DOCSLIB.ORG

Mothers and Sons: a Gender Study of the Modern Chinese Woodcut Movement

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Mothers and Sons: a Gender Study of the Modern Chinese Woodcut Movement MOTHERS AND SONS: A GENDER STUDY OF THE MODERN CHINESE WOODCUT MOVEMENT A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Erin Elizabeth Publow, B.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2002 Master's Examination Committee: Dr. Julia F. Andrews, Adviser Dr. John C. Huntington Adviser Department of History of Art ABSTRACT This thesis examines the gender dichotomy apparent in the pre 1937 images of the modem Chinese woodcut movement. The politically charged, overtly activist images are occupied predominantly by men, and young men in particular, while women are almost consistently represented in domestic scenes, as mothers. This gendering of public and private space may initially seem to contradict, or suggest a counter current to, the progressive May Fourth agenda, which only a decade earlier strongly advocated gender equality and urged women to become more independent and politically involved. This thesis has two objectives. The first is an attempt to understand what frameworks lie beneath this gender dichotomy and to question the immediate response to consider the dichotomy conservative. The second is an exploration of why mothers and male youth, rather than, say, fathers and female youth, become inscribed with such national significance. I argue that these images reflect and participate in the complicated, and often seemingly contradictory, gender issues of the period. The images are subjective expressions of male youth, who not only make up the demographics of the woodcut movement, but are at the very center of national reforms and intellectual activity. It was they whom reformers felt it was necessary to save from the feudal society, and they became the symbol of hope and the future of China. In fact, for them, the individual and national became conflated, as their individual identities and frustrations were often synonymous with modem China’s own identity crisis. And while women’s liberation and gender equality were also significant national issues, they were subordinate to this essentially male youth/national cause. Similarly, while the mother was a significant figure - literally and symbolically - for the nation and its youth, and like youth was also given a certain national iconic status, her own subjectivity and individuality similarly remained subordinate. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank my adviser, Julia Andrews, and professor John Huntington for constant encouragement, enthusiasm and intellectual support. I also thank Ying Chua and Rebecca Twist for their helpful comments and suggestions, Mayumi Kamata for her assistance in printing the glossary of Chinese characters, and Anu Vedagiri for the puja that made this thesis possible. I am grateful to Jeff Borisch for helping me with various technological and formatting problems and for providing moral support throughout the entire process. IV VITA 1998 ............................................. B.A. Art History, Augustana College 1998-2000 ....................................... Graduate Teaching Associate The Ohio State University 2001-2002 ...................................... Graduate Associate The Ohio State University FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: Asian Art v TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract .............................................................................................. .ii Acknowledgments ................................................................................. .iv Vita ....................................................................................................v L1st. o fF"1gures ......................................................................................vu .. Chapters: 1. Introduction ................................................................................... 1 2. Family Reform and the New Youth ....................................................... 7 3. The "Woman Question" ................................................................... 15 4. Mothers and Sons ...........................................................................22 5. Conclusion .................................................................................. 33 Bibliography ......................................................................................... 34 Glossary .............................................................................................. 3 7 Appendix: 1. Figures ....................................................................................... 38 Vl LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Hu Yichuan To the Front! 1932 ................................................... 38 Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen. A Century in Crisis: Modernity and Tradition in the Art of Twentieth-Century China. New York: Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation, 1998, cat. 99. 2. Gu Wenfang Motherly Love 1936. In Muke jie, vol.3 .......................... 39 Banhua jicheng: Lu Xun cang zhongguo xiandai muke quamji, edited by Shanghai Lu Xun Memorial and Jiangsu Ancient Books Press. Nanjing: Ancient Books Press, 1991. Vol.4,1354. 3. Li Hua China Roar! 1936. InMukejie, vol.14 .................................. .40 Banhua jicheng. Vol.1, 251. 4. Pan Chengye Pregnant Woman 1934. InXiandai banhua, vol.I ............. .41 Banhuajicheng. Vol.I, 29. 5. Pan Zhao Mother and Son 1935. InXiandai banhua, vol.7 .................... .42 Banhuajicheng. Vol.I, 139. 6. Ye Fu She and the Child 1936. In Tiema banhua, vol.2 ....................... .43 Banhua jicheng. Vol.4, 1300. 7. "Xiao jiating xue (Preliminary Lessons for the House-keeping Bride)" ..... .44 Liangyou huabao(Young Companion Pictorial), no.101(Jan1935), p.40. 8. advertisement for medicine ........................................................ .45 Liangyou huabao, no. I 05 (May 1935), p.31. 9. advertisement for Santogen ......................................................... .46 Liangyou huabao, no.102 (February 1935), p.39. 10. advertisement for Momilk ............................................................ 47 Liangyou huabao, no.12 (January 1927), n.p. 11. Li Hua Father and Son 1934. In Li Hua muke ................................... .48 vii Banhuajicheng. Vol.3, 741. 12. Kathe Kollwitz Sacrifice From War series 1922-23 ............................... .49 Robert J. Fanning. Kathe Kollwitz. Karlsruhe: C.F. Muller, 1956, pl.177 13. Hu Qizao Loss ofa Child 193 5. In Xiandai banhua, vol.13 ........................ 50 Banhua jicheng. Vol. I, 240. 14. Lai Shaoqi Child has Died 1935. InXiandai banhua, vol.7 ........................ 51 Banhuajicheng. Vol.I, 137. 15. Huang Peili Famine 1935. InXiandai banhua, vol.11. ............................. 52 Banhuajicheng. Vol.I, 209. 16. Duan Ganqing Thread ofDeath 1936. In Ganqing muke, vol.2 ..................... 53 Banhuajicheng. Vol.3, 1039. 17. Kathe Kollwitz Outbreak 1903 ........................................................... 54 Fanning, pl.66. 18. Kathe Kollwitz March ofthe Weavers From Weavers' Revolt series, 1897 ....... 55 Fanning, pl.32. 19. Tang Yingwei Forward!1936. cover of Mukejie, vol.4 .............................. 56 Andrews and Shen, cat. 85. 20. Li Hua Street Uprising 1936. Mukejie, vol.4 .......................................... 57 Banhuajicheng. Vol.4, 1371. vm CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In 1929, under the guidance of Lu Xun ( 1881-1936), literary giant and prominent figure in the May Fourth intellectual movement, a group of young artists began what would become the modem Chinese woodcut movement. Two years later, a series of lectures and workshops organized by Lu Xun at the bookstore of his friend, Uchiyama Kanzo, officially launched the movement. Uchiyama's brother, a woodcut artist in Japan, was invited to offer technical instruction, and Lu Xun introduced the work of various woodcut artists from around the world. Thereafter the artists organized themselves into various societies, collectively exhibiting and publishing their work. Lu Xun continued to play an active role in the movement until his death. He attended the exhibitions of these artists, frequently offered constructive criticism and published for instructive purposes volumes of woodcuts ranging from Japanese ukiyo-e to Aubrey Beardsley to Russian Constructivism. To a great extent, he set the tone for the developing years of the movement. 1 1 Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen, "The Modem Woodcut Movement," in Andrews and Shen, A Century in Crisis: Modernity and Tradition in the Art a/Twentieth-Century China (New York: The Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation, 1998), 213-214. See also Shirley Sun, Modern Chinese Woodcuts (San Francisco: Chinese Culture Foundation, 1979), 13-21. 1 Post 1949 scholarship has interpreted this stage of the movement as an immediate precursor to Communist art, for after 1937 the woodcut ultimately became the medium of choice for communicating Communist propaganda.2 While certainly not without leftist subjects and sympathies, understanding the woodcut as a "call to arms" does not capture the complexities and broad interests of the movement and its artists. More recently, Julia Andrews and Kuiyi Shen have argued that the origins of the movement are more avant- garde, with individual and varied responses to modernism, in addition to the more overtly leftist subjects. Indeed, one is just as likely to find a still life with guitar in a Cubist manner or Matisse-like dancing nudes as one would images with upraised fists or sympathetic representations of the oppressed. While for many artists the medium was appropriate for capturing social realities, it was
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Wai Kit Wicky Tse University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Tse, Wai Kit Wicky, "Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Abstract As a frontier region of the Qin-Han (221BCE-220CE) empire, the northwest was a new territory to the Chinese realm. Until the Later Han (25-220CE) times, some portions of the northwestern region had only been part of imperial soil for one hundred years. Its coalescence into the Chinese empire was a product of long-term expansion and conquest, which arguably defined the egionr 's military nature. Furthermore, in the harsh natural environment of the region, only tough people could survive, and unsurprisingly, the region fostered vigorous warriors. Mixed culture and multi-ethnicity featured prominently in this highly militarized frontier society, which contrasted sharply with the imperial center that promoted unified cultural values and stood in the way of a greater degree of transregional integration. As this project shows, it was the northwesterners who went through a process of political peripheralization during the Later Han times played a harbinger role of the disintegration of the empire and eventually led to the breakdown of the early imperial system in Chinese history.
    [Show full text]
  • XUN XU's FIRST POSTS, CA. 248–265 We Know Next to Nothing
    CHAPTER TWO XUN XU’S FIRST POSTS, CA. 248–265 Shang 商: The Harmonious Step Moving away from gong is made comfortable by the harmonious and harmonic shang note. In modes and melodies, shang forms unoffending chords; it cooperates with other notes, like zhi and yu. Harmonics masters knew that the circle-of-fifths derivation, based on gong as “9,” resulted in the pleasing whole number “8” for shang. Xun Xu began his career under the Jin by fitting in with the new regime and cooperat- ing in court projects. We know next to nothing about Xun Xu’s childhood and youth. But from the previous chapter we do know that his family was used to power—power that had first been local, then on the move defensively, next serving Cao Cao’s court at Xu, and finally the Simas in Luoyang. The Xuns offered important political service to the Cao-Wei dynasty, even if the fate of Xun Yu at the hands of Cao Cao had weakened Xun loyalties to that family. Cao Cao’s heirs began to rebuild Luoyang pal- aces and state offices in the 220s, so by the mid-230s such Xun men as Xun Can and Xun Yi began residing there, and the young orphan Xun Xu relied on them, as well as on in-laws, for political grooming and entree. His biography states: Xun Xu was styled Gongceng 公曾. He was a Yingchuan 穎川, Yingyin 穎陰, man, and the great-grandson of Xun Shuang 爽, an [Eastern Han- dynasty] Minister of Works. His grandfather was Xun Fei 棐, who was a Colonel of Archers Who Shoot by Sound.
    [Show full text]
  • Researching Your Asian Roots for Chinese-Americans
    Journal of East Asian Libraries Volume 2003 Number 129 Article 6 2-1-2003 Researching Your Asian Roots for Chinese-Americans Sheau-yueh J. Chao Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jeal BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Chao, Sheau-yueh J. (2003) "Researching Your Asian Roots for Chinese-Americans," Journal of East Asian Libraries: Vol. 2003 : No. 129 , Article 6. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jeal/vol2003/iss129/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of East Asian Libraries by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. researching YOUR ASIAN ROOTS CHINESE AMERICANS sheau yueh J chao baruch college city university new york introduction situated busiest mid town manhattan baruch senior colleges within city university new york consists twenty campuses spread five boroughs new york city intensive business curriculum attracts students country especially those asian pacific ethnic background encompasses nearly 45 entire student population baruch librarian baruch college city university new york I1 encountered various types questions serving reference desk generally these questions solved without major difficulties however beginning seven years ago unique question referred me repeatedly each new semester began how I1 find reference book trace my chinese name resource english help me find origin my chinese surname
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Chinese Kinship in the Han and the Six Dynasties: a Preliminary Observation
    part 1 volume xxiii • academia sinica • taiwan • 2010 INSTITUTE OF HISTORY AND PHILOLOGY third series asia major • third series • volume xxiii • part 1 • 2010 rethinking chinese kinship hou xudong 侯旭東 translated and edited by howard l. goodman Rethinking Chinese Kinship in the Han and the Six Dynasties: A Preliminary Observation n the eyes of most sinologists and Chinese scholars generally, even I most everyday Chinese, the dominant social organization during imperial China was patrilineal descent groups (often called PDG; and in Chinese usually “zongzu 宗族”),1 whatever the regional differences between south and north China. Particularly after the systematization of Maurice Freedman in the 1950s and 1960s, this view, as a stereo- type concerning China, has greatly affected the West’s understanding of the Chinese past. Meanwhile, most Chinese also wear the same PDG- focused glasses, even if the background from which they arrive at this view differs from the West’s. Recently like Patricia B. Ebrey, P. Steven Sangren, and James L. Watson have tried to challenge the prevailing idea from diverse perspectives.2 Some have proven that PDG proper did not appear until the Song era (in other words, about the eleventh century). Although they have confirmed that PDG was a somewhat later institution, the actual underlying view remains the same as before. Ebrey and Watson, for example, indicate: “Many basic kinship prin- ciples and practices continued with only minor changes from the Han through the Ch’ing dynasties.”3 In other words, they assume a certain continuity of paternally linked descent before and after the Song, and insist that the Chinese possessed such a tradition at least from the Han 1 This article will use both “PDG” and “zongzu” rather than try to formalize one term or one English translation.
    [Show full text]
  • Surname Methodology in Defining Ethnic Populations : Chinese
    Surname Methodology in Defining Ethnic Populations: Chinese Canadians Ethnic Surveillance Series #1 August, 2005 Surveillance Methodology, Health Surveillance, Public Health Division, Alberta Health and Wellness For more information contact: Health Surveillance Alberta Health and Wellness 24th Floor, TELUS Plaza North Tower P.O. Box 1360 10025 Jasper Avenue, STN Main Edmonton, Alberta T5J 2N3 Phone: (780) 427-4518 Fax: (780) 427-1470 Website: www.health.gov.ab.ca ISBN (on-line PDF version): 0-7785-3471-5 Acknowledgements This report was written by Dr. Hude Quan, University of Calgary Dr. Donald Schopflocher, Alberta Health and Wellness Dr. Fu-Lin Wang, Alberta Health and Wellness (Authors are ordered by alphabetic order of surname). The authors gratefully acknowledge the surname review panel members of Thu Ha Nguyen and Siu Yu, and valuable comments from Yan Jin and Shaun Malo of Alberta Health & Wellness. They also thank Dr. Carolyn De Coster who helped with the writing and editing of the report. Thanks to Fraser Noseworthy for assisting with the cover page design. i EXECUTIVE SUMMARY A Chinese surname list to define Chinese ethnicity was developed through literature review, a panel review, and a telephone survey of a randomly selected sample in Calgary. It was validated with the Canadian Community Health Survey (CCHS). Results show that the proportion who self-reported as Chinese has high agreement with the proportion identified by the surname list in the CCHS. The surname list was applied to the Alberta Health Insurance Plan registry database to define the Chinese ethnic population, and to the Vital Statistics Death Registry to assess the Chinese ethnic population mortality in Alberta.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagining Wu in the Han Aaron Zhao a Thesis Submitted in Partial
    Imagining Wu in the Han Aaron Zhao A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Washington 2020 Committee: Patricia Ebrey Ping Wang Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Jackson School of International Studies ©Copyright 2020 Aaron Zhao 1 University of Washington Abstract Imagining Wu in the Han Aaron Zhao Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Patricia Ebrey Department of History This master’s thesis attempts to analyze the perception and understanding of the concept of wu 武 in the Han dynasty by exploring the relevant literary sources. It is divided into four subsections. In the “Institutional Promotions of Wu,” I explain how the Qin-Han legacy of military organization of the society makes wu a superior and desirable value. The order of honor by military merits, superiority of military offices in the governmental systems and even naming of certain offices using military terms reflect such promotion of the wu value. In the “Military Aristocratic Lineages” section, I demonstrate by tracing information scattered throughout various biographical records in the dynastic histories that some aristocratic lineages advanced or maintained their status mainly through military services. The “Martial Individualism” section explores the relationship between the individual and the state via their negotiation and struggle of power in using violence. This section is inspired and influenced by Sanctioned Violence in Early China. But one of the differences is that I note the possibility of a non-violent manifestation of wu. Lastly, the “Wu of Women” section analyzes two examples of women who display qualities of wu in the dynastic histories and 2 their significance.
    [Show full text]
  • 42 Wade–Giles Romanization System
    42 Wade–Giles ROMANIZATION SYSTEM Karen Steffen Chung N ATIONAL TAIWAN UNIVERSITY The Wade–Giles Romanization system for standard Mandarin Chinese held a distinguished place of honor in Sinology and popular usage from the late nineteenth century until the 1970s, when it began losing ground to Hanyu Pinyin. But that is not to say that the Wade– Giles system was not, and is not still, without its problems, and consequently, its sometimes highly vocal detractors. Historical absence of a phonetic alphabet, fanqie and tone marking It is surprising that the Chinese did not develop their own phonetic alphabet before the arrival of Western missionaries in China starting in the sixteenth century. The closest they came was the use of the fǎnqiè system, under which two relatively well-known characters, plus the word fǎn 反 or later mostly qiè 切, were given after a lexical item. The reader needed to take the initial of the first and splice it onto the final rhyme and tone of the second, to derive the pronunciation of the item being looked up. A typical entry is dōng déhóng qiè 東 德紅切, i.e. dé plus hóng in the qiè 切 system make dōng. (The second tone had not yet separated from the first at this time, thus the difference in tones.) One big advantage of the system is that the fǎnqiè characters were already familiar to any literate Chinese, so there was no need to learn a new set of symbols. The disadvantage is that there is no way to know with certainty the actual phonetic realizations of the syllables at the time .
    [Show full text]
  • In 212 AD, As the Army of the Great Warlord Cao Cao 曹操 Was Moving South Against His Southern Rival Sun Quan 孫權, There Was a Sad Incident in the Camp
    A QUESTION OF LOYALTY XUN YU, CAO CAO AND SIMA GUANG In 212 AD, as the army of the great warlord Cao Cao 曹操 was moving south against his southern rival Sun Quan 孫權, there was a sad incident in the camp. Xun Yu 荀彧, a leading counsellor and one of Cao Cao's oldest supporters, died at Shouchun 壽春 city on the Huai 淮 River. There are varying accounts and opinions whether he died of natural causes or whether he killed himself, but Cao Cao was embarrassed and Emperor Xian of Han 漢獻帝, though close-held under his control, made a point of mourning Xun Yu. Nine hundred years later, moreover, as Sima Guang 司馬光 of the Northern Song dynasty compiled his chronicle Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑, he took the death of Xun Yu as the occasion for a powerful essay on proper conduct in troubled times. The story of Xun Yu and Cao Cao, therefore, not only touches the tensions of loyalty and legitimacy between a falling dynasty and a rising power, it provided one of China's greatest Confucianists with a case-study for his moral teaching.1 [31] For two and a half thousand years since the time of Confucius, as rival states and succeeding dynasties have ruled in China, many men in public affairs have been forced into cruel choices of allegiance, and have been expected to maintain personal honour even at the cost of their lives. There has always been conflict in the Confucian tradition between an individual's responsibility to private personal and family affairs when they are set against public loyalty to the state and its government.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Full Article
    2.1 MCP.DOC (DO NOT DELETE) 2019/1/6 11:50 PM DEBATES ON MUTILATING CORPORAL PUNISHMENTS AND THEORIES OF PUNISHMENT IN TRADITIONAL CHINESE LEGAL THOUGHT Norman P. HO Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................ 44 II. OVERVIEW OF THE HISTORY, DEVELOPMENT, AND SIGNIFICANCE OF MCPS IN TRADITIONAL CHINESE LAW ......... 49 III. HAN DYNASTY MCP DEBATES ..................................................... 53 A. Emperor Wen of the Han Dynasty ...................................... 53 B. Ban Gu ................................................................................ 55 C. Kong Rong .......................................................................... 56 IV. JIN DYNASTY MCP DEBATES ....................................................... 59 A. Liu Song (289 A.D.) ........................................................... 60 B. The Debate of ~318 A.D. .................................................... 68 C. The MCP Debate of ~403 A.D. and Cai Kuo’s Positions ............................................................................ 76 V. TANG DYNASTY MCP DEBATES: BAI JUYI’S FAMOUS ESSAY AGAINST THE REINSTATEMENT OF MCPS ................................. 80 VI. SONG DYNASTY MCP DEBATES ................................................... 84 VII. CONCLUSION ............................................................................... 89 Associate Professor of Law, Peking University School of Transnational Law (e-mail contact: [email protected]). I would like to
    [Show full text]
  • Representing Kingship and Imagining Empire in Southern Dynasties Court Poetry
    T’OUNG PAO 18 T’oung PaoXiaofei 102-1-3 Tian (2016) 18-73 www.brill.com/tpao International Journal of Chinese Studies/Revue Internationale de Sinologie Representing Kingship and Imagining Empire in Southern Dynasties Court Poetry Xiaofei Tian* (Harvard University) Abstract Before the fifth century, the imperial identity of a ruler seems to have disabled him as a writer rather than encouraged him to be more prolific. Literary production gradually became centered in the court by the mid-fifth century, and a distinct feature of Southern Dynasties literature is the phenomenon that emperors and princes joined with their courtiers in the act of writing poetry on social occasions. This paper focuses on a number of poems by Emperor Wen of the Song (r. 424-453), Yan Yanzhi (384-456), Xie Tiao (464-499), Shen Yue (441-513), and Liu Xiaochuo (481- 539) that represent kingship and empire and thereby become a means of disseminating and implementing imperial power. In particular, it examines the physical and discursive construction of the capital Jiankang. We see thereby that Southern Dynasties court poetry was instrumental in the performance of sovereignty and the envisioning of the new, southern empire. Résumé Avant le Ve siècle, le fait d’accéder au titre d’empereur semble avoir réduit ceux à qui cela arrivait à l’incapacité en tant qu’auteurs, plutôt que de les encourager à une prolixité accrue. Vers le milieu du Ve siècle en revanche, la production littéraire tendit à se concentrer sur la cour, et l’un des traits particuliers de la littérature des dynasties du Sud est de voir empereurs et princes se joindre à leurs courtisans pour composer des poèmes lors de réunions amicales.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly firom the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type o f computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, begnning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each orignal is also photographed in one œcposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zesb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/76M700 800/521-0600 LU XUN, AH Q, "THE TRUE STORY OF AH Q" AND THE NATIONAL CHARACTER DISCOURSE IN MODERN CHINA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State Universi té' By Paul Brendan Foster, B.S., M.A The Ohio State University 1996 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Hao Chang Xiaomei Chen Kirk A Denton, Advisor Advisor Eugene W.
    [Show full text]
  • 16Th Century Chinese Onomastics 前16世紀中国名学
    INTRODUCTION TO PRE-16TH CENTURY CHINESE ONOMASTICS 前１６世紀中国名学入門 By Ii Katsumori 井伊勝盛 著 Despite a long traDition of interest in Chinese history, the availability of reliable Chinese name sources for the SCA appears to be lacKing. I woulD suggest that the cause of this comes from several fronts. First, Chinese name sources still tend to be in Chinese, requiring a Knowledge of Chinese characters (hanzi, 漢子) to decipher. Second, there is a plethora of Romanization systems, anD DepenDing on the source they cannot always be relieD upon to be consistent. Then there are the various types of names useD in China, incluDing clan anD family names given names, and various nicknames; these are often not distinguisheD anD sometimes cannot be distinguished without knowing the history of the inDividual mentioneD. Finally, different dialects pronounce the same hanzi character differently, depenDing on both time anD location—not to mention the various foreign names that were SinifieD by using hanzi to approximate their pronunciation (e.g. “RoKshan” to “Lushan”). The first two problems are intertwineD; much of the English literature has either been focuseD on moDern China or on Chinese documents and artifacts present in the West. Historians in China have long worked from dated models anD assumptions that are recently being challengeD by the current generation’s exposure to the global historical anD archaeological community. Still, finDing reliable worKs on pre-16th century China in English remains Difficult. When one Does finD sources in English, there is the seconD problem: associating the name with the appropriate Romanization anD hanzi. So for instance, Chuang Tzu in one system is Zhuangzi in another.
    [Show full text]