Communities on a Frontier in Conflict

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Communities on a Frontier in Conflict:

The Jesuit Guaraní Mission Los Santos Mártires del Japón

By Robert H. Jackson

With a contribution by Graciela Gayetzky de Kuna Communities on a Frontier in Conflict: The Jesuit Guaraní Mission Los Santos Mártires del Japón

By Robert H. Jackson

This book first published 2018

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN (10): 1-5275-1312-2 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-1312-9

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables, Figures and Maps ...... vi

Acknowledgments and Initial Thoughts ...... x

Chapter One ...... 1 Introduction

Chapter Two ...... 13 An Origin Forged in Conflict

Chapter Three ...... 32 Regional Conflict and the Jesuit Missions

Chapter Four ...... 62 Mission Organization, Urban Plan, and Architecture

Chapter Five ...... 108 The Concept of a Mission “Economy”

Chapter Six ...... 131 Life, Death, and Taxes: Demographic Patterns on Los Santos Mártires Mission

Chapter Seven ...... 180 Conclusions

Appendix 1 ...... 185 The Population and Vital Rates of the Guaraní Missions

Appendix 2 ...... 220 The Populations of the Missions of the Jesuit Paraguay Province

Selected Bibliography ...... 227

LIST OF TABLES, FIGURES AND MAPS

Tables

Table 1: Communions Recorded at Los Santos Mártires del Japón Mission, in selected years Table 2: Guaraní Mission Militia Mobilized for Campaigns against Colonia do Sacramento, 1680 and 1761 Table 3: Dominican Doctrinas in Guatemala and Chiapas in 1611 Table 4: Dominican Doctrinas in Chiapas and Tabasco Table 5: The Number of Families and Estimated Population of the Dominican Doctrinas in Chiapas, in selected years Table 6: Account Balance of Los Santos Mártires Mission in the Buenos Aires and Santa Fe Oficio de Misiones, in pesos and reales Table 7: Sources of Income of six missions in 1787, in pesos Table 8: Livestock reported at Los Santos Mártires Mission Table 9: Livestock slaughtered and lost at Los Santos Mártires Mission in 1790 Table 10: Population of the Paraguay Missions and the 1718-1719 Smallpox Epidemic Table 11: Catastrophic Mortality in 1733 Table 12: Catastrophic Mortality in 1735 Table 13: The Chronology of 1737-1740 Smallpox Epidemic Table 14: Catastrophic Mortality in 1737-1740 Table 15: Baptisms and Burials Recorded in 1733, 1735-1740 Table 16: Baptisms and Burials Recorded in 1741, 1744-1750 Table 17: Baptisms and Burials Recorded in 1763-1765 Table 18: Marriages Recorded at Selected Missions, 1728-1741 Table 19: Population of the Baja California Missions in 1744 and total baptisms from date of foundation to 1744 Table 20: The Population of San Francisco Xavier and Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe Missions, in selected years Table 21: Crude Birth and Death Rates on Selected Baja California Missions, 1769, 1772, 1781-1782 Table 22: The Population of Los Santos Mártires Mission, in selected years

Communities on a Frontier in Conflict vii

Table 23: Marriages Recorded at Los Santos Mártires Mission, in selected years Table 24: Females as a percentage of the total population of Los Santos Mártires Mission, in selected years Table 25: Children and Adolescents as a percentage of the total population of Los Santos Mártires Mission, in selected years Table 26: Post-Expulsion Population of Concepción Department Table 27: Fugitives Reported, in selected years

Figures

Figure 1: A section of the Ixmiquilpan church murals depicting two jaguars (Tepeyollotl) and an eagle Figure 2: Detail of the mural depicting a jaguar as a Tepeyollotl Figure 3: Detail of the mural depicting a jaguar as a Tepeyollotl Figure 4: The bell tower of the Barrio Chapel of San Juan Bautista Tlaltentli showing the embedded pre-Hispanic stones aligned at the top. Figure 5: Detail of the design element in the lower cloister of San Juan Bautista Coyoacán showing the beheaded Jesus, and of the mural of a Jaguar Warrior in the convent church San Miguel Ixmiquilpan. Figure 6: The Fortalesa of Santa Tereza Figure 7: The ruins of San Carlos mission Figure 8: The ruins of San Carlos mission Figure 9: Islamic ceiling decoration from the Alcázar (royal palace) in Sevilla, Spain Figure 10: Examples of Islamic architecture in Sevilla, Spain Figure 11: Alfarje in the cathedral of Ciudad Real and the church of Santo Domingo Chiapa Figure 12: The façade and interior of the convent church Santo Domingo Chiapa Figure 13: The mudéjar-style fountain in the main square of Chiapa Figure 14: The late seventeenth-century baroque-style convent church Santo Domingo Figure 15: The church interior Figure 16: The chapel of Zinacatán Figure 17: The sixteenth-century cloister of Santo Domingo Chiapa Figure 18: Santo Domingo Tecpatán Figure 19: The plateresque-style sixteenth century church of the visita of Copainalá Figure 20: The Hospital de Indios

viii List of Tables, Figures and Maps

Figure 21: The monumental one nave plateresque church at Huejotzingo Figure 22: The sixteenth-century church in Sabaya (Bolivia) Figure 23: A c. 1750 diagram of San Miguel mission Figure 24: A c. 1750 diagram of San Juan Bautista mission Figure 25: Detail of the San Juan Bautista mission church Figure 26: The 1786 diagram of Los Santos Mártires mission Figure 27: The 1792 diagram of Los Santos Mártires mission Figure 28: A diagram of the main elements of the mission complex Figure 29: A diagram of the building complex of Los Santos Mártires mission Figure 30: The ruins of the mission church at Los Santos Mártires mission Figure 31: The Ruins of Guaraní housing Figure 32: The Jesuit churches of La Asunción Arispe and San Ignacio Caborica (Sonora, Mexico) Figure 33: San Miguel church at Concá (Querétaro, Mexico). Figure 34: The Procuraduria in Buenos Aires Figure 35: An illustration by Florian Paucke, S.J. of the tapia frances building construction technique Figure 36: A mixed stone-adobe wall in the church at San Juan Bautista Figure 37: The Population of Santa María la Mayor mission, 1643-1803 Figure 38: The Population of Los Santos Mártires mission, 1643-1803 Figure 39: Baptisms and Burials recorded at Los Santos Mártires and Santa María la Mayor missions Figure 40: Females as a percentage of the total population of Los Santos Mártires mission

Maps

Map 1A: A contemporary map showing the location of the Jesuit missions Map 1B: Detail of the map showing the location of the Jesuit missions Map 2: A 1737 map of Colonia do Sacramento Map 3: A 1777 Spanish map showing the changes to Colonia do Sacramento and its defenses Map 4: A contemporary map showing Lago Merim, the disputed borderlands, and the mouth of Laguna de los Patos Map 5: The Spanish Fort of Santa Tecla built in 1773 Map 6: A contemporary map showing the defenses constructed at the mouth of Laguna de los Patos Map 7: Detail of the map showing the fortifications Map 8: A contemporary map showing the interior of Laguna de los Patos Map 9: Detail of the map showing the fortifications and settlement

Communities on a Frontier in Conflict ix

Map 10: An 1818 diagram of San Carlos mission destroyed during an 1818 battle with Luso-Brazilian invaders Map 11: Detail of a c. 1780 map prepared following the Treaty of San Ildefonso (1777) that shows yerbales in the area of what today is Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil exploited by San Juan Bautista mission

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS AND INITIAL THOUGHTS

Firstly, a note of explanation regarding the cover illustrations to this study, which are two depictions of the crucifixions of Christians staged by Japanese officials in Nagasaki in 1597. In protecting their culture and religious traditions Japanese leaders attempted to eliminate the growing Christian community, and particularly the foreign influence that they correctly perceived to be linked to the new faith and that posed a potential if not real threat to Japanese independence. The Japanese executed foreign missionaries and native Japanese Christians, including the Franciscan missionary Felipe de Jesús who was a native of Mexico City. When the Jesuits established a mission at a community named Caaró in 1628, they dedicated the new mission in the memory of the Jesuits who were in the group of Christians executed in 1597. The 2016 feature film “Silence” captured a sense of the Japanese anti-Christian campaign and particularly its motives. In recent decades some historians have extolled the virtues of what they refer to as “theory” in explaining the past. I have not embraced this trend because “theory” as applied to historical studies does not accomplish what it claims to do. The brilliance of Albert Einstein’s publications in the early twentieth century was that he predicted physical phenomenon in the universe that was then proven through observation. On the other hand, I would suggest that “theory” does not and cannot predict human behavior. No “theory” can predict what I will eat for breakfast next Monday or what I will write in the first sentence of the conclusions to this study. It is the role of the historian to explain and interpret past events, not merely to narrate them. It is also to draw connections between apparently unrelated events. In this task what some identify as “theory” is very useful. I prefer to use the term paradigm, since the reality is that historians deal with events that have already occurred and there is nothing to predict. It is not a question of what will happen, but rather why it happened and why it is important to know. In this regard the idea or ideas used to interpret past events should also reflect realities that historical actors could understand, and not the musings and angst of early twenty first century scholars that reflect different values, and not the values of people who lived in the past. A case in point of what I mean is the famous or perhaps infamous 1997 study written by Steve Stern titled The secret history of gender: Women,

Communities on a Frontier in Conflict xi men, and power in late colonial Mexico.1 Stern attributed motivations to late colonial Mexican historical actors in concepts that the actors would not have recognized or most likely understood using the “theory” that was in vogue among some historians at that time. This was an exercise that one reviewer referred to as “intellectual masturbation,” while those who had bought into this particular “flavor of the month” acclaimed the study for its brilliance. This study deals with conflict and the effects of conflict pm the Jesuit missions among the Guaraní in the seventeenth to early nineteenth century. Chapter six deals with demographics and the connection between demographics and conflict, particularly in the 1730s when there was regional conflict and the mobilization of thousands of Guaraní militiamen, when more than 80,000 Guaraní died in the space of seven years. “Theory” could not have predicted with absolute certainty that contagion would spread to the missions, although it could be hypothesized based on paradigms of the demographics of early modern populations. One is that in populations that were too small to maintain a chain of endemic infection, an epidemic outbreak would occur about once a generation when there was a large enough group of highly susceptible hosts that had not been previously exposed. However, a “theory” could not have predicted that smallpox in the years 1738-1740 would spread to some missions, but not others. Moreover, as I argued in a previous study,2 the hypothesis of the effects of so-called “virgin soil” epidemics in explaining post-conquest indigenous demographic patterns in the Americas does not hold up when tested against data from the Jesuit missions among the Guaraní. The concepts used to analyze historic demographic patterns are highly specialized, but are also significant. The interpretations presented in chapter 6 represent issues that I have studied for more than a decade. They are based on my previous publications that are fully documented in the main text of this study, and particularly the multiple crises of the 1730s. However, I have incorporated new important data, and chapter six is my final word on Guaraní mission demographics and the crises of the 1730s. I have previously compared epidemic mortality and demographics on other missions on the frontiers of Spanish America, and in chapter 6 include one new comparison with missions in Baja California. The Guaraní populations and demographic

1 Charlotte: University of North Carolina Press. 2 Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival Among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of Spanish South America, 1609-1803: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015).

xii Acknowledgments and Initial Thoughts patterns were very different from those of the Baja California missions, but there was one point of similarity. The crises of the 1730s and particularly the smallpox epidemic at the end of the decade were related to one factor, which was the movement of large numbers of people that facilitated the spread of contagion. This explains the high mortality in some missions that reached levels hypothesized for so-called “virgin soil” epidemics. The comparison made with the Baja California missions also documented a period of the movement of relatively large numbers of people as royal officials used the Peninsula as a route to get to the new colony in California. I have many debts of gratitude in concluding this intellectual journey to understand the experiences of indigenous peoples brought to live on Spanish frontier missions that I started more than three decades ago. Two mentors or perhaps more correctly tormentors framed my development as a historian many years ago. They were David Sweet at the University of California, Santa Cruz and Murdo MacLeod who at that time taught at the University of Arizona. Over the years I have researched different subjects, but have continued my interest in missions to the point where this is my last word on the subject and it is up to others to continue exploring the subject. I announced this as the “End of a Journey” in my last study Frontiers of Evangelization, but I still had this one last study to complete. It is time to move on to other considerations such as photography and my love of the many wonders that Mexico offers. I have been fortunate to have been able to interact with interesting and informed colleagues over the years. At the top of the list are Susan Deeds, Erick Langer, Gregory Maddox, and Bob McCaa. I also owe a debt of gratitude to the late Don Tulio Halperin Donghi, who directed my doctoral dissertation at the University of California, Berkeley. He helped me select the topic of my dissertation that dealt with another indigenous frontier in Cochabamba, Bolivia, and the freedom to develop. There is a bit of Cochabamba in this study. Finally, my greatest debt is to my thanks to my wife Laura Diez de Sollano Montes de Oca. She has and continues to put up with my wanderlust and the time I have dedicated to research and writing. I was fortunate to have her accompany me in 2016 on a trip to Argentina where we visited a number of mission sites in Misiones, Argentina, saw the natural wonder of Iguaçu, and the cultural experience of tango in Boca, Buenos Aires where we also met the talented tango musician Pablo Gomez. The conclusion of this journey would not have been possible without her.

Robert H. Jackson Mexico City, Mexico

Communities on a Frontier in Conflict xiii

An anonymous seventeenth century Japanese illustration of the 1597 Nagasaki crucifixions. Wikimedia Commons.

xiv Acknowledgments and Initial Thoughts

A mural in the Franciscan church La Asunción Cuernavaca illustrating the 1597 Nagasaki crucifixions. Photograph by Robert H. Jackson.

Map 1A (next page): A contemporary map showing the location of the Jesuit missions. Plano corográfico de los reconocimientos pertenecientes a la demarcación del Art. 8o. del Trato. Preliminar de Límites de 11 de octe. de 1777 practicados por las segundas subdivisiones española y portuguesa en orden a desatar los dudas suscitadas entre sus respectivos comisarios. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., call number G5202.P3 178- .P5.

Communities on a Frontier in Conflict xv

xvi Acknowledgments and Initial Thoughts

Map 1B: Detail of the map showing the location of the Jesuit missions.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

The early modern period and particularly the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries was a period of conflict in Europe. The Protestant Reformation initiated a destructive cycle of wars over which brand of Christianity people embraced that only concluded with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 that ended the Thirty Years War (1618-1648). Nation building conflicted with regional and national aspirations as in the case of the Dutch revolt against Spanish Hapsburg rule, or the Portuguese reassertion of independence in 1640 following 80 years of Spanish Hapsburg governance. Europeans also fought a series of wars to reestablish an elusive balance of power, which was an abstract concept rulers and diplomats could claim to recognize but not define. Conflict was also related to climatic conditions that caused ecological crisis, and marauding armies spread infectious disease that killed many people.1 Conflict in this period often spilled over into European colonial territories in the Americas, Africa, and Asia. Certain areas in the Americas, for example, became focal points of conflict. The Caribbean Basin was one. Spanish colonial commerce passed through the region, and the flotas (convoys of merchant ships) became the target of Spain’s European rivals and the buccaneers, a conglomeration of people of different nationalities that engaged in piracy.2 Spain responded to the

1 On conflict and crisis see Geoffrey Parker, Global crisis: war, climate change and catastrophe in the seventeenth century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013); Thomas Munck, Seventeenth century Europe: State, conflict and the social order in Europe 1598-1700 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1990); Gerald Soliday, A community in conflict: Frankfurt society in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries (Hanover, N.H., Published for Brandeis University Press by the University Press of New England, 1974); Michael Howard, War in European history (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). 2 Roland Hussey, “Spanish reaction to foreign aggression in the Caribbean to about 1680,” Hispanic American Historical Review 9:3 (1929), 286-302; Stephan Palmié, and Francisco A. Scarano, eds. The Caribbean: a history of the region and its peoples (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013); Frank Moya Pons, 2 Chapter One threat to its commerce by building massive stone fortifications to protect its ports, a strategy that proved flawed when the British simultaneously occupied Havana and Manila in 1762 during the Seven Years War (1755- 1763).3 A failed British assault on Cartagena in 1748 had temporarily reaffirmed Spanish confidence in this defensive strategy, but it was disease rather than Spanish defenses that defeated the British attack.4 The Spanish defeat in the Seven Years War, however, resulted in a military reorganization in Spanish America, and the creation of the first standing armies that had to be funded. The military reorganization was a key element of the so-called Bourbon Reforms in Spanish America after 1762.5

History of the Caribbean : plantations, trade, and war in the Atlantic world (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2007); Anderson, John L. Anderson, "Piracy and world history: An economic perspective on maritime predation," Journal of World History 6:2 (1995), 175-199; Kris E Lane, and Robert M. Levine. Pillaging the Empire: Piracy in the Americas, 1500-1750 (London: Routledge, 2015); Richard B. Sheridan, "The Plantation Revolution and the Industrial Revolution, 1625-1775," Caribbean Studies 9:3 (1969), 5-25. 3 Paul E. Hoffman, The Spanish Crown and the Defense of the Caribbean, 1535-- 1585: Precedent, Patrimonialism, and Royal Parsimony (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1999); Carlos Marichal and Matilde Souto Mantecón, "Silver and Situados: New Spain and the financing of the Spanish Empire in the Caribbean in the eighteenth century," The Hispanic American Historical Review 74:4 (1994), 587-613; Alejandro de Quesada, Spanish colonial fortifications in North America 1565-1822 (Osprey Publishing, 2010); John Robert McNeill, "Mosquito Empires: Ecology and War in the Greater Caribbean, 1620-1914," Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 36:71 (2011), 290- 292; David Greentree, A Far-Flung Gamble-Havana 1762 (Osprey Publishing, 2010). Nicholas Tracy; Manila ransomed: The British assault on Manila in the seven years war (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1995). 4 Carl E. Swanson, "American Privateering and Imperial Warfare, 1739-1748," The William and Mary Quarterly: A Magazine of Early American History 42:3 (1985), 357-382.; Charles E Nowell, "The Defense of Cartagena," The Hispanic American Historical Review 42:4 (1962), 477-501; Julian De Zulueta, "Health and military factors in Vernon's failure at Cartagena," The Mariner's Mirror 78:2 (1992), 127- 141. 5 Leon G. Campbell, The military and society in colonial Peru, 1750-1810 (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1878); Christon Archer, The Army in Bourbon Mexico, 1760-1810 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1977); Allan J. Kuethe, Military Reform and Society in New Granada, 1773- 1808. (Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 1978); Allan J. Kuethe, and Kenneth J. Andrien, The Spanish Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Century: War and the Bourbon Reforms, 1713–1796 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Introduction 3

Colonial territorial expansion was a second cause of conflict in the Americas, and conflict over land and boundaries in the Rio de la Plata region provides the conceptual framework for this study. The Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) between Castile and Portugal established spheres of influence and space for colonization that proved to be poorly defined and open to different interpretation in South America by the two signatories, and particularly in the Rio de la Plata borderlands.6 The Rio de la Plata was a Spanish colonial backwater when compared to Mexico and the Andean Highlands with its mineral wealth, and Spain dedicated few resources to its development and through inertia left much of the territory it claimed unoccupied. Luso-Brazilian colonists, on the other hand, aggressively expanded into what Spain claimed as its sphere of influence but had failed to occupy, and redefined colonial boundaries. This expansion came into conflict with Jesuit missions among the Guaraní, resulted in the destruction of missions, and gave rise to a unique military- political organization on the missions. This prolonged regional conflict in the disputed Rio de la Plata borderlands and its effects on the Jesuit missions provides a second conceptual framework for this study. This study examines the development of the Jesuit missions among the Guaraní through the case study of Los Santos Mártires mission (established in 1628), set against the backdrop of nearly two centuries of regional conflict, the ways the Jesuits and Guaraní adapted to the effects of conflict on a disputed borderlands. The stunning defeat at the hands of the British in 1762 forced Spain to create armies in the Americas for the first time, which meant that prior to that time the colonial populations mobilized as militia had provided the “cannon fodder” for the conflicts in the Rio de la Plata, and this responsibility fell heaviest on the Guaraní residents of the missions. Royal officials had come to depend heavily on the mission militia to provide the manpower for military campaigns. Scholars have examined the creation of the mission militia and the militarization of the Jesuit missions.7

2014); Jacques A. Barbier, Reform and politics in Bourbon Chile, 1755-1796 (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1980). 6 H. Vander Linden, "Alexander VI and the Demarcation of the Maritime and Colonial Domains of Spain and Portugal, 1493-1494," The American Historical Review 22:1 (1916), 1-20; James McCourt, "Treaty of Tordesillas 1494," Queensland History Journal 21:2 (2010), 88-102. 7 On the mission militia see, for example, Paulo Cesar, and Emir Reitano, coordinators, Hombres, poder y conflicto: Estudios sobre la frontera colonial sudamericana y su crisis (La Plata: Universidad Nacional de La Plata, 2015); Mercedes Avellaneda, "Orígenes de la alianza jesuita-guaraní y su consolidación 4 Chapter One

The formalization of the military structure on the missions and the long history of conflict against the common enemy contributed to a unique process of ethnogenesis, the creation of a new identity based on the alliance with the Jesuits against the common enemy the Portuguese and particularly the mission community of residence.8 The strength of the en el siglo XVII," Memoria Americana 8 (1999), 173-200; Mercedes Avelaneda, "El ejército guaraní en las reducciones jesuitas del Paraguay," História Unisinos 9:1 (2005), 19-34; Mercedes Avellaneda and Lia Quarleri, "Las milicias guaraníes en el Paraguay y Río de la Plata: alcances y limitaciones (1649-1756)," Estudos Ibero-Americanos 33:1 (2007); Lia Quarteri, "Gobierno y liderazgo jesuítico- guaraní en tiempos de guerra (1752-1756)," Revista de Indias 68:243 (2008), 89- 114; Kazuhisa Takeda, "Cambio y continuidad del liderazgo indígena en el cacicazgo y en la milicia de las misiones jesuíticas: análisis cualitativo de las listas de indios guaraníes/Transition and continuity of the indigenous leadership in the kinship organization and in the militia of the jesuit missions: qualitative analysis of the name lists of guaraní indians," Tellus 12:23 (2012), 59-79; Kazuhisa Takeda, "Las milicias guaraníes en las misiones jesuíticas del Río de la Plata: un ejemplo de la transferencia organizativa y tácticas militares de España a su territorio de ultramar en la primera época moderna," Revista de Historia Social y de las Mentalidades 20: 2 (2016), 33-72; Kazuhisa Takeda, "Organización social de las misiones guaraníes: relación entre la parcialidad y la milicia," Trabalho apresentado em: XIII Jornadas Internacionais sobre as Missões Jesuíticas: fronteiras e identidades: povos indígenas e missões religiosas (Dourados: Universidade Federal da Grande Dourados, 2010); Pedro MO Svriz Wucherer, "Jesuitas, guaraníes y armas. Milicias Guaraníes frente a los indios del Gran Chaco," História Unisinos 15:2 (2011), 281-293. For a discussion of militias in a later period see Bárbara Caletti Garciadiego, "Milicias y Guaraníes en Yapeyú: La defensa de la" Frontera del Uruguay" en los albores del siglo XIX," Prohistoria 23 (2015), 47-70. 8 Guillermo Wilde suggested that ethnogenesis occurred on the Jesuit missions. See his study Religión y poder en las misiones de guaraníes (Buenos Aires: Sb editorial, 2009); and “Jesuit Missions and the Guarani Ethnogenesis: Political Interactions, Indigenous Actors, and Regional Networks on the Southern Frontier of the Iberian Empires,” in Frank, Zephyr, ed., Big Water: The Making of the Borderlands Between Brazil, Argentina, and Paraguay. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2018), 54-80. Also see Shawn Michael Austin, “Beyond the Missions: Ethnogenesis in Colonial Paraguay, 1556-1700,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of New Mexico, 2014. There is an extensive literature regarding ethnogenesis. For examples related to colonial missions see Jacqueline Peterson, "Ethnogenesis: Settlement and Growth of a" New People," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6:2 (1982), 23-64; Kirstin C. Erickson, "They will come from the other side of the sea": Prophecy, Ethnogenesis, and Agency in Yaqui Narrative," Journal of American folklore 116:462 (2003), 465-482; Josh M. McDaniel, "History and the Duality of Power in Community‐based Forestry in Introduction 5 process of the forging of a new identity can be seen in the Guaraní response to the Treaty of Madrid (1750) that attempted to establish boundaries between Spanish and Portuguese territory in South America and transferred the seven missions located east of the Uruguay River to Portuguese authority. The Jesuit- Guaraní alliance withstood the crises of the 1730s, but ruptured when Spain proposed to give their homes to their enemy. The Guaraní leaders of the seven eastern missions framed their resistance to the treaty in terms of protecting their communities, and in the give and take between the Guaraní, Jesuit missionaries, and royal officials the Guaraní made it clear that they did not want to relocate to new homes. This process of ethnogenesis forged in conflict forms a third conceptual framework to this study. The Rio de la Plata region was not the only Spanish frontier in conflict, but the circumstances that led to the creation of the military structure on the Guaraní missions were. Royal officials adopted different military policies on the frontiers of New Spain (Mexico). The first frontier conflicts were the Mixtón War in Nueva Galicia (1540-1542) and the Chichimeca War (1550-1600). Both conflicts established a pattern of the use of

Southeast Bolivia,"Development and Change 34:2 (2003), 339-356; Susan M. Deeds, "Pushing the borders of Latin American mission history," Latin American Research Review 39:2 (2004), 211-220; Jonathan D. Hill, Long Term Patterns of Ethnogenesis in Indigenous Amazonia. (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2013); Mariah Wade, "Colonial Missions in the North American Southwest: Social Memory and Ethnogenesis," CECS-Publicações/eBooks (2013), 253-265; Mary-Elizabeth Reeve, "Amazonian Quichua in the western Amazon regional interaction sphere," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America 12:1 1 (2014), 14-27, among others. One controversial interpretation of ethnogenesis related to missions regards the group identified today as the “Chumash,” efforts to gain Federal recognition as an Indian tribe, and creative genealogy through a sleight of hand that has people of Spanish-Mexican ancestry claiming to be “Chumash.” See Brian D. Haley, and Larry R. Wilcoxon, "Anthropology and the making of Chumash tradition," Current anthropology 38:5 (1997), 761-794; Jon McVey Erlandson, "The making of Chumash tradition: Replies to Haley and Wilcoxon," Current anthropology 39:4 (1998), 477-510; Brian D. Haley, and R. Larry Wilcoxon, "Reply [to Erlandson et al., The making of Chumash tradition]," Current Anthropology 39:4 (1998), 501-508; Brian D. Haley, and Larry R. Wilcoxon, "How Spaniards became Chumash and other tales of ethnogenesis," American Anthropologist 107:3 (2005), 432-445; Brian D. Haley, "Tribal synthesis or ethnogenesis? Campbell's interpretation of Haley and Wilcoxon," The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 13:1 (2007), 219- 222. In this case a Mexican-American veteran of World War II, for example, created a new identity for himself as the traditional religious leader Semo who claimed to have been born in a cave. 6 Chapter One indigenous warriors, but in a supporting role to Spanish soldiers.9 The long Chichimeca conflict also set the pattern for military defense on the northern frontier. Royal officials established presidios or small forts staffed by small garrisons of full-time soldiers.10 As the Spanish expanded the frontier northward royal officials increased the number of presidios. In this military system the subject native populations played only a support role as auxiliaries, and the Spanish did not provide firearms to the auxiliaries mobilized for war. Rather, the auxiliaries used their own weapons such as lances and bows and arrows.11 Native auxiliaries on the north Mexican frontier had a similar role as did the Tupí warriors the Luso-Brazilians mobilized in the 1620s and 1630s for the raids on the Jesuit missions. Another important difference was that the most serious threat to the Spanish came from hostile indigenous groups such as the peoples collectively known as the Apache and the Comanche that became very effective equestrian warriors that raided Spanish settlements. These groups were similar, for example, to the Abipones of the Chaco frontier in the Rio de la Plata region that also became effective equestrian warriors and raided Spanish settlements. The training and equipment of the presidio soldiers was sufficient to deal with hostile indigenous groups, but was not on a level to face trained European soldiers or rival colonists armed with firearms. Within the Jesuit jurisdiction of the Paraguay Province that extended to the eastern tropical lowlands of what today is Bolivia, the Guaraní missions were the only establishments that had a formal military organization. The Chiquitos mission communities, for example, were also located close to Portuguese settlements in Mato Grosso, and the Jesuits relocated mission communities in response to the potential Luso-Brazilian threat.12 However, Luso-Brazilians did not attempt to systematically destroy Jesuit missions

9 On the early frontier wars see Ida Altman, The War for Mexico's West: Indians and Spaniards in New Galicia, 1524-1550 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010). On the Chichimeca conflicts see Philip Wayne Powell, Soldiers, and Indians & Silver: North America's First Frontier War (Tempe: Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University, 1952); Philip Wayne Powell, Mexico's Miguel Caldera: the taming of America's first frontier, 1548- 1597 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1977). 10 Powell, Soldiers, Indians & Silver; Max L. Moorhead, The presidio: bastion of the Spanish borderlands (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991). 11 On the use of auxiliaries see Oakah L. Jones, Pueblo Warriors & Spanish Conquest (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966). 12 Robert H. Jackson, Frontiers of Evangelization: Indians in the Sierra Gorda and Chiquitos Missions (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2017), 54. Introduction 7 as they did in Guairá and Tape, and the Black Robes did not create a military organization. Most studies of the Jesuit missions analyze general patterns of development. This includes the areas of economics, demographics, and the development of the mission communities.13 There are two published case studies of individual missions, in this case of Santos Cosme y Damián as a collaborative effort by three scholars and Santa Rosa written by a single author.14 The first described the history of the mission in a chronological narrative that included the economy, architecture, and general demographic shifts. Although well documented, the study lacked an overall organizing theme, and established a conceptual framework narrowly focused on the literature related to the Jesuit missions. The same can be said of the study of Santa Rosa mission published by Carlos Page which is organized chronologically rather than thematically and placed within a larger historical context. However, Page does discuss and analyze the chapel of Loreto at Santa Rosa and its historical origins. This present study builds upon earlier contributions and offers new perspectives on how the unique circumstances in the Rio de la Plata region framed and shaped the development of the Guaraní mission communities. It also offers comparative perspectives and particularly as it relates to urban planning, the organization of mission communities and the spatial organization of evangelization, and architecture and urban planning and the presentation of the new faith which also entailed the mobilization of labor. The understanding of the effects of conflict on demographic patterns also benefits from the inclusion of comparisons with other mission

13 See, for example, Barbara Ganson, The Guaraní Under Spanish Rule in the Rio de la Plata (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005). Rafael Carbonell de Massy, Estrategias de desarrollo rural en los pueblos guaraníes (1609-1767) (Barcelona: Antoni Bosch, 1992); Julia Sarreal, The Guaraní and their missions: A socioeconomic history (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014); Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival Among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of Spanish South America, 1609-1803: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), among others. 14 Rafael Carbonell de Massy, Teresa Blumers, and Norberto Levinton. La Reducción Jesuítica de Santos Cosme y Damián: su historia, su economía y su arquitectura, 1633-1797 (Asunción: Fundación Paracuaria, 2003). Carbonell de Massy and Levinton also wrote an as yet unpublished study of Jesús de Tavarangue mission titled “Un Pueblo Llamado Jesús.” The second study is Carlos Page, La reducción jesuítica de Santa Rosa y su Capilla de Loreto (Asunción del Paraguay: Fotosíntesis editora, 2015). 8 Chapter One populations. The focus of this study is a single mission, but where necessary I present more general patterns on the missions. Chapter 2 discusses two issues. The first is the origins of Los Santos Mártires mission in the Tape region of what today is Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. The mission existed at this first site until forced to relocate because of an attack by Luso-Brazilians in 1636-1637. Tape was the second group of Jesuit missions the Luso-Brazilians attacked. In response to the raid the Jesuits organized a military structure of a mission militia that decisively defeated the Luso-Brazilians in the battle of Mbororé in 1641. The Jesuits retained and institutionalized this military organization, and armed the Guaraní with firearms that proved decisive in Mbororé which was an action that royal officials did not allow elsewhere. The second issue is how the Jesuits conceptualized the religious conversion of the Guaraní which I also present in a comparative context of the persistence of pre-Hispanic religious beliefs and practices in central Mexico, as seen in iconography which is a topic I have examined in recent years. The Jesuits described the methods of evangelization they employed in the first cartas anuas or narrative reports that they prepared in the 1620s and 1630s. The methods described suggest a superficial conversion of adults at best, which in turn would have contributed to the persistence of pre-Hispanic religious beliefs. Moreover, the Jesuits used the number of sacraments administered, and particularly communion, as the measure of compliance with the new faith. This was a rather superficial and mechanical measure that failed to identify what the Guaraní actually believed in their hearts and minds. How intense was the conflict in the disputed Rio de la Plata borderlands? Chapter 3 describes several episodes in the long conflict, and the participation of the mission militia in the campaigns. They include the campaigns to occupy Colonia do Sacramento, the conflict over Rio Grande do Sul in the 1760s and 1770s which was also related to the debacle of the Treaty of Madrid (1750), and two episodes that directly changed the history of the Jesuit missions. The first was the Luso-Brazilian campaign organized by the governor of Rio Grande do Sul that occupied the seven missions located east of the Uruguay River and permanently incorporated this territory into Brazil. The second was the 1817-1818 Luso-Brazilian and Paraguayan invasions of the mission territory located between the Paraná and Uruguay Rivers. This occurred during the tumultuous years of the independence movement in the Rio de la Plata region, and was one of a series of conflicts that did not end until 1830 over the boundaries of the newly emerging countries. The invading armies sacked, damaged, or destroyed most of the mission building complexes in the region, leaving Introduction 9 the former missions largely in ruin. An appendix to this study visually documents what remains of the missions. Chapter 4 offers a comparative discussion of mission urban plans, the spatial organization of evangelization, and architecture in central Mexico, the Andean Highlands, and the Jesuit missions. This is not an esoteric exercise. Missionaries on different frontiers learned from earlier experiences and adopted a model urban plan to the social realities of thee native populations and their own policies of social control and religious indoctrination. Dominicans in Guatemala and Chiapas, for example, had limited personnel and large indigenous populations that lived in dispersed settlements over a large territory. They adopted a decentralized model with numerous communities designated as visitas and rode the circuit to periodically visit these communities. The natives living in the visitas received minimal religious supervision, which certainly was a factor in the persistence of pre-Hispanic beliefs and practices. The Jesuits, on the other hand, settled the Guaraní at one location in spatially compact communities, but this settlement pattern, while designed to enhance social control, also had demographic consequences as it facilitated the spread of contagion. A dual economy existed on the mission during the Jesuit tenure and following their expulsion, and is the subject of chapter 5. One was the communal economy, and the Jesuits used its production to generate income to pay expenses that included the acquisition of weapons for the mission militia, tribute payments for the Guaraní living on the missions, and the costs of building construction projects that also required considerable labor. Following the Jesuit expulsion the civil administrators used communal production to cover the costs of the civil administration, which under royal policy was to have been as self-sufficient as possible. The Guaraní provided labor for communal production, but also exploited their own chacras where they produced on their own account. This economy is not well documented in the written record. Chapter 5 evaluates the mission “economy,” but also Julia Sarreal’s hypothesis that the Jesuits fostered the development of an economically dependent population on the missions.15 Her study contains an element that seems to return to the romantic utopian vision of the missions as a Jesuit republic by suggesting that the Black Robes provided for the every needs of the Guaraní. The reality, particularly when viewed against the backdrop of the long history of regional conflict, was much more brutal and crude. Chapter 6 analyzes demographic patterns and the effects of regional conflict on the mission populations beyond the number of militiamen

15 Sarreal, The Guaraní and their missions. 10 Chapter One killed in battle or who died from disease in encampments. Two of the most severe mortality crises occurred during periods of mobilizations and troop movements, and that of the 1730s proved to be the most severe. Large scale mobilization, famine conditions, and the spread of contagion between 1733 and 1740 killed more than 80,000 Guaraní. I detail this series of crises with the inclusion of new data to provide a more comprehensive view of mortality patterns, and some instances of catastrophic mortality that reached more than 50 percent of the population of individual missions. The chapter also discusses other aspects of mission demographics and particularly what I call “population politics,” or the shifting of population between missions, and provides an overview of demographic patterns on Los Santos Mártires mission during the period of Jesuit tenure and in the post-expulsion period when there was a significant shift in patterns. In 2015, I published a detailed demographic study of the Jesuit Guaraní and Chiquitos missions, and in that study I published tables of the vital rates of the missions.16 I have updated the tables with the inclusion of new data from other years, and particularly several key years during the mortality crises of the 1730s that give a more complete picture of the demographic disaster that befell the mission residents. I present the updated tables as an appendix to this volume, and use the data to make comparisons with the demographic patterns of Los Santos Mártires mission. I also trust that the data on the vital rates of the Guaraní missions will serve as a useful case study for future demographic studies. As I argued in my 2015 demographic study mortality patterns during epidemics that occurred several centuries following sustained contact with Europeans challenges the model of the so-called “virgin soil” epidemics, that is heavy mortality during outbreaks of contagion in the first years of sustained contact with Europeans. Deaths rates at individual missions reached catastrophic levels during the outbreaks of the 1730s, and particularly during the 1738-1740 smallpox epidemic. At the same time mortality was localized, and the populations of some missions escaped relatively undamaged. Regional conflict and particularly the movement of armies played an important role in defining epidemic mortality patterns.

A note on Archival Sources

The documents used in this study are housed in a number of archives in South America and Europe. The most important are the Archivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires, Argentina, which also administers the

16 Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival. Introduction 11

Biblioteca Nacional. The second most important is the Coleção De Angelis in the Biblioteca Nacional in Rio de Janeiro. The Italian soldier, statesman, and scholar Pedro de Angelis (1784-1859) collected more than a thousand documents during a long residence in Buenos Aires and deposited them in the Biblioteca Nacional. Both archives contain mission censuses, cartas anuas which were narrative reports prepared by the Jesuit missionaries for their superiors, and other reports and correspondence. The Biblioteca Nacional published a selection of documents related to the conflict in the disputed borderlands in a useful multi-volume collection that has also been digitalized. Royal officials sent many documents related to the American territories to Spain, and many are housed in the Archivo General de Indias located in Sevilla, Spain. For the purposes of this study the most important is the 1705 Burges report that summarized the population history of the mission and also contains a 1702 census not found in other repositories. The Archivum Romannum Societatis Iesu, located in Vatican City is a second important European archive and contains documents sent to the Jesuit leadership in Rome. The collection also includes the cartas anuas, other reports and letters, as well as census that originally were appended to the cartas anuas. Some of the censuses, such as a 1691 and 1710 population count, are not found in other repositories. The Jesuits prepared three types of censuses. The most useful type is the detailed tribute census that generally categorized the population by family group and cacicazgo (the jurisdiction of the clan chiefs), and estimated ages. The missionaries at each mission prepared annual censuses that summarized population information as well as the number of sacraments administered including baptisms, marriages, burials, and communions. Most have been lost, but the Coleção De Angelis contains a run for Yapeyú mission in the 1720s to 1740s, and the run includes years for which general censuses have not survived. Jesuit officials in the Paraguay Province took the information from these censuses to prepare general censuses in Latin and Spanish. The Latin versions generally only summarized population information, whereas the Spanish versions are more useful and have figures on the number of sacraments administered. In the absence of sacramental registers of baptisms, marriages, and burials, I have used the summaries in the general censuses to reconstruct the vital rates of the mission populations. As already noted, I have included updated tables of the vital rates of the missions as an appendix to this study. 12 Chapter One

Archival Sources

Archivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires, Argentina – AGN Archivo General de las Indias, Sevilla, Spain – AGI Archivum Romannum Societatis Iesu, Vatican City – ARSI Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil - BN Coleção De Angelis, Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil - CA CHAPTER TWO

AN ORIGIN FORGED IN CONFLICT

In 1609, the Jesuits established their first mission in the Paraguay Province named San Ignacio Guazú. Over the next two decades they expanded the number of missions into areas not subject to encomienda including Guairá, Itatín, Iguaçu, and Tape. In 1628, the Jesuits Roque González, Alonso Rodríguez, and Juan del Castillo established the mission that eventually became known as Los Santos Mártires del Japón in the Guaraní community known as Caaró located in Tape (modern Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil). The doctrina remained there for eight years until relocated in the face of a bandeirante raid in 1636-1637 that left four missions destroyed and the surviving Guaraní relocated west of the Uruguay River. Los Santos Mártires del Japón occupied a site close to the modern location of Santa María la Mayor.17 The Jesuits relocated the mission again in 1704 to a site at the top of a nearby mountain that can best be described as defensive and the Jesuits most likely chose the new site as a place of refuge in case of attack during a period of war with Portugal.18 This chapter examines several issues related to the organization of the Jesuit mission program, and the outcomes that the Jesuits hoped to achieve. The first is the destruction of the Tape missions, and the creation of a military and political organization on the missions. The second is the question of the religious conversion of the Guaraní, and particularly the elements that the Jesuits believed characterized “good” Christians and the ways they chose to identify evidence of conversion. The Jesuits, as did other contemporary missionaries, believed they were at war with Satan and his minions. They used the term the “Demon” to describe their adversary, who tempted the indigenous peoples away from the True Faith. This discussion is based on what they wrote, and particularly reports from the first several decades of the Jesuit mission program. It first examines the destruction of the Tape missions which forced the Jesuits to retreat in the face of Paulista raids, but that also led to the creation of a unique

17 Graciela de Kuna, personal communication, September 5, 2017. 18 Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival, 93. 14 Chapter Two military-political structure on the missions that existed even after the Jesuit expulsion in 1767. The Paulista attacks on the Jesuit missions of the 1620 and 1630s profoundly shaped the development of the mission communities.

The Destruction of the Tape Missions 1636-1637 and the Battle of Mbororé (1641)

In December of 1636, Antonio Rapôso Tabares led a bandeira of some 140 Paulistas and 1,500 Tupí warriors against the Jesuit missions in Tape. Rapôso Tabares had previously led attacks in the 1620s on the Jesuit missions and Spanish settlements in Guairá that resulted in the abandonment of the thirteen missions located there, and the first Jesuit retreat.19 According to one Spanish estimate the Paulistas enslaved more than 150,000 Christian and non-Christian Guaraní in Guairá.20 In 1632, the Jesuits further retreated when they abandoned Acaray and Iguaçu missions in the face of the Paulista threat.21 On December 2, 1636, the Paulista-Tupí force attacked Jesús María, the mission located closest to the frontier as it existed at that time. The Jesuit missionaries and many Guaraní took refuge in the mission church, but the Paulistas set fire to the straw roof which forced the Jesuits to surrender.22 The Paulistas attacked and destroyed three other missions. They were San Cristóbal, Santa Ana, and la Natividad. The Jesuits raised a force of 1,500 Guaraní warriors to defend the missions and confront the Paulistas, but they also decided to evacuate the other missions to new sites west of the Uruguay River. They relocated Candelaria, Los Santos Mártires,

19 No author, No date [c. 1640], “Estado de las reducciones del Paraná y Uruguay y el fruto que por los religiosos de la Compañía de Jesús han conseguido sus avitadores,” in Jaime Cortesão, Jesuitas y Bandeirantes no Tape (1613-1641) (Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional, 1969), 192. For conflicto on Brazilian frontiers in a later period see Hal Langfur, "The Return of the Bandeira: Economic Calamity, Historical Memory, and Armed Expeditions to the Sertao in Minas Gerais, 1750- 1808," The Americas 61:3 (2005), 429-461; Hal Langfur, The forbidden lands: colonial identity, frontier violence, and the persistence of Brazil's eastern Indians, 1750-1830, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006). 20 No author, no date, “Copia del Informe sobre la justificación con que los indios de las reducciones del Paraná y Uruguay…usan para su defensa de armas de fuego,” in Cortesão, Jesuitas y Bandeirantes no Tape,316. 21 Pedro Romero, S.J., May 16, 1632, “Estado General de las Doctrinas del Paraná y Uruguay,” in Ibid., 47-48. 22 Diego de Boroa, S.J., Corpus Christi, March 4, 1637, in ibid, 142-148; Diego de Boroa, S.J., Santa Fe, April 10, 1637, “De la entrada de los de S. Pablo en las Red[ucion]es del Uruguay,” in Ibid., 153-161.