sure that the exhibition would be able to reach a wider audience than a single university campus. 41 T herefore, they created a packet for the installation, which would be sent to any campus or community that would ask for it, completely free of charge. The only requirement is that the asking institution would have to partner up with them, and set up a victim advocacy programme or nd an available centre to house the installation. Every installation would be formed based on the testimonies that would be gathered in each respecting location. The installation so far has been featured in almost 250 locations all over the world, covering all continents, rendering this discussion and topic relevant all around the world.42 The reception of the student-survivor art installation is quite impressive, especially considering that it does not fall under the traditional description of a travelling exhibition. Instead, communities and campuses all around the globe, ask permission to include it in their spheres and raise awareness for this incredibly pervasive subject, by dismantling the myths around sexual assault and rape culture.

41 Universities are a founding element of the cultural and educational constitution, and as a place that is open to the public and holds an art installation, the following analysis of the chapter, will consider the student lounge where the installation was held, a museum-like public space. 42 T he European locations included Belgium, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Republic of Moldova, Spain, Scotland, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom.

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3.2. "What Were You Wearing?" Crosses Borders

The installation's popularity across the globe and its adaptation in various national contexts is a telltale sign of the conception of pervasive rape culture and victim blaming, as a global issue. This transnational character is indicative of the fact that gender issues and feminism are currently embarking on a new political era, characterised by the ever-growing engagement observed from many dierent countries (Motta et al., 2011). However, while gender justice and the rights of women are theoretically on the political and civil agendas of many nations, in reality activists and practitioners who try to instigate meaningful change through their work, still experience clear and strong opposition from "within the deep structure" (Rao & Kelleher, 2005, p. 64) of associated institutions and organisations. This uctuating disinterest in feminism, could be 43 attributed to the expansion of neoliberalism and the ever-present capitalism (Motta et al., 2011) . In the era of the neoliberalism, feminism has been deemed of secondary importance and futile, especially for western women, due to "hegemonic discourses of individual choice and empowerment, freedom, self-esteem, and personal responsibility", treating fundamental biases as individual problems that can be dealt with through personal success (Baer, 2016, p. 20). According to Mohanty (2013), the main aspects of neoliberalism, revolving around the competitive economical logic, convert "systemic projects of resistance into commodied private acts of rebellion”, abolishing revolutionary feminist theory and anti-dominant feminist politics in the process (p. 968).

By acknowledging the extent of the problems that neoliberalism causes, Walby (2011) posits that feminism needs to create alternative futures by trying to instigate political mediations in both civil society and the state, distancing themselves from identity politics, and entering networks or forging alliances (p. 78). A possible remedy for the disinterest caused by neoliberalism, could be found in activism, as a "social behaviour that transforms networks", by creating relationships within the community that will be able to instigate change or alter existing power structures and networks" (Martin, et al., 2007, p. 81). There has been a signicant growth in feminist activism over the past decades, instigated by various global feminist groups, that are engaged in politics, by actively protesting hegemonic canons; groups such as Pussy Riot, FEMEN, and the more recent

43 Neoliberalism is often explained as the development of economic logic in all planes of human action, focusing on individualism, competitive behavior, the dissemination of economic logic to both citizens and the state, as well as processes of expanding and suusing market tactics to all institutions and modes of social engagement (Brown, 2003).

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Women's March (Baer, 2016, p. 22). Interestingly enough, the punk-rock feminist group Pussy Riot, recognising the need for female interventions in a male-dominated art world, has decided to open an all-women museum in Montenegro; the New Balkan's Women Museum, exhibiting female artists, curated by female curators and run by female administrators (Fessenden, 2015).

Feminist curatorial practices have been mostly associated with exhibitions where the majority of the participants are women artists, which is not surprising since feminism is inherently pedagogical and requests both social and personal changes of attitudes, in a pacist setting (David, 2016, p. 10). Feminism since the 1970s, has had an ambiguous presence in museums and galleries, usually supplementary to other topics, with "feminist research, issues and methodologies [..] folded into other projects, rather than existing in a designated space apart" (Baert, 2000). The presence of feminism in museum spaces in the 1970s, can be better understood as a product of the rise of New Cultural History in the late 1960s, which cultivated a feminism going against dominant narratives and revealing male prejudices, while highlighting female contributions to culture (Burke, 2008, p. 48). Around the same time, Mulholland (2003) launched an alternative academy in the United Kingdom, that circulated in dierent galleries, where artists, progressive critics, and art historians engaged in public debates and interdisciplinary discourses, establishing thus, the New Art History.

The second wave of feminism was born out of activism deriving from "self- and shared education in ad hoc groups of women" (Allen, 2018). Annette Kuhn coined the term "feminist problematic", to challenge the place where an artwork’s feminism is located, the available options being the artist’s sex, the subject of the work, and lastly its possible reception by the viewers (Parker & Pollock, 1987, p. 93). Mary Kelly in her essay Reviewing Modernist Criticism described how "modernist values were structurally embedded in museum and exhibition practice[s], and discussed the feminist problematic as constructed by reading together the sociality, materiality, and sexuality embodied in the work of art" (1996). Nevertheless, the above factors were not isolated from the institutions or the locations in which they were presented. Kelly's argument highlighted the role of the feminist intervention as a mediator within situated or traditional arguments of exhibitions and the sociopolitical "aesthetic structure of the museum or the gallery" (Deepwell, 2006, p. 77). Museums, as spaces that have -and often still are- been dened by power structures, are ideal places to explore feminist contexts, especially the ones that are conscious of surrounding inequities. Hilda Hein (2007) posits that feminist theories and

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museums can reciprocally and constructively aect each other, by addressing the hierarchical disengagement between subject and object. Similarly, Amy Levin (2010) indicated that museums can be incorporated to examine feminist theories by using museum collections as possible case studies, that present research possibilities (pp. 1-12).

Over the last decades, an increasing amount of artworks and performances revolving around feminism and dealing with sensitive issues such as rape culture appear in museum and gallery spaces. Indicatively, Luzene Hill, one of the ve fellows of the Eiteljorg Museum of American Indians and Western Art in Indianapolis and a survivor of sexual assault herself, created an installation in 2015, titled Retracing the Trace, which consisted of 3780 knots, handmade and dyed in the khiphu style of the Incas; one for every rape that goes unreported every day in the United States (Chen, 2015) (F ig. 25) . An art installation that similar to the "What Were you Wearing?", also raises awareness about unreported rapes, and is indicative of the system that more often than not chooses to ignore the voices of the victims. Both installations inspire the viewers to empathise and speak up against prejudices. In 2014, an art student at Columbia University, decided to start carrying a 25 kg mattress everywhere she went, until another student, who she claimed that had raped her, would be held accountable for his crime (F ig. 26) . Her act was coined by art critics as the Mattress Performance (Carry that Weight), and instigated a heated round of public debates, lying at the intersection of truth and performative narrative. It is another example of art activism against perpetrators who remain unpunished for alleged crimes. Also, it is quite interesting to note that the student might have chosen that form of activism, -apart from the obvious bed connotations- to literally become 'bigger' and force the campus authorities and the general surroundings to notice her. Ana Mendieta created a powerful series of coloured photographs in 1973, inspired by the gruesome murder of one of her fellow classmates. In Untitled (Rape Scene) exhibited at the Tate Modern in London, Mendieta recreated in her apartment the position that the victim was found in (according to press releases) and then called her classmates over to witness her recreated setting, after which they engaged in discussion (F ig. 27) . She claimed that she could not "be theoretical about an issue like that" (Ana Mendieta, p. 90), and that she felt she had to take a stance against the violence that is inicted upon women. This photograph, constitutes a direct recreation of the instance, something that is also present at the "What Were You Wearing?" installation. However, the latter focused on the

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clothes the survivors wore, whereas Mendieta's photo provides a raw, gruesome image, that focuses on the body.

Fig. 25: T he body outline of Luzene Hill, shows her position after being attacked, Eiteljorg Museum of American Indians and Western Art, Indianapolis © Matt Dietrich/The Star

Fig. 26: E mma Sulkowicz, Mattress Performance/Carry that Weight. © Emma Sulkowicz Studio 2014

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Fig. 27: U ntitled (Rape Scene), Ana Mendieta, Tate Modern, London. Retrieved on 29.01.2019, from https://www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/mendieta-untitled-rape-scene-t13355

The National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, was planning an exhibition in 2016, shortly after its opening, to celebrate groundbreaking work in television, in particular comedy. One of the "honorees" of the exhibition would be the African-American actor Bill Cosby. The actor was accused for sexual assault by more than 50 women one and a half years prior. The curators of the museum initially felt that the actor’s achievements should be exhibited without any mention of the accusations. After a heated round of public backlash and people accusing the museum, -which is a part of the Smithsonian- of glorifying male violence and rape culture, the sta decided to include disclaimers that would inform visitors about the

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allegations against Bill Cosby. The director of the museum said that "visitors will leave the exhibition knowing more about Mr. Cosby’s impact on American entertainment, while recognizing that his legacy has been severely damaged by the recent accusations" (Bowley, 2018). It is evident that the museum initially tried to ignore the accusations against Bill Cosby, which were only included in the narrative of the exhibition, after the museum faced backlash from various communities. This instance exemplies the power that society can have over institutions, and how a bottom-up approach debate can actually enter the museum and instigate change. However, the statement of the museum's director, leaves a lot of room for contemplating the priorities of the museum. The statement indicates that Bill Cosby's 'legacy' has suered by the accusations against him, indirectly protecting him and neglecting the voices of the victims.

Women's movements have been constantly gaining momentum in contemporary society. From the rst SlutWalk of 2011 in Canada, to the female participation in the Arab Spring, to the many movements ghting for women's rights and gender equality throughout the globe, it can be concluded that the interest in feminism has been renewed, in particular at "grass-roots level" (Voela & Guaraldo, 2016, pp. 318-319). Similarly to the "What Were you Wearing" installation, the rst SlutWalk was born, when a Canadian policeman said that women should "avoid dressing like sluts", in order to avoid sexual assault. Due to that, the rst SlutWalk protest took place in Canada in 2011, followed by subsequent demonstrations in at least seventy-ve cities, 44 internationally (F ig. 28) . This globalisation of social movements, also heavily spearheaded by social media, provided new, inclusive modes to protest against hegemonic and power structures, while ghting for an "alternative globalisation" (Vargas, 2003). Movements as such, which were traditionally born as a response to violence against women, not only contribute to political change, but also allow the study of the way that feminist theoretical notions, are applied in dierent places (Cerwonka, 2008). Feminist social movements in contemporary society, channel their rage for the suocating surrounding patriarchal environment by organising loud, angry protests through which they strive to disrupt not only traditionally assigned gender and sexual roles, but also "hegemonic femininity" (Baer, 2016, p. 24). However, neoliberalism, with family and norms to increase productivity intertwined in its core, might strive to disparage feminist or

44 For more information on the history of SlutWalks, please see: http://content.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,2088114_2087975_2087963,00.html, Retrieved on 05.01.2019

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other "disruptive" voices from public institutions, such as the university, hence signalling a rebound to "disciplinary hierarchies" (Moscowitz et. al, 2014).

The global character of feminist movements was enforced by the appearance of the #MeToo hashtag, across various digital networking platforms. Digital platforms are ideal spaces to broadly distribute feminist ideas, open up new discussions on gender and sexism, connect dierent modalities, and allow new, creative modes of protesting to be engendered (Carstensen, 2014). #MeToo is a campaign perceived by many as a platform where a wide range of women are able to assemble a sense of feminist solidarity, unadulterated by ethnicity, social class, and sexual orientation. Women across the globe shared personal stories of harassment, taking part in an ongoing online discourse on sexism, sexual abuse, and rape culture (Mendes et al., 2018). The huge impact of the campaign is indicative of the interesting shift that has occured over the past decades, moving away from the concern of "sexualization", to a more analytical, political view on 45 how sex and power structures converge (Gill & Orgad, 2018, p. 5). One of the main criticisms of the #MeToo movement, apart from the fact that it prioritizes the stories coming from white women that are powerful enough to not be disputed, lies with their reception from the public. Specically, an important part of the discourse remains focused on individual perpetrators and their terrible actions, presented as "monsters [and] bad apples", without delving into depth or discussing the "monstrous, capitalist, patriarchal and sexist system that has produced, sustained and rewarded" them for so long (Gill & Orgad, 2018, p. 8). According to hooks (2004, p. 29), patriarchy is a branch of an "imperialist white-supremacist capitalist patriarchy", with rape culture being the main tool of patriarchal brutality, that treats women's bodies as a battleeld for patriarchal capitalism (O'Keefe, 2014).

45 The #MeToo movement was named 'Person of the Year' for Time Magazine, in 2017. For more information, please see: https://www.theguardian.com/media/2017/dec/06/metoo-movement-named-time-magazines-person-of-the-year. Retrieved on 05.01.2019.

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Fig. 28: The First SlutWalk in Toronto, Canada in 2011. Retrieved from https://www.bielousov.com/2011/slutwalk, on 03.01.2019

One of the advantages of the global receipt and implementation of the "What Were You Wearing?" student-survivor art installation, is the expose of the omnipresent, constitutional basis of sexual violence, which is being made obvious by individual, local stories of women turning into a much bigger narrative of prejudice (Baer, 2016, p. 18). According to Thrift (2014) initiatives regarding sexual assault and rape culture "assert a counter-narrative to exceptionalist discourses by insisting that these spectacular tragedies are logical manifestations of a system of gender oppression which condones and facilitates male domination by normalizing gender 46 violence and sexual entitlement" (p. 1).

3.3. "What Were You Wearing?" Goes Public

The public sphere according to Habermas (1989) juxtaposes private people in a public setting, where they can discuss, and engage in a framework of logical debates. The relations between the public authorities (state) and society (public) form a large and signicant part of the public sphere; an imaginary sphere, where citizens are encouraged to enrich the discussion with their

46 Thrift (2014) wrote extensively on the emergence of the #YesAllWomen born in response to the murder of six students in the University of California, by a man who had previously posted a video on YouTube explaining his intent to punish women for not engaging in intercourse with him. While accentuated by notions of misogyny, posts like that should be indicators not only of the personal traumas caused by rape culture and abuse, but also by "the larger structural dimensions of social inequality and male privilege underpinning violence against women" (Baer, 2016, p. 28)

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personal opinion and facts, but not taint it with personal interests. The public sphere stands between the dichotomy of being public and being private (Keane, 1988), an argument similar to Habermas' theory, where the public sphere was dened as "specically a part of civil society" (Habermas, 1989, pp. 3, 20, 23).

According to Webster (2006), among the institutions established to strengthen the public sphere are: universities, public broadcasting, library and community archives, museums, galleries, and governmental information services. Public spaces such as the above, are of essence to a democratic society (Wilson, 1991), given the fact that theoretically and practically, they are accessible to all members of society (Barrett, 2011, p. 8). Universities in particular, amongst other "desirable institutions" (Chakrabarty, 2002) are an important example of "pedagogic democracy", since they are able to "produce" citizens (Bhabha, 1994). A cultural institution, such as the university, is according to Barrett (2011):

A place managed for the public by the state, a cultural institution of the state and a public place. The public is articulated within and by the museum, but it is not equivalent to, nor represented by, the state. It is about a more specic relationship with a public sphere situated between the state and the private realm. (p. 81)

Even though women's movements democratized, broadened, and feminized civil society and the public sphere, both were originally conceived as being ultimately male (Fraser, 1990, 1996; Lister, 1997). Women -among other alternate publics- have been inadequately represented in public discourse, with "visual discourses of modernity" indicating that women were being diminished in public life (Landes, 1995; Massey, 1994). The point where all the above theorists agree, is that even though the private, familiar sphere, is considered to be situated outside the public sphere in the theory of Habermas, they believe that the private sphere is not irrelevant to politics, but rather as being conjugated with the public sphere (Barrett, 2011, p. 38). Even though Habermas formed the concept of the public sphere for an individual society and the "nation-state", mechanisms of globalization indicate the birth of a "global space" which will include logical debates, discourses, and initiatives of "collective action" (Moghadam & Sadiqi, 2006, p. 2), such as "transnational feminist networks" (Moghadam, 2005).

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How is it possible for a cultural and educational institution, such as a university that hosts an art installation, namely "What Were You Wearing?" to be sincerely public, but yet to be able to instigate social change through its political associations? A rather small scale, art project as such, is as aected by political and state inuences, as a large-scale project would be. The strain between the public and the political realms is very much present and in order for a vital, transnational issue, such as rape culture to be addressed, cultural institutions need to act as mediators and facilitators between the two realms (Barrett, 2011, p. 10). In order for the student-survivor art installation to be considered a space in the public sphere, a mediator between the public and the people, it has to be at a location where people are able to acknowledge and discuss matters of "general interest" (Noy, 2017, p. 40), of public signicance, such as women's rights, feminism, and the dissemination of rape culture. "What Were You Wearing?" is a par excellence instance of how the public can use the public sphere to facilitate its opinion, and transmit its concerns and protests to the public authorities. Therefore, relevant institutions need to adapt from within by providing a platform for such issues to be addressed, while simultaneously being forced to do so from the outside, by allowing the public to intervene in the unravelment of the discourse (Huysmans, 2017).

3.4. "What Were You Wearing?" as Activism

Cultural institutions are emotional places; "even the most ordinary settings can become emotional arenas" (Silverman, 2010). Emotions can be traced not only between visitors, but also between dialogues with visitors and objects or even between the conservators/curators and objects they feel particularly close to. The aective turn in the cultural world, relies upon the "emotional nature of our interactions with heritage sites and museums" (Schorch, 2014). According to Averill (1980), the role of emotions in a societal context is essential since:

Emotions are social phenomena. The concept of emotions as transitional social roles helps to bridge the gap between the individual and the social, and it raises issues that can only be addressed on a social level of analysis. Chief among the issues associated with social roles are legitimization, privileges, restrictions, and obligations. (p. 14)

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Stewart (1999) has posited that objects have the power to reach out and "touch" people. On the aective dimension, the interaction between space and the art object, and how the aective experience produced from this encounter, registers on the viewer’s body has preoccupied many scholars (Ednie-Brown, 1999). Using clothes as the building material for an art installation, creates subconscious connotations for the viewer, since dressing up is a rather common action, not necessarily memorable, but quite reminiscent of people's everyday lives. However in this case, the curatorial choice of incorporating clothes, oers a highly emotional approach to feminism and gender justice, once perceived as the embodiment of social relationships and standards (Dahl, 1999, p. 2). The emotional strength of the installation, also emanates from the outts' array and display as a group, since "objects (like everything else) are only meaningful in relation to each other, therefore these social objects work in groups or sets" (Pearce, 1994, p. 2). The personal stories accompanying each outt, create a sense of a "collective object biography" that simultaneously prioritizes the collective, while also focusing on the individual, rendering it thus, an ideal display technique for a social movement that cherishes above all, collective action (Bartlett & Henderson, 2016, p. 159). Deriving from the notion that all objects possess social agency and transmit a sense of "intentionality", Gell (2012) posits that objects with feminist connotations, are characterised by the domination of the object's "political agency" (p. 339); hence rendering feminist objects as inherently activist in nature.

The University of Arkansas gathered personal stories from students in order to create the "What Were You Wearing?" student-survivor installation, incorporating the technique of participatory collecting. On some level, the intent of the installation's creators might have been to document the stories, acknowledge the extent to which rape culture as a transnational issue aects dierent communities, and forges connections between women from various backgrounds. On a deeper level though, people usually share their stories through cultural institutions to challenge the rules and the norms of the power structures that surround them. Stories as such, help people negotiate the reasons, the ways, the people, and the morality, that hold integral parts of these power structures. The process of collecting stories can connect people and bring about solidarity and processes of activism, thus constituting an act of "collective centering" (Boyce, 1995). By bringing their stories to the surface, people not only constantly negotiate social norms, but they also oer alternatives and suggestions, by interpreting their opinion, beliefs, and rules as "memorable, exible instantiations people can apply readily to everyday life" (Kurtz, 2014, p. 63).

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The personal notes accompanying the outts, narrate each survivor's story, hence constituting a form of testimony. Even though the notes are rather short, they are powerful in content and in their dual nature; not only narrating an emotional, tragic story of personal violation, but also transmitting the sense of complete despair that the person can experience from society's indierence (F ig. 29) . Hence, visitors are able to carry out aective and polysensory dialogues with such "dicult" objects, that elicit sensory engagement beyond of the simple visual interaction (Sather-Wagsta, 2017, p. 19). When the visitors encounter personal stories of survival, the accompanying experience can only be described as transformative, with the "politics of listening" (Witcomb, 2014, p. 16) and aect in cultural space, paving the way for new modes of community engagement. "Emotions are utterly central to the practice of community engagement, and [..] the 'emotional' nature of community engagement is key to its perceived social impact" (Munroe, 2014, p. 44). Since narratives are often depicted as rational, cognitive processes; often tied up into "power/knowledge" clashes (Munroe, 2017) it is signicant to see an art installation held at a university space, being able to disrupt these narratives, and instead provide a safe space for empathy and social transformation.

Fig. 29: The "What Were You Wearing?" student-survivor art installation at the University of Arkansas. Photo Credit to Jennifer Sprague. Retrieved from https://sapec.ku.edu/what-were-you-wearing#, on 03.01.2019

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2007 was an important year for "institutional consciousness" in the United States, with featured exhibitions such as Claiming Space: Some American Feminist Originators at the American University, Washington, and The Feminist Art Project , organised by Rutgers University (Diaz Ramos, 2016, pp. 20-21). The rst exhibition highlighted the contribution of feminist artists between the 1960s and the 1980s, in the socio-political, cultural, and art historical sector, whereas the second one is a global, collaborative idea, celebrating the Feminist Art Movement and the overall contributions of women -of every gender- in the present, as well as in the past.47 However, almost a decade after that, with the election of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States, a revival of white supremacist symbols has been noted, which unsettlingly is rather public (De Vees, 2018, p. 2). Therefore, it is rather important for cultural institutions to take note of economic and socio-political changes in the global landscape and accordingly "transform" cultural institutions, so they would not only be relevant, but also "provide the most good in society" (Anderson, 2004, p. 1). According to observations made by cultural theorists, cultural institutions have become more "socially responsible" (Sandell, 2002), they "enrich the quality of individual lives" (Weil 1999, p. 255), and they promote "social justice" (O’Neill, 2006).

Emotions, beliefs, memories, and discourses can be conjured as reminders of true experiences, signs of hope for the future, and emblems of society (C sikszentmihalyi, 1993) , especially when navigating cultural displays. The "meaning-making" process is the product of the encounter between the visitor and the object; visitors in cultural institutions, can challenge their opinion, their relationships with others, as well as their own position within contemporary society (Silverman, 2010, p. 16). In particular, the social and activist role of cultural institutions is even more emphasized when dealing with subjects such as harassment and rape culture; which is characterised for the particular context of the US as a "collective trauma, [a] part of the American cultural fabric" (De Vees, 2018, p. 10). Discourses as such are considered to follow a bottom-up trajectory, produced at the level of society and by their dissemination and the public's concern and protests, make their way into academia and consequently land on the political agenda. When police and criminal justice workers who act as facilitators of the political authorities, turn a blind eye to accusations or diminish their importance by asking women questions such as "what were you wearing?", they are essentially not only being hostile towards women, but they are also perpetuating a patriarchal system fundamentally rooted on gender inequity and social injustice.

47 For more information, please see: h ttp://www.caareviews.org/reviews/1093#.XFJIBc9KjVo and https://feministartproject.rutgers.edu/about/ respectively.

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As a comparison, a group of sta of the Manchester Metropolitan University curated the exhibition Are We There Yet? 150 Years of Progress Towards Equality (FIGURE&DATE), at the Manchester Metropolitan University Special Collections Gallery. The exhibition revolved around the legal axes of gender, race, disability, and LGBTQ, and similarly with the "What Were You Wearing" installation, it constitutes a prime example of how a group of people who are not feminist specialists, navigated the challenges that the dierent narratives and the exhibition-making process presented. This exhibition similarly to the installation in the University of Arkansas, also explored social sensitive issues and incorporated personal stories, that however covered a much larger historical timespan. The exhibition aimed to shed light to contemporary sensitive issues that are not xed, highlighting instead the intricate connections between various oppressive structures. This exhibition is featured on this chapter, due to its depiction of the Rape Crisis movement activism in the 1990s and the protests against budget cuts. The curators of the exhibition used photographs of the protesters organising a vigil, accompanied by personal recollections and histories of struggle, thus not only conveying to the visitors the societal impact of feminist activist groups, but also inspiring them to become instigators of positive change. Another part of the exhibition displayed postcards featuring myths about rape along with research ndings, that were made by "The Truth About Rape" campaign, and consequently fabricated into a very large evocative banner, that instigated discourses and debates amongst the visitors (Cook & May, 2018, pp. 313-334). Similar to the "What Were you Wearing" installation, that invited the viewers to critically reevaluate and discuss the preconceived notions that are mindlessly perpetuated by gender stereotypes.

During a visit at the "What Were you Wearing? " exhibition, visitors do not only engage with the stories of the survivors, but also with university sta, students, and strangers. Nevertheless, the extent to which the university is accessible to all members of society, should be elaborated on. By hosting an exhibition at a university, automatically a part of society is being excluded. Bourdieu's (1986) theory of the cultural capital dictates that various institutions in the public sphere, such as universities, museums, galleries, etc., conditionally favour the middle and the upper class, while simultaneously neglecting parts of society, such as the working class or marginalized communities.

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However, the cultural experience provided by the "What Were you Wearing?" installation can be characterised as a step towards "social" work, by forging "relationships and interactions through which [..] , growth and development" can arise (Silverman, 2010, p. 15). By sharing their personal stories with the general public, a sense of intimacy is established between the storytellers and the public, which can consequently generate a wide array of feelings for both. In particular, when survivors self-express and the visitors engage with interest and empathy, they both embark on an adventure of "mutual disclosure", which is of vital importance for cultural spaces that engage with social action objectives and ght gender inequity through "various forms of advocacy and activism" (Silverman, 2010, pp. 74, 83). The benets of personal storytelling and sharing stories with the wider public, are not only visible for society, but also for the people who share their stories. Research ndings signify that sharing personal stories through cultural institutions can strengthen "condence and self-esteem" (Davison and Orchard 2008). This could be attributed to the process of seeing their contribution on display, and feeling that people might identify with it, inspire them to seek help if needed; or even function as an act of catharsis.

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Epilogue

The emotional framework of the discourse around the repatriation of contested archaeological artefacts, has been thoroughly exemplied in this research, through the case of the Athenian Parthenon marbles, currently on display at the British Museum, in London. Starting from their controversial removal from the Acropolis under the pretenses of preservation, to their acquisition by the English government and their display at the British Museum under the pretense of education, the Parthenon sculptures were assigned various dierent meanings. They became the crowning jewels, the highest achievement in Britain's eort to present itself as the one worthy descendant, capable enough to safekeep and exhibit the most important masterpieces of the western civilization. Their meaning-making process continued, when they also acquired a new symbolic meaning for the newly-founded Greek nation; as primary symbols of the Hellenic heterotopia. Under the scope of romantic nationalism, they were attributed anthropomorphic, empathetic properties, being perceived as the abducted children of a helpless mother, who impatiently anticipate their return to the homeland. This nostalgia for the whole that demands the return of the marbles to Greece, is indicative of the nationalism that perceives each individual body as an extension of the nation. However, this sense of Greek nationalism cannot be used as leverage to legitimise the imperial approaches of a museum, concealed under the scope of 'universalism'.

The impact of slavery in contemporary Netherlands and as an extension, the perception of the Black Pete tradition by the Dutch public, has been analysed in this thesis in the context of the postcolonial discourse. It has been noted that the Dutch did not confront their colonial past until quite recently, sometimes treating it with feelings of indierence, silencing or even erasure. The appearance of Black Pete as Sinterklaas' helper has been entertaining children and adults alike, with his 'brainless' and entertaining demeanour for years. However, ever since the 1960s people started protesting this racialised image, with protests only intensifying with time. This controversial issue has often been featured at the museum landscape of the country. The Afterlives of Slavery exhibition at the Tropenmuseum, deals with the aftermath of the Dutch overseas slave trade. The Tropenmuseum manages to aectively present to the visitor many of the emotions and opinions of black communities throughout its display. However, some of the

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artefacts have absorbed such a wide range of negative emotions throughout the years, that even by gazing at them, the viewer might feel as if they partake in the colonial gaze. Through the Black Pete segment of the exhibition, it is rendered obvious that there is an ongoing wave of activism in the country regarding the matter, an activism that is essential in order for authorised heritage discourses to be disrupted.

An art installation created at the university of Arkansas in 2014, strived to reveal the myths around rape culture and victim blaming by recreating the outts that sexual assault survivors were wearing when they were assaulted. The outts were accompanied by personal stories, forging thus an empathetic connection with the viewer. Through this installation the question of "what were you wearing?" is deemed irrelevant, oensive and indicative of the patriarchal, anti-feminist power structure that is being propagated by the notions of modernity; specically neoliberalism. Women's social movements, have been gaining momentum over the past decades and are very active in urban contexts worldwide, protesting these exact power structures. Museums and cultural spaces have also dealt with feminism and sensitive topics, such as sexism and rape. By engaging in feminist interventions, museums try to disrupt the hegemonic, patriarchal narratives and act as mediators in the public sphere, between the public and the authorities, trying to instigate social change. Social work and activism in museums can foster an open relationship with their public, invest in locality by launching public debates, and improve their community in the process.

Museums are places in the public sphere that can foster activism, cultivate empathy, allow their visitors to forge aective connections with their objects and collections, not only by creating bridges between the present and the past, but also by aecting people's opinions regarding dicult matters. However, museums can also reinforce dominant narratives, propagate stereotypes and adopt an elitist character, that dissociates them from their community. Awareness and the establishment of a vocabulary that allows for the discussion of societal and cultural problems, are key features for all museums in the 21st century. Emotions that have been multiplied and disseminated within power structures, more often than not, nd their way out into society, causing bottom-up, emotional outbursts in the process. By being aware of said power structures, investing in curatorial interventions and inviting the community and the public to participate in the exhibition-making process, museums can disrupt hegemonic narratives and power structures, such as imperialism, colonialism, and patriarchy. It is a crucial

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task for museums today to be able to aectively act and react.

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Appendix

Questionnaires

The emotional aspect of the Caryatids / Η συναισθηματική διάσταση των Καρυάτιδων

This questionnaire is part of my thesis research project for the MA in Museum Studies at the University of Amsterdam. Your participation matters greatly, so please answer all the questions truthfully. All of your personal details will remain anonymous.

Στo πλαίσιο πτυχιακής εργασίας που διεξάγεται για το μεταπτυχιακό πρόγραμμα "Museum Studies" στο πανεπιστήμιο του Άμστερνταμ, θα σας παρακαλούσα να συμπληρώσετε το παρακάτω ερωτηματολόγιο. Η συμμετοχή σας θα έχει ιδιαίτερη βαρύτητα και σας παρακαλούμε θερμά να απαντήσετε ειλικρινά σε όλες τις ερωτήσεις του ερωτηματολογίου. Τα στοιχεία σας θα παραμείνουν απολύτως ανώνυμα.

Gender / Φύλο ● Female / Θηλυκό ● Male / Αρσενικό ● Trans / Τρανς ● Other / 'Αλλο

Age / Ηλικία ● 16-23 ● 24-35 ● 36-45 ● 46-55 ● 55+

Place of Residence (country) / Τόπος Κατοικίας (χώρα) ● (Short answer text)

Citizenship / Υπηκοότητα ● Greek / Ελληνική ● British / Βρετανική ● Greek and Other / Ελληνική και Άλλη ● British and Other / Βρετανική και Άλλη ● Other / Άλλη

Education Level / Εκπαίδευση ● Primary School Graduate / Απόφοιτος Δημοτικού ● Middle School Graduate / Απόφοιτος Γυμνασίου ● High School Graduate / Απόφοιτος Λυκείου

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● Professional School Graduate / Απόφοιτος ΕΠΑΛ ● University - Technical School Graduate / Απόφοιτος ΑΕΙ - ΤΕΙ ● Other / Άλλο

How often do you visit museums or heritage sites? / Πόσο συχνά επισκέπτεστε μουσεία ή χώρους πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς; ● I have never been to a museum or heritage site / Δεν έχω επισκεπτεί ποτέ κάποιο μουσείο ή χώρο πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς ● Once every few years / Μία φορά κάθε λίγα χρόνια ● 1-3 times a year / 1-3 φορές το χρόνο ● 4-6 times a year / 4-6 φορές το χρόνο ● More than 7 times a year / Περισσότερες από 7 φορές το χρόνο

Are you familiar with the fact that one Caryatid was removed from the Erechtheion in 1801 by Lord Elgin and is currently on display at the British Museum in London? / Γνωρίζετε ότι μία Καρυάτιδα αφαιρέθηκε από το Ερέχθειο το 1801, από το λόρδο Έλγιν και εκτίθεται μέχρι και σήμερα στο Βρετανικό Μουσείο στο Λονδίνο; ● Yes / Ναι ● No / Όχι

Have you ever visited the Acropolis Museum in Athens? / Έχετε επισκεφθεί πότε το μουσείο της Ακρόπολης στην Αθήνα; ● Yes / Ναι ● No / Όχι

Caryatids at the Acropolis Museum, Athens / Καρυάτιδες στο μουσείο της Ακρόπολης, Αθήνα

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If you have ever visited the Acropolis Museum in Athens, what kind of emotions did you experience in the presence of the Caryatids? (Multiple answers possible) / Αν έχετε επισκεφθεί το μουσείο της Ακρόπολης στην Αθήνα, τι συναισθήματα βιώσατε αναφορικά με τις Καρυάτιδες; (Πολλαπλές απαντήσεις) ● Pride / Περηφάνια ● Satisfaction / Ικανοποίηση ● Joy / Χαρά ● Calmness / Ηρεμία ● Admiration / Θαυμασμός ● Contentment / Ευχαρίστηση ● Discomfort / Ενόχληση ● Confusion / Σύγχυση ● Anger / Θυμός ● Shame / Ντροπή ● Irritation / Εκνευρισμός ● Guilt / Τύψεις ● Indierence - I did not experience any emotions / Αδιαφορία - Δε βίωσα κάποιο συναίσθημα ● Other / Άλλο

Have you ever visited the British Museum in London? / Έχετε επισκεφθεί πότε το Βρετανικό μουσείο στο Λονδίνο; ● Yes / Ναι ● No / Όχι

Caryatid at the British Museum, London / Καρυάτιδα στο Βρετανικό μουσείο, Λονδίνο

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If you have ever visited the British Museum in London, what kind of emotions did you experience in the presence of the Caryatid? (Multiple answers possible) / Αν έχετε επισκεφθεί το Βρετανικό μουσείο στο Λονδίνο, τι συναισθήματα βιώσατε αναφορικά με την Καρυάτιδα; (Πολλαπλές απαντήσεις) ● Pride / Περηφάνια ● Satisfaction / Ικανοποίηση ● Joy / Χαρά ● Calmness / Ηρεμία ● Admiration / Θαυμασμός ● Contentment / Ευχαρίστηση ● Discomfort / Ενόχληση ● Confusion / Σύγχυση ● Anger / Θυμός ● Shame / Ντροπή ● Irritation / Εκνευρισμός ● Guilt / Τύψεις ● Indierence - I did not experience any emotions / Αδιαφορία - Δε βίωσα κάποιο συναίσθημα ● Other / Άλλο

Do you believe that the Caryatid should be returned to Greece and be positioned at the Acropolis Museum? / Πιστεύετε ότι η Καρυάτιδα θα πρέπει να επιστραφεί στην Ελλάδα και να τοποθετηθεί στο μουσείο της Ακρόπολης; ● Yes / Ναι ● No / Όχι ● I have no opinion on that / Δεν έχω γνώμη επ' αυτού.

Briey explain your answer. / Τεκμηριώστε συνοπτικά την απάντησή σας. ● (Answer here)

Do you feel that the Caryatid(s) are a part of your national heritage? / Νιώθετε ότι η(οι) Καρυάτιδα(-ες) αποτελούν μέρος της πολιτιστικής σας κληρονομιάς; ● Yes / Ναι ● No / Όχι ● I have no opinion on that / Δεν έχω γνώμη επ' αυτού

Briey explain your answer. / Τεκμηριώστε συνοπτικά την απάντησή σας. ● (Answer here)

Results

Regarding a possible return of the Caryatid to Greece, 89.9 % of Greek citizens responded positively, 6.06% responded negatively, while 4.04% did not have an opinion in the matter. The corresponding results for British citizens were: 70.02%, 10.99%, and 10.99% respectively. When

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asked if they consider the Caryatid a part of their national heritage, 90% of Greek citizens said yes, 5% no, and 5% did not express an opinion. At 27.78%, British citizens consider the Caryatid to be a part of their national heritage, 62.22% said no, while 10% did not express an opinion. In regard to the emotions that Greek citizens experience when encountering the Caryatids at the Acropolis Museum, the most dominant ones were: admiration (74), pride (45), and calmness (45). The respective emotions for British citizens are: admiration (29), guilt (12), and discomfort (10). The dominant emotions that Greek citizens experience when seeing the Caryatid at the British museum are: discomfort (25), admiration (20), and irritation (28). Accordingly, the emotions for British citizens at the British Museum are: admiration (53), discomfort (28), and an equal amount of irritation (17) and guilt (17). When asked to explain their answers for a possible return of the Caryatid at the Acropolis Museum, the most dominant answers for Greek citizens were: i) The Caryatids should all be at the place where they were rst made (41), ii) The Caryatid was removed illegally/without valid permission (18), and iii) It is a product of the ancient Greek civilization and it holds great emotional and cultural value for modern Greeks, since it comes from their ancestors (18). The most dominant answers for British citizens were: i) The Caryatid should be returned for moral reasons (10), ii) The Caryatid qualies as universal heritage, which also makes it a part of British heritage, therefore it should remain at the British Museum (9), and iii) The Caryatid was removed illegally/without valid permission (9) (F ig. 30) .

For the question of whether or not they consider the Caryatid to be a part of their national heritage, the primary answers for Greek citizens where: i) Yes, they are a product of the great ancient Greek civilization, an integral part of Greek heritage and culture (54), ii) Yes, since it is a part of an architectural and art group, the rest of which is at the Acropolis Museum (29), and iii) Yes, but only because the Caryatid is a part of the universal/global heritage (18). The corresponding answers of British citizens where: i) No, they were taken illegally from Greece and they indicate a colonial approach (24), ii) It is a part of my heritage, but in a negative way, as a symbol of imperial power, and iii) Yes, but only because the Caryatid is a part of the universal/global heritage (7) (F ig. 31) .

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Fig.30: Answers Regarding a Potential Return of the Caryatid

Fig. 31: Answers Regarding the Caryatid as National Heritage

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- Coding of Answers for the Question: Do you believe that the Caryatid should be returned to Greece and be positioned at the Acropolis Museum?

A: The Caryatids should be at the place where they were rst made.

B: Emphasis on the anthropomorphic qualities of the Caryatid.

C: Emotions should come before politics, especially in the discourse of museum decolonization.

D: The Caryatid was removed illegally/without valid permission.

E: It is a product of the ancient Greek civilization and it holds great emotional and cultural value for modern Greeks, since it comes from their ancestors.

F: Ever since the Acropolis Museum was built, there are no more valid excuses.

G: The Caryatid should be returned for moral reasons.

H: The Caryatid should not be returned since it is safer at the British Museum, conservation-wise.

I: The Caryatid qualies as universal heritage, which also makes it a part of British heritage.

J:I am not sure/I do not have the legal expertise to answer.

- Coding of Answers for the Question: Do you feel that the Caryatid(s) are a part of your national heritage?

A: No, they were taken illegally from Greece and they indicate a colonial approach.

B: Yes, they are a product of the great ancient Greek civilization, an integral part of Greek heritage and culture.

C: Yes, since it is a part of an architectural and art group, the rest of which is at the Acropolis Museum.

D: Yes, but only because the Caryatid is a part of the universal/global heritage.

E: Yes, she bears the same characteristics as her sisters back in Greece (anthropomorphic qualities).

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F: It is a part of my heritage, but in a negative way, as a symbol of imperial power

G: I don't believe in nations and heritage.

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