A nPhaiIran Pahlavi in Modernization and Class, Activism, Rights: Women’s Negotiating .Se o xml,Aa aaiadNhdYgnh eds., Yeganeh, Nahid and Tabari Azar example, for See, 2. government. Islamic an dethroning establishing be- was than rather Anti-Shah participation shah mass as the of 1978–79 goal of common revolution the Iranian cause the to refer I 1. of errors, Any Young. mine. are Seth course, A. and Ralston, Afsaneh Andrew Mirfakhrai, to Najmabadi, Farbod thanks Khorrami, My Mehdi readers. Davison, insightful Andrew many benefited of which comments thesis, master’s the my from from drawn is article This Kia Mana e,C:Wsve,18) adhMoghissi, Haideh 1983); Westview, CO: der, ed., Nashat, Guity 1982); ouigo h rae itrclfaeo h wnit etr fe aeltl osyabout say to Revolution. little Anti-Shah have the often preceding century decades twentieth two the the of frame historical broader the on focusing hs o rdtoa oko hti etfrte,smtmswt r hand. firm a with sometimes them, is helping for and shah best goals is their The what realize agency. know enlightened to the shah’s traditional helping the the too people, those of the through of manifestation good occurring institutional the policies for the act and as to seen state laws the state of all concept with a monarch, on premised is grants royal as okn ihntesaeaeakolde,btol sisrmnso tt policy. state of instruments as only but acknowledged, are state the within working ciimwe tocr usd h uve fsaeactivities. state of purview the women’s outside omit occurs or it dismiss uncritically when narratives activism Royalist view. this share it, of supportively write as above from activism. bestowed of policies, discussion modernization any state precluding of grants, results royal direct as of thought often are rwt h ugoigo ciimatrteetbiheto h sai Republic. Islamic the of establishment the after activism of burgeoning the with or on fwmnsrgt npeeouinr rna akrud fe otatn h akof lack the contrasting often the background, in as activism Iran prerevolutionary in rights women’s of count imi rn oe’ tugei aeDfie Revolution- Male-Defined Movement a ary in Struggle Women’s Iran: in nism Iran in Movement Women’s The Islam: of Shadow aaoial,shlr h rt nopsto otePhaisae swl stoewho those as well as state, Pahlavi the to opposition in write who scholars Paradoxically, ait fapoce n esetvs ayo hs ok ra h su of issue the treat ac- works an these provide generally of studies These Many directly. or perspectives. referentially from either and Iran, rights women’s twentieth-century approaches in of women of variety subject the a on written been has deal great NwYr:S.Mri’,1994). Martin’s, St. York: (New 1960 oe n eouini Iran in Revolution and Women sand 1970 ihwmnsms atcpto nteAt-hhRevolution Anti-Shah the in participation mass women’s with s ouimadFemi- and Populism Lno:Zed, (London: (Boul- nthe In rn h eodPhaiKnsi, in Kingship,” Pahlavi in Second Institutions The and Iran: Process “Political Lenczowski, George 1977); Bamdad, ol-Moluk .Se o xml,Aha Pahlavi, Ashraf example, for See, 4. Twentieth Iran,” in be- Century Roles Gender “Steering Shifting Afary, Charybdis: and Janet Scylla tween 1995); Press, University Cambridge Sanasarian, Eliz example, for See, 3. d ereLnzwk Safr,C:Hoe nttto Press, Institution 433–75. Hoover 1978), CA: (Stanford, Lenczowski George ed. .Se o xml,Mhma eaPahlavi, Reza Mohammad example, for See, 5. aini Iran in pation n h oiia rcs nTetehCnuyIran Twentieth-Century in Process Political the and Khomeini 1900 to from Repression and Appeasement, Mutiny, Iran: in ment tory rmExile from rn.McalJsp NwYr:SenadDy 90;Badr 1980); Day, and Stein York: (New Joseph Michael trans. , 3 nbt ye fsuis oe’ rights women’s studies, of types both In EgeodCif,N:Petc-al 1980). Prentice-Hall, NJ: Cliffs, (Englewood NwYr:Pagr 92;Pri Paidar, Parvin 1982); Praeger, York: (New rn.F .C aly(ikvle Y Exposition, NY: (Hicksville, Bagley C. R. F. trans. , WAJournal NWSA rmDrns noLgt oe’ Emanci- Women’s Light: into Darkness From 4 h oino oe’ rights women’s of notion The 19) 28–49. (1996): 8 h oe’ ihsMove- Rights Women’s The ae naMro:Memoirs Mirror: a in Faces rnudrtePahlavis the under Iran 5 hswomen Thus nwrt His- to Answer 2 (Cambridge: Studies Women 1 , 227 Vol. 25, No. 1, 2005A the Middle EastSouth Asia, AfricaComparative and Studies of

Duke University Press

VARIORUM 228 In response to royalist narratives that ei- While women’s rights activism may have ther discredit or appropriate activism outside become circumscribed by state institutional the state, oppositional scholarship ends up un- control, the state was also required to absorb ac- critically dismissing or omitting women’s activ- tivists’ demands. This poses the question of how ism when it cooperates with or works through to understand feminism within a context where the state. A line is drawn between institution- political restrictions do not necessarily allow for ally independent activism and activism through formal women’s organizations separate from the state, and the former is lauded at the ex- the state. “The difficulty of discussing Third- pense of the latter. While this can constitute a World feminism arises in the first instance as Comparative means of resistance to royalist narratives, the a difficulty of identifying the concretions and result is that oppositional scholarship unwit- forms of effectivity in the Third World that can Studies of tingly participates in the same erasure of agency be grasped as feminist.”7 Instead of dismissing of women’s rights activists, except this erasure women’s organizations once they engage with South Asia, is directed toward activists working within the the state, I examine the results of that associa- Africa and the state. tion. I focus on understanding women’s rights Both writings assume the total domi- in the Pahlavi era as the result of a power ne- Middle East nance, absolute power, and uniformity of the gotiation between different forces, creating a Pahlavi state, leaving little room for locating re- more porous view of the state. Specifically, I sistance and agency from within it. This notion ask how the state’s discourses of moderniza- of the Pahlavi state is premised on a direct and tion and development interacted with, framed, unquestioned correlation of institutional inde- and affected the feminist discourse of women’s pendence with ideological independence. Such rights.8 In what way did women’s rights activists a linkage is problematic, given the porous na- who chose to work within the state use modern- ture of ideological domination and the flimsy ization discourse to achieve their goals? protection provided by institutional separation. The evolution of women’s organizations Institutional independence from the state cre- and their activities culminating in the creation ates a difference of position, which does not of the Women’s Organization of Iran (WOI) necessarily afford ideological immunity. To and the narratives of various state-affiliated achieve its goals, any organization or movement women’s rights activists are my primary focal that does not seek to replace the state must en- points. I suggest that feminist activism under- gage with the state institutionally and ideologi- taken within state institutions cannot be dis- cally. This is especially true in a nondemocratic missed as a direct extension of state policies. political structure. This activism needs to be examined in a way But if the state is a manifestation of the that allows us to locate agency and resistance to shah and has a monopoly on power, then how state dominance, as well as the results of such do we explain legal rights that women gained dominance. Analyzing the question of women’s under a misogynist shah?6 How do we explain rights as a complex relationship defined by the care with which state modernization poli- power negotiation is critical to reassessing the cies were discursively framed in accordance implications of feminist activism within a mod- with Islamic precepts? The state’s moderniza- ernizing state. tion discourse and policy occurred in a field of discursive forces, not a vacuum, and these dia- Institutional Autonomy = logues of relation created boundaries and limits Ideological Independence? on the power and language of each discourse. In oppositional scholarship, a major assump- tion in evaluations of women’s rights activism

6. For the shah’s views on women, see Oriana Fallaci, 7. Geraldine Heng, “‘A Great Way to Fly’: Nation- 8. Development refers to state policies geared toward “Muhammad Reza Pahlavi,” in Interview with His- alism, the State, and the Varieties of Third-World developing industrial capitalism in Iran. Moderniza- tory, trans. John Shepley (New York: Liveright, 1976), Feminism,” in Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Lega- tion refers to the state’s social policies designed to 264–72; and R. K. Karanjia, The Mind of a Monarch cies, Democratic Futures, ed. M. Jaqui Alexander and create citizens and include them in this process of (London: Allen, 1977), 178–87. Chandra Talpade Mohanty (New York: Routledge, capitalist development. 1997), 30. ciiiso oe, nyt erknld“ihthe “with rekindled be to only women,” of activities state, Feminism,” the “(Un)Veiling through Najmabadi, Afsaneh work see they once agency ac- strip of to tivists tendency the to exception notable a For 9. nld ciit okn ihntesae ic the d’ since coup state, 1953 the within working activists to include seem not does activism of years.” definition fifty ac- this However, over for rights struggling been women’s “had who acknowledges tivists Bahar Sima 10. h tt rtruhgerlamovements. guerrilla through or state through than the other activism av- feminist nonexistent for nearly enues to point critiques of Many these institutions. and desire cri- rights a reflect democratic Political often for state assumption. Pahlavi the this of tiques of pivot alytic en oasm h ainls ateitself.” mantle nationalist the assume to sometimes has been, and be, must threat under fem- inism Third-World a of response “the that sibility pos- the is Ignored tools. government and as activists agents as activists dis- between a line creates tinguishing autonomy of notion A article. con- this in to explored order concerns in conceptual the a tendency textualize provide general to a is of intention sketch My dangers. these prey falls to Iran in all rights that women’s on claim scholarship to or comprehensive be to not meant is review literature stripped following The concomitantly agency. of being activists state in the results often within history into cri- back the the state of outside activists goal writing of the process the not tique, is this the Although outside and state. inside polarized domains: a of to dichotomy Thus according state. what recognized the is of agency of notions boundaries the rigid constitutes adopt dis- analyses state state. These the the outside that occurring activism activism the misses, inclusion the the of is history critique into this of symptom One women’s a constituting movement. as or- con- or are and feminist state activities sidered the only of that independent is ganizations Iran Pahlavi in rnadsre sascnaysuc o many for source secondary a as serves and Iran in rights women’s on Khomeini written works Repres- to book-length and 1900 Appeasement, from Mutiny, sion Iran: in ment out point analysis. of to kind this like of dangers would some I however, institutional freedom; of significance the dispute not do I ilText cial lzSanasarian’s Eliz o 8(00:29–45. (2000): 18 no. , ttrsle na n t h political the “to end an in resulted etat ´ 9 oino uooyi h an- the is autonomy of notion A h oe’ ihsMove- Rights Women’s The soeo h first the of one is So- oeeti rn”in guerrilla Iran,” in the Movement in Women’s the involved to Background Historical in (“A women movement agency are or analysis legitimacy any her with activists Thus regime.” only the by the controlled claim- “fully Women, was of it that Council ing High the of dismisses activities She the Movement.” Siahkal the of beginning 1 eg GetWyt l, 34. Fly,” to Way “Great Heng, 11. 181–82). 1983], Ithaca, ihFnaetls Islam Fundamentalist with 10 11 n ftels needn oe’ organiza- in women’s tion independent last the of disband- ing “the that assertion startling the makes the of in League dismantling Women’s the Patriotic with ends into movement activism a this of rise The activism. women’s ed htasca oeetms ei op- establishment. in official be an must to movement position social a that tends con- which framework, theoretical her to linked fmn oe’ raiain nrlto to relation parties. position political in male-run organizations auxiliary women’s the many to This of women. attributed of is position failure legal significant the any in produce changes to national- parties of political failure ist the note scholars rights activists, women’s the many for of allowed activity “independent” context this ac- generally that is knowledged it par- While political organizations. and numerous ties of emergence the on during weak as ment possi- dismissal. than this rather least, exploration very merits bility the of At account state? on the simply entering agency that lost state the ac- outside same when agency the with vests that Sanasarian tivists assume really we indepen- Can institutional be- dence. and here movement correlation a uncritical tween and direct a is oeeti Iran.” in movement inlRvlto of Revolution Constitu- tional the optic, her In extinction. movement and cline, de- rise, women’s origin, of trajectory the unilinear a through traces analysis Her h otx fa daie ot America. North idealized an of context the in formulated theoretically movements social of characterizations to according movement social a as activism identifying is concern primary ian’s Sanasar- Republic. Islamic the the through of ac- up establishment century rights twentieth women’s the in spans tivism work The scholars. ayshlr iwtecnrlgovern- central the view scholars Many oe fIa:TeConflict The Iran: of Women 1932 d aa zr [London: Azari Farah ed. , akdteedo h women’s the of end the marked 13 1905 1941 hsasrini partly is assertion This – ak h rgn of origins the marks 53 2 Sanasarian, 12. et wr gis h eea temo things” of stream move- (Sanasarian, general social the that against group but “work specific institution,” ments an a or government, society, a in op- be established “could this that ponent states she instance, For 14. 13.Ibid.,28. state. the of independent atmo- society civil political for allows a that sphere presuppose to seems context This 1932 n concentrate and Sanasarian . 14 oe’ ihsMvmn nIran in Movement Rights Women’s oe’ ihsMvmn nIran in Movement Rights Women’s There 12 229

29). , Mana Kia ,4. Negotiating Women’s Rights 230 Janet Afary’s discussion of the 1941–53 state came to include women’s rights in its period is characterized by an understanding of modernization agenda. We are simply told that women’s activism as institutionally subjugated “the discourse of modernity aimed to bring to the broader political agendas of political par- the familial and social position of women in ties, which privileged nationalist ideas over what line with the image of a great-civilization-in-the- were seen as special interests, such as female making.”17 Regarding the right to vote, Paidar suffrage. This understanding of the ideologi- states that female suffrage was granted “by the cal subordination of women’s rights to national- arbitrary action of an autocratic ruler.”18 We are ist issues makes the same uncritical correlation left with the impression that Muhammad Reza Comparative between ideological subservience and institu- Pahlavi woke up one morning in a good mood tional subservience as does Sanasarian. “Even and decided to allow women to vote. Studies of one of the most outspoken women’s organiza- Paidar allots only eleven out of nearly tions,” because it was a separate, auxiliary wing four hundred pages to discussion of the shah’s South Asia, of a larger political party with nationalist goals, gender rhetoric, the WOI, and the family laws Africa and the “placed greater priority on nationalist and gen- passed in the 1960sand1970s. To the WOI eral political demands than on the issue of itself, she devotes two paragraphs, with a few Middle East women’s rights.”15 Again we are presented with further mentions in relation to laws or inter- the idea of a reified masculine political force, changeably with the state. By 1966 officially this time a political party instead of a king, im- recognized women’s organizations were struc- pervious to any kind of influence from below or turally linked to the Pahlavi state through within. According to Afary, the agency of out- the WOI,19 but this fact should not consti- spoken activists is replaced by the agency of this tute a wholesale dismissal of all of its activities. dominating masculine force. We are left with lit- Paidar’s definition of the state is confusing, vac- tle room to understand how the negotiation of illating between laws, the shah’s rhetoric, and power in this period resulted in almost no legal the actions of individual institutions without dis- changes for women. tinction (149–60). Scholars generally describe the post-1953 The family laws of the 1960sand1970s period as a time when the monarchy asserted were the flagship of the state’s modernization its hegemony over state power by eradicating policy. Despite the state’s pretense that these all opposition. Most women’s rights activism laws were aimed at liberating women and revo- was seen as centered on the campaign to gain lutionizing their position, there were other mo- the right to vote and run for office. After this tives behind them, such as population control, right was gained and the WOI formed several and they had a much more limited aim than was years later, the Family Protection Law, com- pretended (155). monly viewed as a product of the state, was There is no examination of the process by passed. The process by which these laws came which these laws were conceived, formulated, into being, rather than the laws themselves, are or negotiated through the state apparatus, nor my primary concern.16 is there any distinction among the different ac- Parvin Paidar’s work strongly establishes tors involved within the state. Paidar mentions a the centrality of women’s position within the po- newspaper article critiquing the Majlis’s (parlia- litical discourses of twentieth-century Iran, but ment’s) failure to reform family laws. She then there is little explanation of how the Pahlavi jumps several years to when the New Iran Party

15. Afary, “Steering between Scylla and Charyb- and Nikki Keddie (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univer- 18. Ibid., 146. dis,” 36. sity Press, 1978), 216–26; Sanasarian, Women’s Rights 19. Anthony Parsons calls the WOI and similar or- Movement in Iran, 94–97; Gholam-Reza Vatandoust, 16. See F. R. C. Bagley, “The Iranian Family Protec- ganizations “quasi-independent para-statal organi- “The Status of Iranian Women during the Pahlavi tion Law of 1967: A Milestone in the Advance of zations,” since they were linked to the state by some Regime,” Women and the Family in Iran, ed. Asghar Women’s Rights,” in Iran and Islam: In Memory of member of the royal family, and government minis- Fathi (Leiden: Brill, 1985), 114–21. the Late Vladimir Minorsky, ed. C. E. Bosworth (Ed- ters often held positions on the planning committees inburgh: University of Edinburgh Press, 1971), 47–64; 17. Parvin Paidar, Women and the Political Process in (Anthony Parsons, The Pride and Fall: Iran 1974-1979 Behnaz Pakizegi, “Legal and Social Positions of Iranian Twentieth-Century Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- [London: Cape, 1984], 28). Women,” Women in the Muslim World, ed. Lois Beck versity Press, 1995), 356. ciit,pne ihntesa’ oiis(Paidar, policies shah’s helpless the of within impression penned the activists, with any us notion the leaving explore further, not does she and agency activists, any to restore not does statement this but WOI, the within activists the and shah the dif- between a ference acknowledge to try does Paidar credit, her To 20. issteWIa oilmvmn eas of because movement social a as WOI the misses ihtegvrmn’ tn”( stand” compatible government’s quite the were with activities their met; not be would or could WOI that the demands make that not told “did merely are negotiation We of state. the process with their need at the look and closer activists a for of agency the dismiss to enough reason is autonomy institutional of lack oto.Teei oro nSanasarian’s control. this in of level room the question no to analysis is There control. under activities independent women’s sought bring the which to state, of the co-optation by movement and women’s centralization of one organi- the zation. within from possibility state the the to resistance for of activists nor of organization agency the the within for neither the allows to afforded WOI attention is cursory topic The the which treated. to extent the is statement last nwmnwti h tt machinery.” state the within women on policies positive promoting in role important played an WOI “the that assertion with vague equally assessment an her qualifies she since tutions, insti- to government to left referring is are she that we deduce defined, explicitly never is tions” in- institu- “such corruption While institutions.” and such in herent decay from “suffered institution” that non-democratic and hierarchical, ( secretary a of that left was to WOI akin are the of we role the and that impression party, the with trans- political and their erased to is ferred Majlis the within activists of working the agency as The Law.” known co- Protection became was Family and bill WOI “the the that passed is by was told drafted are that we Majlis All law. the into to bill a presented ea hne nwmnsrgt”( rights” women’s in in changes act legal about only bring to “could government the they deeply with that accordance is fact she the laws, of family critical in changes legal for lobby to efforts activists’ mentions she Although oe n h oiia Process Political the and Women lzSnsra al h period the calls Sanasarian Eliz adrdsrbsteWIa “closed, a as WOI the describes Paidar ,150). 153 ). 79 89 .Sedis- She ). – 90 1953 2 fr,“teigbtenSyl n Charyb- and Scylla between 38. dis,” “Steering Afary, 22. 81–82. 1 Sanasarian, 21. 20 .This ). This – 66 21 wnsse rnesAshraf.” Princess ambitious sister Shah’s twin the was president whose organiza- umbrella tion new a (WOI), Organi- Iran Women’s of zation the of formation the proved the “In of formation WOI. the is organization women’s goals. and priorities its on imposed limitations subsequent and accommodation perceived this os u e oino ciimi o depen- not autonomy. is institutional on activism dent of notion her but free- political doms, many of lack the recognizes ment h tutr n ieto fteWOI. the of direction and on structure activity the that of effects the with is along organization omitted and activism whole a feminist that of is history which ex- of this least the with not institu- problems planation, new serious wholly are this There head tion. to chance jumped the was Pahlavi at Ashraf WOI that the and idea of shah’s the creation the that impression re ocamaltecei o h extension women.” the to vote for to credit right the the of all claim to shah the tried of the regime the from “Later, shah: the directly of hand above, from rights bestowed women’s all were that a notion poses the also to she work challenge rights, the women’s for acknowledge activists Nashat of does Revolution.” White only the as of Not included points six women the for of one suffrage having in tal instrumen- students—was and teachers, sionals, profes- women of and women recruits—hundreds older younger cease- the of “the many that of of campaign overlook less support cannot the we without shah, would the law vote become to have right the not While laws. state’s of the in passage played activism that role the edges acknowl- it because important is article Nashat’s upre h apinfrwmnsrights.” women’s had for or campaign in aspiration the active supported been the had who destroy women not many of did “it that Nashat argues Guity organizations, parties independent political and various of power repression political through shah’s the of consolidation the oe’ ihsMvmn nIran in Movement Rights Women’s nAaysaayi,tefis eha fa of hear we first the analysis, Afary’s In lhuhtepost- the Although 1966 uamdRz hhap- Shah Reza Muhammad 1953 , 22 4 bd,30. Ibid., 24. itrclOeve, nNashat, in Overview,” Historical Iran: A Pre-Revolutionary in “Women Nashat, Guity 23. uini Iran in lution eidrsle in resulted period eaegvnthe given are We 24 ahtsargu- Nashat’s ,29. 23 oe n Revo- and Women

Mana Kia 231

Negotiating Women’s Rights 232 When institutional autonomy is not pos- Although the class composition of ear- sible, can we say that feminist activism disap- lier women’s organizations was predominantly pears? As Geraldine Heng points out, “Third- urban upper- and middle-class, Sanasarian ad- World feminism, by virtue of its vexed historical mires their work. She concludes that activists’ origins and complicated negotiations with con- lack of personal qualities such as “imagina- temporary state apparatuses, is necessarily a tion, courage and egalitarian idealism” in com- chimerical, hydra-headed creature, surviving parison to their counterparts in the 1920s, as in a plethora of lives and guises.”25 Although well as their “subservience to the state . . . made Sanasarian asserts that many social movements them concentrate on purely legal changes for Comparative “change form, adapting to varying sociopoliti- women” (81). This supposed sole focus on le- cal conditions,” she is unable to view state in- gal changes, which benefited only their classes, Studies of stitutional control as one of these conditions.26 seems to be the main justification for dismissal Unfortunately (though with several notable ex- of activists in the 1960sand1970s. Sanasar- South Asia, ceptions), many scholars uncritically draw on ian attributes differences in activism to the lack Africa and the Sanasarian’s work and demonstrate similar an- of personal qualities. This view implies that alytic tendencies, attesting to how the erasure the opposition of earlier feminists vis-a-vis` the Middle East of activists’ agency within state structures con- state reflects these qualities, while a position tinues to be reproduced. of cooperation and activism from within the statedoesnot.Anditisbyvirtueofthisdiffer- An Alternate Way to Frame ence that latter-day activists treated lower-class Women’s Rights Activism women, who were not represented in their or- According to Sanasarian, centralization of ganizations, as “mere objects of charity” (81). women’s organizations during the reign of Although Sanasarian does not explain this dis- Muhammad Reza Pahlavi began in 1956,when tinction any further, it is a crucial one that I take the minister of labor encouraged a mass meet- up later. ing of women planned by the heads of several An alternate way to understand the dif- different women’s groups. The outcome of this ference between activists who occupy different meeting was the formation of the Federation points in history is to treat them as subjects ac- of Women’s Organizations (the Federation) tively engaged with their respective times. As in 1959, which consisted of fourteen orga- Joan Scott puts it, “The creation of women nizations. Sanasarian places Ashraf Pahlavi’s as subjects of history places them temporally direct control of this organization in 1961, in the context of their action, and explains when the Federation became the High Council the possibilities for such action in terms of consisting of eighteen women’s associations. those contexts.”27 This point is crucial to keep Sanasarian contends that “except for following in mind when examining the metamorphosis the formalities of building a bureaucratic of women’s organizations alongside their ideo- type organization, the High Council did not logical negotiations with the state. Mrinalini do anything else” (80–81). Viewed through Sinha asks the critical question, “Do the ideo- Sanasarian’s historical narrative, women’s logical constructs that condition women’s par- rights groups were passively absorbed into an ticipation predetermine the nature of women’s aggressive state whose main intention was to responses and make any interrogation of the restrict the demands of civil organizations. consciousness and agency of women themselves Activists within these organizations are assigned irrelevant?”28 We can learn more about the a total lack of agency, both in the process of nature of these ideological constructs them- institutional centralization and in terms of their selves and the terms of institutional participa- work within these organizations. tion that are negotiated within them. I exam- ine the narratives of activists involved with these

25. Heng, “Great Way to Fly,” 30. 27. Joan Wallach Scott, “Introduction: Feminism and 28. Mrinalini Sinha, “Gender in the Critiques of History,” in Feminism and History, ed. Joan Wallach Colonialism and Nationalism: Locating the Indian 26. Sanasarian, Women’s Rights Movement in Iran,1. Scott (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 4. Woman,” in Scott, Feminism and History,483. 1 bd,137. Ibid., 31. 151). 1993], apply also examples Chatterjee, (Partha his discourses of dominant to many hegemonic find a I discussing discourse, is Chatterjee Although 30. Today,” India in Riots Hindu-Muslim about Fragment: the Writing of Defense “In Pandey, Gyanendra 29. hl ag fdsetn voices.” dissenting of stride range a its whole in a of take powers to “the nationalism hegemonizing underestimate not out, must pointed has we Chatterjee Partha as and suit, ino nte ujc oiinaiigfo a from experience.” arising certain position articula- subject the another “as of but as tion se not per fragments, evidence as narratives historical these up take I activities. their their shaped that that and context shaped activities the as well as organizations, oe eain.Tesaesdsoreo mod- of discourse of state’s independent The position relations. power a not is Dominance inta ae place: takes that tion transforma- mutual subsequent the and critique absorbing discourse dominant re- a this between about lation think to way a suggests Chatterjee resistance. the of grammar provide discursive a of also possibility domination, adjustments, These enabling nature. while ul- its that affect adjustments timately absorption, accom- that to adjustments modate make must dissent- it absorb voices, to ing discourse dominant the change. For to vulnerable more dis- position a dominant in the course places and discourses other of existences distinct more for This allows nationalism. difference dominant a is it hegemonizing a nationalism, than rather that, indicates national- ism of discourse state’s the with gotiations ne- activists’ from resulting dissonance ological inadIsFamns ooiladPostcolonial and Colonial Histories Fragments: Its and tion Representations hsmyse noel piitcpur- optimistic overly an seem may This rie oe ol es ob eain it relation; struggle. by a constituted be be longer to no would cease would Oth- power autonomy. of erwise, aspect dominated an the retain always even must for subjectivity, to the claims exhaust cannot here consti- Dominance it. also by but tuted field, power, that of constituting fields only within not situated as discourse of think must We consciousnesses. several several subjects, by dis- peopled contention, of of field one the as courses of think we unless question to this answer nuanced historically a find cannot We Pictn J rneo nvriyPress, University Princeton NJ: [Princeton, 7(92:47. (1992): 37 29 h Na- The 30 h ide- The 3 oasai ae3 17. 3, tape Dolatshahi, 33. translations Oral mine). University; Iranian 15–16, Harvard pages Collection, 3, History tape Paris, 1984, May Meskoob, 15 Shahrokh by (Meh- interview acceptable Dolatshahi, more rangiz offices in employment en’s program wom- Four middle-class and upper- Point educated make helped the program. how Four describes Point Dolatshahi American-sponsored government Iranian the the and of auspices created joint was the Agency under Development National The 32. 31 fWmnsOrganizations Women’s of Evolution Institutional the on Reflections pcfial,ispiayga a women’s was goal primary more rights.” and its organizations] specifically, broad other more was [than “It men. based some as well occu- as tions, other to organiza- belonging religiously—defined including pationally—and women types,” of all variety of a “was membership National Path. Its New the the at founded coworkers Agency her Development Dolatshahi of Mehrangiz group a WOI. and the then Coun- and High the cil of part became eventually that in founded organization independent was an Naw) Rah-i (Jama’at-i Society Path New The uruddadgv hp otePhaistate. Pahlavi the to shape gave of and surrounded relations which other domination, through read created restriction, can re- we its and that relationship strictions this Further- through control. is it of more, it principle that control, by ordering of defined same system and restricted, the is up operates, too set be- has is state Although and control. the of defines method own state its to the holden in since demands way, accommodate some to obliged is The per- pressure. state it this that without have laws not enact would haps and address to state the be- forced language, maybe accommodating their and, of nature, cause and terms their mised moderniza- of tion. discourse subtle state’s the enabled in ultimately changes created that discourse relationship rights a women’s over ex- erted state Pahlavi and the ideological that domination The structural demands. discourse its voice rights restrictions to women’s had and the which limits through provided ernization et tsest aebe aryimportant move- fairly a mass been have national to a seems it not ment, was Society Path ciit’dmns oee,compro- however, demands, Activists’ 33 hl ecnsfl a htteNew the that say safely can we While 1954 32

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Negotiating Women’s Rights 234 organization among affluent women in Tehran. reality of all women and does not require the Although engaged in social work, the main fo- modern consciousness necessary to claim this cus of the organization was the political rights right. The focus on family laws is an attempt to of women. push for change on an issue that will improve Dolatshahi provides two reasons in hind- women’s rights, since a woman does not have to sight why an organization primarily concerned be aware of the right to benefit from it. What is with women’s rights became involved in so- hinted at is the passivity of some women, which cial work: “Because our society had need for is in marked contrast to the subject position it and because the ladies in the organization from which Dolatshahi herself speaks. This is a Comparative needed to keep busy and have activities to en- relation of service based on difference, of active gage in.” According to Dolatshahi, the signifi- women defining and representing the interests Studies of cance of these activities was twofold: “One was of the majority, based on a perception of this so that these women could gain some confi- majority as passive beings. South Asia, dence in themselves and recognize that they Within the New Path, the representative Africa and the can do things. Women had been in their homes structure was one of inclusive decision mak- for so long and they think they are only [suited] ing and democratic participation. While dif- Middle East for housework and at first they don’t have the ferent commissions reported once a week to nerve for activity outside of the house. And the board of directors, monthly meetings were the other reason is for society to see that these held to give all members the opportunity to ladies can be effective and get things done.”34 hear the progress of various commissions, to Put another way, middle-class activists empow- express opinions and suggestions, and to get ered themselves by providing social services for new information regarding rights. The compo- lower-class women so that they could then ap- sition of commissions was based on voluntary proach male officials within the state to push participation.36 A number of these meetings fo- for legal changes. The acquisition of political cused on understanding and discussing the con- standing through social work is a relation with stitution (qanun-i asasi)orthecivilcode(qanun- enormous class implications, which I take up i madan-i), especially pertaining to the family, later. women, and children. The New Path’s strategy was to raise the awareness of educated women The New Path’s primary point of emphasis was of the upper classes about existing rights and family law, above the right to vote, because if we have the right to vote, many will not pay atten- to engage in debates about how these rights tion [tavajjuh] to it. And women don’t vote and needed to be changed. Powerful government if they do they cast a vote but don’t really partic- officials, judges, and lawyers were invited to ipate the way that they should. But if family laws these debates.37 Dolatshahi states that they “did are fixed any person, whether they are aware or not exaggerate, we didn’t try to instigate people unaware [of family law] is included and will uti- to rise up and yell.” Their strategy was not a rad- 35 lize it [family law]. ical one of violence or agitation, it was a more This statement challenges the claim that cooperative approach toward enacting change; the primary goal of feminist activism during the they chose to raise awareness and create forums 1950s and early 1960s was to gain the right for discussion: “We would say that these men to vote. The justification provided for this pri- that we now live with did not create these cir- oritization of family laws above suffrage dem- cumstances. This state of affairs is centuries old. onstrates a lack of faith in women’s political But we must, through discussion and negotia- awareness or ability to “correctly” participate tion and debate, try to convince these men and politically. Reform of family laws is deemed to make them aware of how bad these laws are 38 more “useful,” since marriage is considered the until they are fixed.”

34. Dolatshahi, tape 3, 17. 36. Dolatshahi, tape 3, 17–18.

35. Dolatshahi, tape 3, 19. 37. Dolatshahi, tape 3, 20.

38. Dolatshahi, tape 3, 18. itr olcin avr nvriy 13. University, Harvard Collection, History Shahrokh by interview Meskoob,15May1984,Paris,tapeno.4,IranianOral Dolatshahi, Mehrangiz 40. (Dolatshahi, 19). judge 3, her a tape by was radical who a uncle, as well-educated viewed was own Dolatshahi her account by perspective, feminist present-day radical a seem from not may approach an such Although 39. rhls obigfrcag rmwti the within from system. change for lobbying nev- is ertheless it state, the of supportive radical, consciously from and far seem may approach this awareness. While raising and changing discussion espouses through laws which approach, tational aiet h eeaint c salasnbe- liaison a as act to Federation the to tative represen- The one activities. sent each political organizations in different engage not did that coor- organizations and with work activities social-work of dinated types not New both did in the engaged like and Path, Others, work rights. political charity for and lobby social in only engaged organizations some organiza- instance, each For tion. of orientation the resources to and was according activities cooperation of this coordination of of one nature The state. and the to relation participation institutional their their creating in recognize agency to ac- is rights women’s tivists of agency the knowledging te n o ahgopntt utg their go just in result, to a not As way. group own each for and other each with dif- cooperate the to societies for women’s ferent necessary was it naturally themselves. “Because various organize in to decided activists organizations the that Organizations. recalls Women’s Dolatshahi of establishment Federation the the of with comes organizations activism. con- of not lack a does stitute this approach, are this there to While drawbacks means. enact legal to through attempted change and quo status the she it, resisted through working of terms in state the with cooperated establish- Dolatshahi that while of Therefore, laws ment. the of terms in quo status inoto h ifrn societies.” different the federa- of out a tion organization, cooperative a creating were we First together. gathered societies women’s number of a established, was Society Path New the 14 hsi oclaoyadnonconfron- and conciliatory a is This h rtsg fcnrlzto fwomen’s of centralization of sign first The 39 oite n ebgnt hn about think to began we and societies r-salsmn osntma pro– mean not does Pro-establishment 1956 ,aboutayearafter 40 ato ac- of Part 3 oasai ae4 15. 4, tape Dolatshahi, 43. various un- for celebration to of organizations. women’s women day a ordered became Shah it Later, Reza veil. that date the of is Seventeenth The January. December–19 22 to 42. 14. 4, tape Dolatshahi, 41. Day sa rna ot ogl corresponding roughly month Iranian an is udn,a ela fca upr o their for support official as projects. well as with funding, organizations women’s provide could con- inde- trol that of control, means government a from was pendence it Although issue. tested of Seventeenth the eoslfitmovements. leftist dan- gerous by appropriated be would to they that organizations fear the women’s over control for de- sire shah’s the attributes Dolatshahi of charges favoritism. avoid to supposedly them, of all head should head she to Federation, was the sister in his organization one if that decided had shah the the Dolatshahi, to take According state. to the to matter activists individual caused zations aiain a o se noet ethe be to anyone Or- asked Women’s president.” of not help, Federation had for the ganizations them rule, ask a could as they we but us, or us recognize help to from could wanted individuals family if royal and feet the own our to needed on The we stand that aspects. opinion bad the of and were good majority be- had right act was this act cause this not “We or Federation. whether the discussed autonomy within on organization debates and sparked position the of acceptance Pahlavi’s serious.” very not “was that ( president honorary i‘ali their be to Pahlavi tttoal n dooial,ta arnsat- tention. warrants in- that both ideologically, relationship, and a stitutionally in result to was of control degree fluctuating continually their the in But effectivity work. increased of exchanged promise was the control for of pragmatic degree consciously a where a one, was choice leader- The Pahlavi’s Ashraf ship. accept to options decided and their weighed organizations different lce or fdirectors. of Federation’s board the elected and organization their tween .Dlthh ecie hssceya one as society this describes Dolatshahi ). ntttoa uooywsahtycon- hotly a was autonomy Institutional Federation, the to belonging society One 44 poraogtewmnsorgani- women’s the among Uproar 43 Day Day Society, 45 41 ciit ihnthe within Activists 5 oasai ae4 15–16. 4, tape Dolatshahi, 45. 15). hand 4, tape other (Dolatshahi, control” the her under on organizations] [the and have help could organizationsshe could women’s she the hand one of capable on head and the smart a as was person, who Ashraf, Princess they should put I that that thinking to one got and Federation aspect the think problematic a is this “Now 44. 42 se Ashraf asked ra’is-

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Negotiating Women’s Rights 236 The new institution created under the justice, since there was no Majlis in session at honorary presidency of Ashraf Pahlavi and with the time. While nothing immediately came of the active participation of the Federation was the proposal, Dolatshahi describes this sort of the High Council. The organization’s activities access to state institutions as novel; the draft be- were more centralized and subject to Pahlavi’s came the basis of what was eventually passed by control, but the High Council’s domestic activ- later activism within the Majlis.48 It was not un- ities were not significantly different from the til some activists were elected to the Majlis that Federation’s. This was not the case on the inter- reform of family laws was passed, yet the High national front. “One of the orders that the shah Council’s new state affiliation afforded activists Comparative gave to Princess Ashraf was to control the or- greater representation on the political scene, ganization’s international activities so that just domestically and internationally, even as it sub- Studies of anyone would not be permitted to go to any jected their activities to institutional control. conference.” Dolatshahi describes how before Although the High Council facilitated a South Asia, the High Council, any persons involved with more unified, organized, and controlled pres- Africa and the these organizations with enough money to pay ence within the state, as well as international their way could go to international women’s institutions, individual women’s organizations Middle East conferences, regardless of their qualifications. still continued their various social, charitable, After the High Council was established, it sent and political activities at the local level. These and paid for the most qualified representatives activities were subject to supervision and coor- to attend international conferences, a change dination, but the existence of the High Coun- Dolatshahi considered a positive aspect of state cil did not alter the structure of these orga- control.46 nizations, and, in many cases, it aided their The High Council’s participation in inter- activities through increased cooperation with nationally sponsored activities was sometimes each other and with relevant state organs. Dolat- used as a leverage point against the state. At shahi ascribes these beneficial aspects of the times when the state did not choose to send High Council to the power and support that High Council activists to international events, Ashraf Pahlavi garnered. It was at the encour- the positions of activists within these interna- agement of experienced activists that Ashraf tional organizations could be used to gain rep- Pahlavi began to participate directly in inter- resentation despite this exclusion. “Without the national conferences. According to Dolatshahi, support of Princess Ashraf and the High Coun- while Pahlavi had decision-making power over cil in sending me to all of the meetings of institutional matters and was a major liaison the International Council of Women, I would with the state, the years of experience that lead- never have reached a level in the International ing activists had in running these organizations Council to become elected its leader.”47 It would were the basis for both domestic and interna- have been profoundly embarrassing for the tional activities.49 In other words, activists did state had it curtailed Dolatshahi’s attendance not become clones of Pahlavi. Rather, their co- from the International Council’s events. This operation and compromise with her allowed prestige and prominence on the international them to bring their own agendas to the table scene also enhanced activists’ positions vis-a-vis` to create an institution that was the result of an the state. Dolatshahi recalls the importance of active exchange of skills and experience, albeit the International Council’s support of a draft from a subordinate position of power. of reformed family laws in consolidating the Increased participation of international High Council’s support of this draft. The High activities brought activists into contact with Council then took this draft to the ministry of other women’s rights activists from all over the

46. Dolatshahi, tape 4, 16. 49. Dolatshahi describes how Pahlavi actively in- seemed limited to attending and speaking at the cluded Dolatshahi, who had years of experience in opening of a conference. Aside from this, activists 47. Dolatshahi, tape 4, 17. the international arena, in planning the High Coun- were left to participate according to their own judg- 48. Dolatshahi, tape 4, 17. See Dolatshahi, tape 7, 6–13, cil’s involvement with international activities. Dolat- ment (Dolatshahi, tape 4, 17–19). for an account of how activists worked through the shahi and other activists encouraged Pahlavi’s direct Majlis to pass the Family Protection Law. participation in these activities. This participation hn ob i n rn”(oasai ae4 21–22). 4, tape every- (Dolatshahi, grand” for and “enthusiasm big be shah’s to thing the by and Pahlavi her on of impression virtue an made million, three of membership a claimed Poland’s which to organization, women’s visit Pahlavi’s that relates Dolatshahi 50. ndfeetfils ainwide.” nation organizations, fields, different different in coordinate and umbrella aid an to as act organizations member that are Council terms International the the of membership “because of Women, of Interna- Council the tional it with membership organizations, its forfeit women’s would other all WOI the replaced If institution. the of form resulting the constrained also organization national a of idea Pahlavi’s inspired that the ideals international Paradoxically, same effectiveness). envisioned increased she as (which insti- centralization increase and tutional eyes) international participa- for mass tion of semblance the par- (or mass ticipation gain to organizations women’s other all replace to organization women’s nationwide dangers. and its of shift conscious institutional were ac- this activists, with rights engaged agenda women’s tivists of social that and than political more state’s the served fohrorganizations. membership other the swallow of would that changes institutional from than rather politi- participation, cal and employment, from education, result increased would membership increased argued that They above. from cannibalism and tutional institutions insti- than civil rather below, from of participation mass pa- growth the and for caution tience advising Pahlavi, Ashraf with ciimi Iran. in activism rights women’s on monopoly virtual activities its through and co- membership to increased was ordinate which institution, centralized more in Iran of Organization Women’s creation the the of behind reasons as primary goal the of this one describes Dolatshahi de- ganizations. or- participation, women’s in mass membership increased of by noted that organizations. was domestic ideal for One goals policy institutional and became which in- this forum, certain within ternational circulated of that sense ideals and a norms conveys Dolatshahi world. i h osldto fcvlognztosun- organizations civil of consolidation the to aid than rather trajectory, democratic a soci- along civil ety of growth the encourage to meant was srfPhaiwne ocet unified, a create to wanted Pahlavi Ashraf 50 ciit icse h matter the discussed Activists 51 lhuhteWOI the Although 52 hsstricture This 1966 3 oasai ae4 23. 4, tape Dolatshahi, 53. 23. 4, tape Dolatshahi, 52. 22. 4, tape Dolatshahi, 51. ,a thdgetrpltcladfiaca power.” financial and political greater had but it societies, women’s other of rival the was tion organiza- women’s “this now organizations; mem- ber individual by run and federated by a constituted longer body no was WOI the notes, shahi nfetvns nteWIsatvte n its and activities WOI’s the in ineffectiveness beresources. consider- able and budget sizeable its many with open branches and and conferences, services organize WOI, provide classes, to the plans of grand had activities which domestic the critiques h raiain eefrhrioae and unnecessary, isolated activities. their and further in constricted were superfluous organizations thought be the WOI, the to with them liaison their as WOI acted who societies, these the of supervising of head the existence Since the the societies.” of favor in of not “was head branch especially command, the of chain because new this of WOI ical Capital crit- the is the Dolatshahi Takt). of Pay-i Zanan-i of (Sazman-i branch Organization a Women’s of called supervision the subject to were they Tehran, wom- in individual organizations of en’s existence the salvaged had in- these of changes. drawbacks stitutional the of critical and of were aware environment they options, an institutional in narrowing work- ever rights continue women’s to for opted ing activists while Even ne h uevso fteWOI. the of activities their supervision continue the to under capital the in oper- ating organizations allowed but branches WOI with re- provinces the WOI in the societies result, individual placed a As state. autocratic an der oasaiprevsagnrllvlof level general a perceives Dolatshahi lhuhitrainlconsiderations international Although eia a ile n results. any the yielded if had know seminar not and you it about afterwards nothing and hear go- would going and Princess coming the and and work on ing of province lot flung a far with some women in seminar a have were activities [ show some for everywhere, WOI, happened the to it Sometimes, unique something have. not was should this and they that have not depth did projects the these opinion, my in But, namaayish-i .Freape hywould they example, For ]. 55 6 oasai ae4 26. 4, tape Dolatshahi, 56. 25–26. 4, tape Dolatshahi, 55. 25. 4, tape Dolatshahi, 54. oasaialso Dolatshahi 56 53 sDolat- As 54

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Negotiating Women’s Rights 238 hampering of individual organizations, one of player in Iranian politics.”60 Although Pahlavi which was the New Path. On the international had a vested interest in the continuance of the front she admits that the WOI did relatively current regime, she sought both to support her well in sending the same representatives to UN brother as well as to influence him according conferences, although the WOI “were not or- to her own interests.61 The different accounts ganized enough” with other international or- of Pahlavi’s involvement and level of control re- ganizations. They sent different representatives flect the ideological variations of activists work- each time, hampering the WOI’s effectiveness ing through state-affiliated institutions. Pahlavi, by failing to send experienced representatives in her own memoir, discredits prior women’s Comparative or by preventing new representatives from gain- movements and activism, locating the real burst ing experience. These criticisms are in marked of women’s activism with her own entry into Studies of contrast to her appraisal of the High Council’s the effort: “At the time I began my work for perceived level of effectiveness. State affiliation women’s rights, we had a few scattered women’s South Asia, was beneficial so long as it did not severely stifle organizations, working at random, without any 62 Africa and the or replace individual organizations. But the de- long-range goals or purpose.” According to gree of centralization and control achieved by Pahlavi, most of these women’s groups did vol- Middle East the WOI’s relation to the state is perceived as untary charity work rather than engage with counterproductive.57 any political or economic issues. A radically different picture of the situation comes from Unequating Ashraf Pahlavi with Mahnaz Afkhami, who served as the secretary- the Shah and the State general of the WOI from 1970 to 1979 and Ashraf Pahlavi’s position needs to be problema- as minister of women’s affairs from 1975 to tized, since it is primarily according to percep- 1979; Afkhami recognizes the agency of other tions of her power over women’s organizations activists, including herself.63 Afkhami’s descrip- that most researchers dismiss or laud an orga- tion of Pahlavi as a figurehead is in marked con- nization. Many activists of the period working trast to Pahlavi’s own description of her role as within state-affiliated organizations defended instrumental in creating the High Council, and the integrity of these organizations by describ- later the WOI: “I met with representatives of ing her role as cursory. Pahlavi is portrayed as a various organizations to create a framework for figurehead, useful because she is able to lobby our women’s movement.”64 With this statement, the shah and to gain access to different facets of Pahlavi not only places herself in a more central the state on the organization’s behalf.58 Those and active role than that of simply providing the scholars who dismiss the WOI as a pawn of the meeting space but also dubs that meeting as the state view Pahlavi’s role as significant, as the link beginning of the women’s movement. This is an through which the state (and more specifically erasure of women’s activism before affiliation the shah) controlled the organization.59 with the state. Afkhami, on the other hand, sees However, it would be a mistake to under- this particular meeting more as a change in the stand Ashraf Pahlavi as the female version of the form of the existing women’s movement, and shah. Far from being the shah’s pawn, she was, she does not participate in the same erasure of as Marvin Zonis describes her, “a formidable prior women’s activism.

57. In a similar vein, Ozma Adl criticizes the profes- 59. For instance, Sanasarian points to Ashraf Pahlavi’s 61. Ibid., 126. For a description of Ashraf Pahlavi’s close sionalization of activists and what she perceives as power to appoint the majority of the WOI’s Central relationship with her brother and of her own au- undue focus on legal changes (Ozma Adl [Naficy], in- Council. For a more detailed discussion of the WOI’s tonomous power, see also Adl, tape 2, 9–10. terview by Habib Ladjevardi, 10 February 1984, Cam- organizational structure, see Sanasarian, Women’s 62. Pahlavi, Faces in a Mirror,154. bridge, tape 1, Iranian Oral History Collection, Harvard Rights Movement in Iran,83–85. University, 19–20). 63. Afkhami, “Iran: A Future in the Past,” 337. 60. Marvin Zonis, Majestic Failure: The Fall of the 58.Forinstance,seeMahnazAfkhami,“Iran:AFuture Shah (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 122. 64. Pahlavi, Faces in a Mirror,154. in the Past—The ‘Prerevolutionary’ Women’s Move- ment,” in Sisterhood Is Global: The International Women’s Movement Anthology, ed. Robin Morgan (Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1984), 331–33. h oenzto Bandwagon Modernization The 6 fhm,“rn uuei h at”331. Past,” the in Future A “Iran: Afkhami, 66. Chatterjee, 65. ainudrtenwfr fpatriarchy.” of form new the subordi- under their nation of because they them as to much resistant as were strategies hegemonic its fram- of ing the in project—complicit nationalist in the agents gen- active of “became modernization construction dered nationalist the adopted who activists rights Women’s classes. different women im- of for resulting particularly rights, the women’s on and pact state the activists within way mak- worked the understanding decision to crucial and is deliberation ing active this of nature The transformation. institutional pro- of this cess in participation which activists’ locate from can we transformation, de- this the around shows modern- bate approach its This and policies. state ization the with implemented compromise and it a reconciled refocuses activists and how role on actual Pahlavi’s impor- of the tance reduces strategies and or- women’s ganizations of evolution Revolution, the of Anti-Shah description her the po- after autonomous writing more sition Afkhami’s to tributed soeo h rtpirte n h ai for basis the and ( priorities rights” other first of achievement the of one independence is “economic and bring to change,” vehicle about important most the is sense development. est broad- economic the in “Education nation’s Afkhami, to According the cen- to as tral women positioned par- activism economic ticipation, increased state women’s garner for to support Thus, results. procuring a practicality, of of way matter a as Compro- represented is possible. mise incorporation this framed make be to could rights women’s projects, moderniza- tion its of part as rights women’s could include state the If possible. activism, cooperation rights making women’s and state the between denominator common lowest the modernization is change to and commitment This given. state a autocratic is an with compromise and ation tlatwscmitdt oenzto and modernization to change.” orientation, committed “al- in was state, feminist least at means Pahlavi no the by though that admits Afkhami hl hsdfeec ol aiyb at- be easily could difference this While 66 ainadIsFragments Its and Nation o fhm,tencsiyo cooper- of necessity the Afkhami, For ,148. 331 .W e how, see We ). iain 95,3. 1975), nization, 7 oe’ raiaino Iran, of Organization Women’s 67. fteWmnsOgnzto fIran of Organization Women’s the of 65 oe’ ihsadModernization and Rights Women’s Within: from Speaking eesr en fmdriain ( as modernization” but of education, means to necessary right the a on women’s solely of demanded basis not were women ral “Thus, ru- among force. illiteracy combat to labor programs special skilled ex- an more of and objective panded integral development and state’s with the harmonious to appear way to a as such in so presented are education of higher levels and independence of economic objectives women’s feminist the least, at theoretically cnmcrgt,dte n responsibilities.” and and duties social, rights, family, their economic of aware them make and and Iran to social, of cultural, women the the of raise knowledge economic to is Iran of Organiza- tion Women’s the of mission the and pose pur- ultimate “the that states constitution WOI’s Article taken represent. to have themselves activists upon that it women kind of class any little the of is for participation there political women, of for mention rights gain ac- to for power tivists political of necessity the mention in terms? participation nationalist economic increased fram- their by ing compromised were aspects rights women’s which of though, remains, question The ftewmnsrgt oeetb long-time by account movement this rights women’s in the in present of not Dolatshahi is and narratives Afkhami their both autonomy by The of enjoyed meant. understanding compromise better this a what the provides of shah reign the last during written narrative ac- tivist An the policy. modernization of nationalist constraints state’s ideological the within to work had activists that meant control Institutional economy. capitalist a in participation the of and duty citizenship modern of responsibilities the for exchanged a are presents rights women’s This trade-off: responsibilities. and contingent duties are on rights women’s these of Furthermore, themselves. necessity activists rights the women’s in for to qualities women contrast Iranian in for general, goal or a awareness political as of participation mention no is There lhuhAkaiadDlthh both Dolatshahi and Afkhami Although h Constitution The Ia:TeOrga- The (Iran: 1 fthe of 332 ). 67

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Negotiating Women’s Rights 240 activist Badr ol-Moluk Bamdad. While it is easy power to instigate mass opposition. This power to read Bamdad’s narrative as sycophantic, the stems from the “simple-minded and excitable” nuances of her narrative provide a glimpse nature of the masses who are easily led astray of the implications of the ideological compro- by their ignorance and irrationality (119). But mises that constitute her discourse of women’s since women during Reza Shah’s reign had rights.68 “tasted freedom,” they resisted the attempts of Bamdad is primarily concerned with im- “agitators” at reversing women’s rights. The ac- pressing on the younger generation the enor- tivities of these enlightened women “had some mous transformation that has taken place in effect in preventing a setback in the condition Comparative women’s status through comparison with her of the great mass of women in old-fashioned rendition of the past. The point here is not to families” (107). In Bamdad’s narrative, too, “en- Studies of look for historical accuracy, but rather at the lightened” (i.e., upper-class) women act as the way that Bamdad’s narrative constructs a spe- vanguards and protectors of helpless traditional South Asia, cific picture of women’s activism in relation to (i.e., lower-class) women. Africa and the the state. She begins with an ahistorical, tradi- Bamdad is careful to distinguish between tional woman whose complete oppression con- traditional reactionary elements and the reli- Middle East tains few variations according to class or lo- gion of Islam. Any opposition to women’s rights cale. Her narrative describes the Constitutional is traditional and thus reactionary, because of Revolution as “Women’s Awakening” (25–54). the inherent opposition of tradition in relation Activism, from this time until the 1930s, is to modernity, which comes to stand in for social seen as a dangerous and uphill struggle under- modernization and economic development in taken by courageous women in a time of dark- her narrative. But, she argues, reaction is not ness (55–90). While she acknowledges the ac- the same as religion, since “true” Islam is com- tivism of women before this time, she clearly patible with the enlightened goals of moder- understands the creation of the state-sponsored nity/modernization. Religious opposition is re- Ladies’ Center as the beginning of the women’s actionary because it espouses a form of Islam movement. Bamdad expresses a sense of relief corrupted by tradition: “While adversaries of at the state’s adoption of issues for which ac- women’s advancement all too often invoke reli- tivists had been pressing for years. She lauds gion in support of their attitudes, scholars who the increased provisions for women’s educa- have made profound studies of the subject are tion, unveiling, and admittance of women into convinced that the laws of Islam, if properly un- Tehran University as some of Reza Shah’s most derstood and enforced, provide the best assur- significant reforms (91–104). ance of the good life and guarantee women’s The chapter titled “Troubled Times” dis- legitimate rights” (111). Bamdad thus posits cusses setbacks to the cause of women’s rights women’s rights as intrinsic to Islam, and the past because of a loss of royal patronage: “After conditions of women and the clerical opposi- September 1941, when the women’s move- tion to women’s rights are understood as the re- ment unexpectedly lost the support of the great sult of distorted notions of Islam and a corrupt royal patron who had done so much for their and backward clergy and society. freedom and happiness, reactionary elements But the nationalist agenda of moderniza- on every side seized the opportunity to start ag- tion was predicated on modernized patriarchy itating and causing trouble” (106). The state is rather than on gender equality. While Bam- seen as a bulwark of protection and rationality dad’s feminism is based on the rights of the against ever-looming reactionary forces with the individual as espoused in the UN Declaration

68. Bamdad’s activities were not always in coopera- tion with the state. While she gladly took advantage of the state’s initiative to open Tehran University to women, in later years her newspaper, Today’s Women (Zan-i Imruz), was often banned by state authorities (Bamdad, From Darkness into Light, 106; and Dolat- shahi, tape 3, 6). o en reo rmteeo h aaiyto the and capacity (“Postcoloniality voluntarily” the obey ego, and the serve from freedom free- meant said, dom was it India, In self-indulgence. to right the ud meant ar- authors gued, un- several West, be the on in to ‘Freedom’ debates ‘freedom.’ enough to tied ‘modest’ unselfish—was yet and body selfassertive but the state of the regulations and modern the the appreciate of model to “This enough case: woman—educated Bengali/Indian Iranian ‘modern’ the which context, to Indian relevant the is in selflessness of national- ideal the ist discusses also Chakrabarty Dipesh 69. ie,wihaedsge o h odo the of good the community. for greater preroga- designed are nationalist which obey tives, and serve emanci- to her pation uses woman educated an context, oe r motn sidvdasbtbe- mothers. but and wives better individuals them makes as it cause important are because women not nation, the modern- of benefit and the for education ization for need the phasizes a eesr oifr hm[oe]o their of [women] them inform it to “Now necessary one: was modern a to trajectory complete traditional a a from thought, was and behavior needed of transformation now was What no- and tions.” ideas outworn with trammeled upbringing their been by had women nation’s the major- of “the ity since citizenship, of to right enough this “modern” claim not were ma- women the of rights, jority economic and social by accompanied attendant not was right political fact this the that from Aside rights.” women’s and of equality men’s the run of proclamation and “the vote as office to for right legal women’s Bamdad describes ideal. nationalist the moderniza- to of according tion level perceived their to cording domination. of practices the into rights women’s of appropriation allows the for which a of discourse, duties nationalist the patriarchal to subordination and with mise compro- through procured being are are they but rights sought, individual relation Therefore her men. by to determined for largely is is woman’s a position mothers, rights and wives given better be to be them should en- women firmly primary the reason still If relations. modernity patriarchal in of sconced version a re- flects rights of contingency and compromise This ( to nation self- responsibilities the the and duties on of contingent fulfillment national- less are the rights in context, expressed ist Rights, Human of oe antervr ujcho ac- subjecthood very their gain Women jathechhachar 124 – 25 .Iely ntenationalist the in Ideally, ). 69 od soepleased, one as do to , addrpael em- repeatedly Bamdad nomdriywsdfie soeo educating of one as defined was modernity journey the into sym- “Correspondingly prominent backwardness: most of bol Afsaneh the the was to century, woman According mid-nineteenth traditional impulse. the old from an Najmabadi, is This 72. 121. Ibid., 71. 27. Bamdad, 70. ric fHsoy h pasfr‘nin Pasts?” ‘Indian’ for Speaks Who History: of Artifice Representations 70 rmDrns noLight into Darkness From tesawy eddt erpeetdand themselves.” for represented speak to allowed be be not to could needed the always the because only grant others some could to it citizenship and of fold; dignity its exclud- a from by many define only ing could nation the it for controls, identity of cultural set time new same whole the at a imposing by only con- freedom could fer it Because nec- betrayal. of is story a emancipation commented, essarily nationalist has of story Chatterjee “The Partha class their As across of largely lines. degree fell rights the which of to modernization, set according different women a re- for implies power also problematic it a lation, establish duties and iiiisi h ouainta hysupposedly represented. they that population the in respon- sibilities attendant to and rights meaning these their for inculcate of fought job had the who is activists it the Bamdad, to According of limits. grasp a its on contingent is freedom of standing h tt’ oenzto discourse. modernization state’s the with negotiation activists’ was through equality marginalized gender of discourse feminist the just as discourse, within rights women women’s lower-class state-sponsored of the power and marginalized rights task This process a modernization. to of bodies and minds by their them subjecting “humanizing” of task the with and charged women lower-class ex- over power the of position in at a set were and Activists women. from lower-class of ac- distinction pense gained a emancipation to an cording was it lines; the class along was women, of Iran group select a in of emancipation women of emancipation The o n eonto fislimits.” free- its of of enjoyment recognition and for dom them prepare gen- to and erally them, on fall henceforth would duties which the of and acquired had they which rights 7[92:14). [1992]: 37 o nyde addscneto rights of concept Bamdad’s does only Not 72 5 56,126– 55–66, 25, , 3 Chatterjee, 73. 51). 1991], Press, versity oent n oaiy oe,Sae n Ideol- in and Iran,” Contemporary in State, ogy Women, of Morality: (“Hazards and subject” Modernity backward this unveiling and State d ei adyt Piaepi:Tml Uni- Temple [Philadelphia: Kandiyoti Deniz ed. , 71 nunder- An ainadIsFragments Its and Nation 73 oe,Ilm n the and Islam, Women, ,154.

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Negotiating Women’s Rights 242 The Price of Cooperation: From this point of view, tradition is equated with Compromising the Rights of Lower-Class Women irrationality, disorder, filth, and ignorance and Social transformation, from a traditional exis- therefore cannot be identified as something sys- tence to a modernized one, was a necessary part tematic. This condescending assumption is re- of activists’ projects for women. This contention flected in the strategy by which “proper,” mod- between the need for unity of identity (we, the ern methods were taught. This strategy, the women of Iran) and the need to recognize dif- reward system, is one of overt instruction, rem- ference within that identity (we, on behalf of iniscent of the unsubtle training children re- the women of Iran) is a discursive paradox of ceive. By infantalizing other women, activists as- Comparative women’s rights activism inscribed within a mod- sume the role of a mother beholden to the state, ernizing agenda. This paradox created a spe- a dominating role similar to that of a father. Studies of cific power relation that indicates how a dis- Lower-class urban women were not in- course of gender equality can come to practice cluded in the New Path’s debates over their so- South Asia, a relation of domination. cial service policies; rather, these women were Africa and the Mehrangiz Dolatshahi’s description of the to be acted on. Dolatshahi’s description of New Path’s activism in southern Tehran pro- their needs is telling of how this interpretation Middle East vides an example of a lower-class urban context. shaped the nature of middle-class women’s ac- The organization opened a social services cen- tivism toward poor urban women. For middle- ter, which provided a variety of classes for poor, class women, charity work prepares them for illiterate women, including classes on health involvement in civic activities. But for poor and hygiene, child rearing, cooking, sewing, women, they are to learn how to keep their and literacy. These classes were designed to in- houses clean and to cook better so that their still “modern, scientific” methods of domestic- husbands will stop beating them.75 The nature ity, personal hygiene, child rearing, and enough of activism and the rights women are entitled literacy for women to function in a modern so- to in lived experience appear to change with ciety. Dolatshahi describes the nature of these respect to activists’ perceived distinctions in classes and the teaching methods used: women’s levels of modernization and their con- comitant class positions. For instance, we would teach them to get their The proceedings of a 1975 WOI-spon- child’s birth certificate at the right time, not when they wanted to put the child in school and sored international conference on functional then they don’t have the birth certificate and literacy, “The Design of Educational Pro- come to us for help, or to keep their houses grammes for the Social and Economic Pro- clean. We would give these kinds of assistance motion of Rural Women,”76 provide a view and offer prizes. For instance, we would teach of women’s rights activism in a rural lower- the women, don’t leave your trash in front of the class context. The shared concept of the con- door to your house, clean your house, wash your tingency of rights and duties, according to windows, don’t dip your dirty toilet implements perceived degrees of modernization, provided [aftabih] in the courtyard pool [hawz]andthen a common ideological grammar that high- when the women would do these things, [the New Path activists] would say, good, because you lights the inherent harmony among the mod- have learned these things so well now we will ernization policies of international organiza- give you a prize [jayzih], we will buy your child tions, the Iranian state, and the WOI. In other clothes or get something for you.74 words, modernization discourse lent itself to a relation of domination in various contexts, This narrative implies that women did not know whether as part of an internationalist discourse, how to cook, clean, or take care of their chil- a nationalist discourse, or a discourse of gen- dren before their encounter with the New Path, der equality. Activists from different countries because their methods were not modern and formed a community based on their position therefore did not register as methods at all.

74. Dolatshahi, tape 3, 23–24. 76. The conference was presented in honor of the UN- sponsored International Women’s Year in 1975. 75. Dolatshahi, tape 4, 1. raiaino rn 95,3. 1975), Iran, of Organization Methods, Inter- Literacy Adult the for Institute and national Iran of Organization Women’s The 77. pnidvda int,sca utc,adna- and progress.” dis- tional justice, bear be social which dignity, to matters individual are posi- upon issues seminar her “The this in by state. cussed the speech within her tion on the see imposed we af- limits Here written Revolution. Anti-Shah article the her ter to contrast interesting oe fSvha ulprnr nacommon the a in engage ( partners we endeavor” full that as Saveh degree of the women suc- to “would only project the ceed that states vol- is She process untary. this that show own to their modernization, in present participants active to as women attempts rural Afkhami limits. acknowledg- has Afkhami’s ment But na- speech. from the Pahlavi’s absent and entirely acknowledgment society an tion, from dignity individual okadwowl,aoeal ercpieto receptive be all, above others.” will, who constructive objec- and in problems fulfillment work find pose will to who conscious- how tively, critical know a and develop ness of will difficulties and who sufferings others, the beings share type—into to new able a of beings and into submissive passive the transform will the program liter- acy at “the that remarks modern states Pahlavi opening Ashraf the conference, of her life In economic nation-state. in and citizens social active tradi- the become lit- these would of beings literacy, form tional functional specific a called through eracy, that activists’ was The view women. illit- lower-class largely rural, modernize erate, to how about cussions dis- in engaged women upper-class “modern” as oigitrainlnrso socioeconomic modernization. of norms international roring mir- lines, class along itself constitutes women, feminism lower-class rural of discussions these In consciousness. emotional subhuman almost an with work, ratio- meaningless in of engaged thought, incapable nal beings, passive and missive ieaina et o ntne u fnineteen of out instance, con- For best. secondary at a sideration as cooperation shows design inlSmnr1–4Arl1975 April Interna- 19–24 Seminar An tional Women: Rural and of Social Promotion the Economic for Programmes Educational of sign fhm’ ofrnesec rvdsan provides speech conference Afkhami’s 77 ua oe r ersne ssub- as represented are women Rural 5 .Hwvr h rga’ actual program’s the However, ). 78 79 e ttmn distinguishes statement Her Tha:Women’s(Tehran: h De- The nttt o dl ieayMethods, Literacy Adult International for and Institute Iran of Organization Women’s 79. 19–20. 4, tape orientations, Dolatshahi, class see and ideological similar of with coopera- women level international found the activists at commonality how and of tion account an For 78. ainlProgrammes cational Conclusion ovdi otfmns rjcstenotions projects—the feminist most in in- women volved middle-class and upper- the the of uncritically terms accept to “not us Abu- warns rein- Lila Lughod While thereby dominance. of than relation and a rather scribe discourse, activists of their for erasure analyzing speaking in by participate With- we history activists. agency, upper-class this of out agency the preserv- on ing contingent in is activism context rights autocratic women’s an of history critical a u hmi vis- in them still put can positions we class their . contradictions . the . consider educated women and middle-class literate were and who upper- of courage vision the and impugning “without mind, With questions. in old this explore help to ways that new trends find us indicates within it Instead, activists state. rights the women’s repre- all from of far sentative is perspectives, and ex- periences individual of narratives, of section cross This olwt h ua oe novdi h pro- the in gram. involved women rural the to hollow ( gether” to- through carried have we which but programme Saveh, a of women the to, or for, done has Organiza- tion Women’s Project the which the something sum, not is “In insists, Afkhami requests. their Though overrule experts any the know According and don’t better, labor. women rural wage reasoning, of this to sense the in economically active, be with to likely women less are and children many women pregnant con- since population trol, in interested is state the cerns: con- state reflects planning family on centration ( rates high and mortality infant marriage, as high early such rates, birth indicators and social pregnancy to pointing by planning justified family to WOI allocated time of The amount the planning. family on eighteen How- of weeks out importance. three spends in program the ever, ninth listed planning district Saveh family the in women rural issues, ,4. 6 ,saeet ieti uthv rung have must this like statements ), eino Edu- of Design -i te women.” other a-vis ` 33 uhd(rneo,N:PictnUiest Press, University 24. Princeton 1998), NJ: (Princeton, Lughod 0 iaAuLgo,“eiitLnig n Post- and in Longings Conditions,” colonial “Feminist Abu-Lughod, Lila 80. n oent nteMdl East Middle the in Modernity and .TeWIscon- WOI’s The ). 80 Writing eaigWmn Feminism Women: Remaking d iaAbu- Lila ed. ,

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Negotiating Women’s Rights 244 of ‘awakening,’ ‘women’s rights,’ and ‘empow- stake in analyzing these negotiations is a con- erment’ that are part of the narratives of cept of agency that informs relations of power as progress and enlightenment,”81 doing exactly fluid and multiple and that comprises spaces of that helps us locate paradoxes surrounding resistance. these notions within their own words, through their own agency. The conceptual bind between gender equality in feminist discourse and modernized patriarchy in modernization discourse created Comparative an elitist form of women’s rights activism in Iran. The induction of activism into the state’s Studies of modernization framework not only circum- scribed the ability of activists to procure rights South Asia, but also ensconced activists in a paternalizing Africa and the intragender dominance with respect to lower- class women. Activists adopted modernization Middle East discourse’s hierarchies of exclusion and dom- ination, which limited their ability to substan- tially alter patriarchal relations. According to Teresa de Lauretis, the feminist subject is “not unified or simply divided between positions of masculinity and femininity, but multiply orga- nized across positionalities along several axes and across mutually contradictory discourses and practices.” Race, class, nation, and sexuality constitute these other axes, creating the femi- nist subject as “much less pure, as indeed ideo- logically complicitous with ‘the oppressor.’”82 By dehumanizing lower-class women, ac- tivists were able to inscribe their reforms within the nationalist agenda of modernization. This complicity haunted them, since it also entailed accepting the limits of modern patriarchy on these reforms. Activists fighting for reform of family laws were trying to reform traditional patriarchal relations, which in turn codified and strengthened the modern patriarchy es- poused by the state. As a result, class divides were reproduced and reinforced, and a whole stratum of lower-class women, labeled as tra- ditional, was alienated. Articulations of class, gender, and nation are indeed “relationally im- plicated in one another,”83 and these relations manifest themselves in power negotiations. At

81. Ibid., 25. 83. Sinha, “Gender in the Critiques of Colonialism and Nationalism,” 498. 82. Teresa de Lauretis, “Displacing Hegemonic Dis- courses: Reflections on Feminist Theory in the 1980’s,” Inscriptions 3–4 (1988): 136.