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Gender g&l (print) issn: 1747–6321 and g&l (online) issn: 1747–633x Language Article

1 ‘Where all my bad girls at?’: 2 cosmopolitan femininity through racialised 3 appropriations in K-pop

4 Joyhanna Yoo Garza

5 Abstract 6 This article examines the polyvalence of racial(ised) representations in K-pop 7 performances. The analysis of K-pop star CL’s (2013) song and video ‘Nappeun 8 gijibae’ (‘The bad girl’) demonstrates how the artist projects an assertive femi- 9 ninity by embodying and localising the Bad Bitch: a sexually agentive, polemi- 10 cal figure of womanhood from US hip hop. CL’s use of African American English 11 and conventionalised hip hop tropes helps resignify gijibae, a pejorative Korean 12 term for women. By shifting between decontextualised styles invoking a different 13 time and place, CL is able to build a kind of chronotopic capital that trans- 14 forms fragmented styles into an empowered cosmopolitan femininity. However, 15 although CL’s performance challenges Korean gendered norms in its use of local 16 linguistic resources, her selective appropriations of US Black and Chicanx cul- 17 tural signifiers reproduce narrow images of racialised femininities and reify a 18 hierarchy of valuation along lines of gender and race.

19 keywords: appropriation, embodiment, chronotope, Korean, performance

20 Affiliation 21 Joyhanna Yoo Garza 22 she/her/hers 23 Department of Linguistics, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, USA 24 email: [email protected]

g&l vol 15.1 2021 1–31 https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.??? © 2021, equinox publishing UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

2 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 Introduction

2 Since the early 1990s, Korean popular music, known as K-pop, has become 3 wildly popular, first making its way across various parts of Southeast and 4 East Asia and eventually achieving global reach. K-pop is widely consid- 5 ered the most palpable component of the so-called Korean Wave, a term 6 describing the visibility of South Korean culture around the world. The 7 transnational movement of K-pop artists since the ’90s, coupled with the 8 global circulation of music online facilitated by high-speed internet, has 9 dramatically increased the visibility of K-pop in recent years (Fuhr 2015). 10 Indeed, most scholars agree that Korean popular culture owes much of 11 its success to the coming of the digital age (Jin 2016). User-based media 12 such as YouTube have been particularly influential in crystallising K-pop’s 13 worldwide popularity (Ahn 2017). 14 With the rapid visibility of K-pop globally and its conspicuously mul- 15 tiracial fan base, the K-pop industry has come to occupy an ambivalent 16 position vis-à-vis racial(ised) representations. The issue of appropriation 17 usually arises with K-pop artists using historically and indexically linked 18 forms of embodied Blackness. The Korean fascination with Black cultural 19 forms is evidenced in the popularity and longevity of such reality compe- 20 tition shows as Show Me the Money and Unpretty Rapstar, which feature 21 Korean rappers who frequently sport Black cultural signifiers and may even 22 alter their skin colour and hair, often leading to controversy (Andy 2014; 23 Hydara 2017). Unsurprisingly, the interpretation and uptake of such K-pop 24 performances are often heatedly debated among fans, industry actors and 25 scholars, with some arguing that K-pop images reproduce painful racial 26 violence (Saleh 2019; Zeenah 2019; problematicidod 2020; Saeed 2020) 27 while others maintain K-pop provides a vision of (post)racial coexistence 28 (Oh 2014; General 2019). Suk-Young Kim (2020:90) succinctly summarises 29 this debate: 30 On the one hand, the performance of racial variants by K-pop idols and 31 fans has functioned as a visual means of deconstructing racial purity in 32 Koreans, but on the other hand, it has problematically internalized the view 33 that divides races into an imagined order. 34 Debates surrounding K-pop as a cultural phenomenon have tended to 35 bifurcate along an East-West distinction. For example, K-pop has been 36 described as a response to a long history of Western imperialist dominance 37 in the realm of pop cultural production (Hogarth 2013; Jin 2016). Others 38 claim such binary distinctions ignore the transnational roots of K-pop, 39 including the key influence of US Black musical genres in Korea’s music 40 industry dating back to the postwar era and continuing into the present UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 3

1 day (Anderson 2020; Kim 2020). Furthermore, the East-West debates tend 2 to ignore the complex, global circuits of industry actors and fan networks 3 (Kim 2018). This perspective maintains K-pop has never been ‘purely’ 4 Korean in either its production or its consumer base. Thus, to treat it as 5 a cultural monolith or stable product misses the potentiality of examin- 6 ing K-pop as a multisited, contested nexus of complex, simultaneous pro- 7 cesses. K-pop represents a paradigmatic case of how mediatised images 8 are recruited for localised meaning-making and, conversely, how local 9 meaning is (re)signified within a global context (see also Hiramoto and 10 Park 2010; Hall 2014, 2019; Choi 2017; Hiramoto and Kang 2017; Kang 11 and Chen 2017). In other words, K-pop’s use of identifiably US Black (and, 12 increasingly, Latinx) cultural signifiers is not a matter of if appropriation 13 occurs, but how and to what effect. When considering scales of cultural 14 production and dissemination, scholarly inquiry must contend with the 15 ideological stakes of K-pop’s global circulation of racialising images; oth- 16 erwise, it may reify imagined racial orders if not reproduce epistemic and 17 ontological violence. 18 In this article, I analyse a K-pop performance that embodies the very 19 tensions highlighted by fans, industry actors and scholars. The perfor- 20 mance depends upon the racialised figure of the Bad Bitch, a sexually 21 agentive figure of womanhood originating in US hip hop. I demonstrate 22 the ways a globally recognised K-pop star named CL uses racialised lin- 23 guistic and nonlinguistic signifiers in her 2013 single ‘Nappeun gijibae’ as a 24 case study of the projection of the K-pop industry’s racialised imaginaries. 25 CL’s performance represents a simultaneity of seemingly incommensura- 26 ble semiotic processes, including both agentive femininity and problem- 27 atic racialising images. On one hand, CL’s transnational appropriation of 28 the Bad Bitch helps resignify gijibae ‘bad girl’, a pejorative gendered term 29 in Korean. By using linguistic and embodied practices linked to racialised 30 US street styles (e.g. b-girl style, chola aesthetics), CL projects a distinc- 31 tively cosmopolitan femininity. The Bad Bitch and its indexical qualities 32 are thereby mapped onto gijibae. However, as CL posits an agentive trans- 33 national femininity, she simultaneously reproduces reductive images of US 34 Black and Brown femininities. 35 The analysis thus demonstrates how K-pop performances may prolifer- 36 ate racialised personae while avoiding accusations of reductive mimicry. 37 The appropriated elements constitute what I call chronotopic capital: the 38 fragmented, decontextualised styles that invoke a different time and place 39 and thereby allow the performer – and by extension, the K-pop industry 40 – to profit from historically situated cultural signifiers. As I show, many 41 of the appropriated images in K-pop rely on earlier orders of indexical/ UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

4 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 chronotopic meaning that reproduce reductive scripts of personhood. This 2 movement of chronotopic capital results in a partial indexical bleaching, 3 a process by which semiotic markers become deracialised (Squires 2014). 4 These fragmented styles combine to produce the overall image in CL’s per- 5 formance – one of chronotopic futurity.

6 US Black influence in K-pop 7 In recent years, K-pop has become a globalised musical genre whose ori- 8 gins can be traced to the influence of US hip hop in South Korea in the 9 early 1990s. The first commercially visible traces of Korean hip hop orig- 10 inated with the band Seo Tae-ji and Boys (Fuhr 2015; Song 2019). Seo 11 Tae-ji’s unprecedented rap style and sound combined local and identifi- 12 ably US styles, a practice that would inform early K-pop’s success into the 13 present day. K-pop borrows not only from the various subgenres of hip 14 hop but also from Europop, R&B, dance music, dubstep and more. Part 15 of K-pop’s recent mass appeal is due to the wide range of music it encom- 16 passes and the Korean entertainment industry’s strategies for marketing 17 to ever-shifting patterns of global consumerism (Kim 2013). In addition to 18 its impressive visual aesthetics, part of K-pop’s global popularity is tied to 19 an early and sustained commodification of elements from US commercial 20 hip hop and R&B (Kim 2018; Anderson 2020). The influence of Black musi- 21 cal genres in the Korean context has an even earlier traceable history with 22 the US military presence in South Korea (Kim 2020). Notably, most K-pop 23 bands include at least one rapping member, known as the idol rapper (Song 24 2019). 25 Given the authenticating force of US hip hop in music globally and 26 the prestige associated with US English in South Korea (Park 2009), it is 27 unsurprising that many Korean rappers have taken on features of African 28 American English (AAE) in their performances (Lee 2011; Moon, Starr and 29 Lee 2013). As numerous scholars of hip hop language have shown, rappers 30 are able to circumvent some of the sociolinguistic limitations of a single 31 linguistic code by combining English with local languages (Lee 2004, 2011; 32 Alim, Ibrahim and Pennycook 2009; Pennycook 2009; Williams 2017). 33 Moreover, English acts as linguistic capital in popular music produced in 34 East Asian contexts (Stanlaw 2000; Lee 2004; Pennycook 2007). Lee (2004) 35 argues that English-mixing in K-pop is a linguistic mechanism whereby 36 youth articulate identities that resist mainstream norms and values. The 37 globalisation of AAE has been shown to be particularly crucial for artists 38 working outside the US to authenticate their hip hop performances (on 39 authentication, see Bucholtz 2003; Bucholtz and Hall 2004). AAE is indeed 40 one key discursive strategy used to construct the persona of the Bad Bitch 41 in CL’s song ‘Nappeun gijibae’. UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 5

1 Racialised selves and locating women in K-pop 2 In order to contextualise the K-pop industry’s appropriative practices, it is 3 necessary to elaborate on the production and fashioning of K-pop group 4 performers, also known as ‘idols’. Idols’ music careers generally have an 5 extremely short lifespan, averaging five years (Seabrook 2012; Kim 2020). 6 In general, K-pop artists’ success corresponds to their ability to deliver per- 7 formances of high quality and satisfy the demands of fans. Their capacity 8 to do the latter is closely tied to the relentless production of new material. 9 Since idols generally do not craft music meant to represent themselves or 10 their personal experiences, the notion of authenticity is not germane to 11 the genre (Lie 2015). Producers play a much more significant role than the 12 artists in shaping idol performances. In order to meet the demands of local 13 and global K-pop fans and to ensure their own relative longevity within 14 the industry, idols must drastically and continuously recreate their presen- 15 tation, often embodying various personae throughout their careers (Kim 16 2020). The constant reproduction of selves, then – including racialised pre- 17 sentations – becomes a crucial means of survival. 18 The heavy-handed management strategies of the K-pop industry such 19 as inequitable contract conditions or corporate control of idols’ personal 20 lives are well documented and not unique to any gender (Willoughby 21 2006). Nonetheless, female stars are further constrained by societal norms 22 that privilege male heterosexuality. Scholars note that female idols often 23 carry the additional burden of gendered norms of comportment (Seabrook 24 2012). Despite the success of female K-pop artists, as celebrated by Korean 25 and global media, the K-pop industry has tended to reinforce heteropatri- 26 archal norms for women both in their performances and personal lives. 27 For instance, the presentation of female bodies in K-pop has catered to 28 heterosexual male desire through aesthetic choices including dance cho- 29 reography (Epstein and Turnbull 2014). Additionally, many female K-pop 30 stars’ live performances are banned or censored for their ostensibly sexual- 31 ised nature, and female stars who take a political stance on issues of gender 32 equality – however subtle or superficial – are often publicly reproached 33 (Herman 2018). 34 Despite these constraints, the generic conventions of hip hop enable 35 Korean female rappers to transgress norms of gendered behaviour, at least 36 within the confines of the genre. For instance, K-pop artist HyunA’s hip 37 hop dance performances have been argued to represent an agentive sex- 38 uality that breaks with neo-Confucianist scripts and to instead embody 39 aspirations of Korean feminism (Raven 2020). I similarly read CL’s per- 40 formance as sexually agentive but also as highly constrained by industry 41 norms. At the time of the release of ‘Nappeun gijibae’, CL’s public persona UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

6 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 was under YG Entertainment’s control. While CL has publicly stated that 2 she had some creative control over the visual content (Billboard 2015), the 3 song and video analysed here were largely the creative vision of Korean 4 American Teddy Park, a longtime YG producer. Hence, I suggest that the 5 cosmopolitan femininity projected in the song and video – as crafted by 6 a Korean American male producer and managed by a corporate agency 7 – cannot represent unmitigated female agency, nor can the burden of rep- 8 resentation fall squarely on CL’s shoulders. In fact, the role of transnational 9 actors like Teddy Park helps to explain access to racialised personae like 10 the Bad Bitch as well as their utility within the generic and industry con- 11 ventions of K-pop.

12 The emergence and transnational circulation of the Bad Bitch 13 The Bad Bitch as a recognisable social type emerges within US Black hip 14 hop as a rejoinder to female performers’ experiences of undermining, era- 15 sure and derogatory stereotyping (Rose 1994; Guevara 1996). Studies of 16 Black women’s engagement with the discursive practices of US hip hop 17 reveal how they negotiate their participation and exercise agency in hostile 18 environments, often by constructing and performing counter-hegemonic, 19 alternative femininities (Keyes 2000; Morgan 2005; Eberhardt 2016). As 20 Smitherman (1997:14) describes it, ‘female rappers respond to rap’s sex- 21 ism by coming hard themselves’. Black women’s response to the sustained 22 misogyny in commercial hip hop has been, in part, to take charge of their 23 own representations and challenge hegemonic notions of respectability. 24 The Bad Bitch, then, emerges as a characterological figure from specific 25 conditions of gendered racial oppression, especially in the realm of cultural 26 production. Keyes (2000:263) asserts that female MCs in the United States 27 have reclaimed bitch to refer to ‘an aggressive or otherwise assertive female 28 who subverts patriarchal rule’. For instance, Missy Elliott has used the term 29 to assert her agency both on and off stage in a male-dominated industry. 30 Similarly, rappers Trina and Lil’ Kim have been shown to appropriate bitch 31 productively to assert a sexual politics that foregrounds female desire and 32 sexual pleasure (Haugen 2003). This linguistic recontextualisation rep- 33 resents a kind of agency: the ability to accept or reject labels for oneself and 34 to reinscribe them with alternative meanings (see also Washington 2020). 35 Self-described Bad Bitches do not completely do away with misogynistic 36 tropes or typified masculine behaviour but rather adopt these as part of 37 their persona. Thus, their embodied practices and lyrical prowess only par- 38 tially challenge the hegemony of heteropatriarchy in the sphere of popular 39 musical production. UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 7

1 The potential for this kind of agentive hip hop feminism (Morgan 2012) 2 to disrupt male-centric cultural production has now been extended to 3 female artists outside the US context. For instance, the Turkish-German 4 rap artist Lady Bitch Ray, with an explicit nod to US-based MCs like Lil’ 5 Kim, appropriates an independent, brazen persona which adopts features 6 of a hegemonic masculinity that include sexual assertiveness and domi- 7 nance (Tuzcu 2017). Again, Ray’s performance does not altogether reject 8 misogynistic tropes but instead reuses and feminises them. A compara- 9 ble appropriation of the Bad Bitch persona is seen in the performances of 10 British Indian rapper Hard Kaur, who calls herself ‘the first Desi female 11 rapper’ (Dattatreyan 2014:21). Hard Kaur’s relationship to hip hop and the 12 unique configurations of place and belonging indexed by her performances 13 promote a modern, pan-South Asian femininity. Like Lady Bitch Ray and 14 Hard Kaur’s transnational appropriations of the Bad Bitch, CL’s deploy- 15 ment of hip hop conventions reinscribes the emergent gijibae persona 16 within globalised sexual ideologies while indexing a diffuse pan-East Asian 17 belonging. The transnational quality of such appropriations opens up new 18 fields of interpretation as the performances are taken up globally.

19 K-pop’s racialised personae as chronotopic capital 20 As K-pop’s transnational circulation resists an analysis along strictly geo- 21 political lines, I find immense utility in Bakhtin’s (1981) theorisation of the 22 chronotope, a concept he develops to illuminate configurations of time and 23 space in novelistic discourse. According to Bakhtin’s (1981:84) character- 24 isation of how chronotopes function in the novel, time ‘thickens, takes on 25 flesh’ while space responds and adapts to the demands of time and plot. 26 Bakhtin’s term captures how time and space are co-constitutive and help 27 to shape not only different literary genres but also character identity. Put 28 differently, the chronotope can summon different ‘social types’ (Agha 29 2007). Notably, the legibility of chronotopes relies on the recognition of 30 personhood. The interpretations of racialised presentations in K-pop – 31 themselves chronotopic depictions – depend on the positionality of the 32 interpreter (as is the case with all indexical meaning). Precisely how, then, 33 does the K-pop industry harness the cultural power of an embodied Other 34 while (mostly) evading accusations of cultural theft? How do K-pop idols 35 reproduce ‘racialized selves’ (Kim 2020:91) in performance while emerging 36 relatively unscathed or even triumphant from the inevitably multiplicitous 37 interpretations of global fans? 38 I argue one of the primary ways that the K-pop industry maintains a 39 steady flow of hyperproductive personae is through fragmented depictions 40 of chronotopes – what I refer to as chronotopic capital. These disembodied UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

8 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 styles invoke a different time and place while obscuring the exact path- 2 ways of historicity. Put another way, forms of chronotopic capital function 3 as decontextualised signifiers which allow appropriators to perform addi- 4 tional ‘useful’ chronotopic work as they recontextualise racialised signi- 5 fiers within the hypercommercial world of K-pop. Even though many of 6 the appropriated images in K-pop are situated in earlier orders of indexi- 7 cal/chronotopic meaning, they nonetheless reproduce reductive scripts of 8 personhood. Specifically, this movement of chronotopic capital results in 9 a partial indexical bleaching (Squires 2014; see also Bucholtz 2011, 2016), 10 a process by which semiotic markers become deracialised, allowing the 11 performer to gain additional semiotic mileage. The overall image – one 12 of cosmopolitan femininity that indexes chronotopic futurity – is crafted 13 through the suturing of these fragmented styles.

14 CL’s ‘Nappeun gijibae’ 15 The following analysis examines the lyrics and video performance of CL’s 16 ‘Nappeun gijibae’. In the music video, language and embodied practices 17 work to create multiple semiotic layers. K-pop’s distinctive audiovisual 18 format necessitates attending to the body and its semiotic production in 19 performance contexts. K-pop performances are meticulously orchestrated 20 by recording companies, and musical singles and videos are frequently 21 released simultaneously. In analysing the video, I attend to gaze, gestures 22 and dance, as well as bodily adornment and nonlinguistic stylistic choices. 23 The video was accessed on YouTube (2NE1 2013); each frame was exam- 24 ined individually with the audio on; then, the frames were analysed without 25 audio. I also transcribed, transliterated, translated and analysed the song’s 26 lyrics. 27 The focal point of my study is CL, the rapping member of 2NE1, a K-pop 28 group formed and managed by YG Entertainment. YG is also responsible 29 for Big Bang, one of the most successful K-pop groups in history (Benjamin 30 and Oak 2015), and is known for its heavy use of musical and aesthetic 31 trends from hip hop and broader Black cultural forms, a practice which 32 has often caused controversy (Oh 2014). 2NE1 is no exception; branded 33 as the feminine counterpart to Big Bang, the hip hop-oriented girl band 34 is characterised by edgy lyrics and an eclectic style. The group debuted in 35 2009 with four members and has been widely acclaimed both at home and 36 abroad. 2NE1 took a brief break as a band in 2015 and ultimately disbanded 37 in 2017. Since her debut as a solo artist in 2013, CL has collaborated with 38 numerous highly visible US-based and British recording artists, DJs and 39 producers that span multiple musical genres, garnering tremendous suc- 40 cess and a global fan base. CL’s breakout song as a solo artist, ‘Nappeun 41 gijibae’, was released in May 2013 and sets the tone for her trajectory as UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 9

1 global artist by presenting a number of stylistic features that establish a 2 more mature, sexualised hip hop persona for her solo career relative to the 3 more youth-oriented hip hop of 2NE1. 4 The song title combines the lexical itemgijibae ‘young female’ and the 5 qualifier nappeun ‘bad’. Gijibae is the nonstandard form of gyejibae, an 6 archaic, less frequent form. The Korean dictionary Daum (n.d.) defines 7 both forms as terms ‘that depreciate a young woman’. The first part of 8 gyejibae comes from the locative verb gyeda ‘to be (somewhere)’ and is 9 followed by jip ‘house, home’; the literal meaning of this construction is 10 roughly ‘to be (at) home’. With the addition of the final morpheme -ae, 11 a contraction of ai ‘child’, gyejibae translates as ‘a (female) child at home’ 12 and was used in reference to an unmarried woman less than twenty years 13 of age. Thus, the term unambiguously located a woman physically – as 14 inhabiting a particular home – in addition to belonging socially to a spe- 15 cific patriarch and family. In other words, gyejibae is an interpellation of 16 Confucian teachings regarding kinship and gendered behaviour, which 17 include stringent norms of chastity for women (Shim 2001) and an elabo- 18 rate seniority and hierarchy system that almost always have maintained the 19 subordination of women (Kim 2008). According to Kim (2008:152), gyejib 20 was a neutral term meaning ‘woman’ or ‘wife’ in the Middle Korean of the 21 fifteenth and sixteenth centuries but eventually underwent semantic pejo- 22 ration; by modern Korean, gyejibae acquired ‘the connotation of a lowly 23 and useless woman’. 24 While the literal locative meaning has been lost, gijibae continues to be 25 a gendered term with patronising associations. For instance, parents often 26 use it to scold misbehaving daughters, and a heartbroken male protagonist 27 in a Korean soap opera may call a woman a nappeun gijibae. While the 28 degree of pejorative connotation varies depending on context, its usage 29 has come to index ingroup status for young women, much like the positive 30 affiliative termsgirl (Scott 2000) and bitch (Sutton 1995) in US American 31 English. Even within ingroup usage, however, gijibae tends to signal non- 32 normative social behaviour. Given the term’s longstanding social index 33 as marking a woman’s place in Korean society, the popular and pervasive 34 usage of gijibae with depreciative connotation demonstrates that much of 35 the word’s social stigma has remained intact.

36 Analysis

37 In the following sections, I analyse the linguistic and embodied styles CL 38 uses in ‘Nappeun gijibae’ to create semiotic links to the Bad Bitch. These 39 include features of African American English and conventional hip hop 40 practices such as call-and-response and braggadocio. CL also appropriates UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

10 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 a number of visual styles, often presented in rapid succession, to produce 2 what I call visual style-shifting. These visual style shifts act semiotically to 3 characterise CL as elusive and mobile. Commercialised hip hop tropes and 4 their indexical associations with financial prosperity mark CL’s brand of 5 femininity as mediated by capital. Additionally, phallic items and suggestive 6 gestures that directly index masculinity help CL perform an agentive fem- 7 ininity. Her use of the Korean kinship term eonni ‘older sister’ represents 8 a key example of glocalisation in the construction of the gijibae persona. 9 Glocalisation, broadly, refers to the copresence and interaction of local and 10 global processes (Robertson 1995). Finally, a salient motif throughout is 11 the street, which is invoked by decontextualised styles rather than overt 12 reference to any physical locale. The use of urban aesthetics, especially 13 aesthetics rooted in working-class Mexican American styles, allows CL to 14 perform a commercialised street persona.

15 Resignification of nappeun gijibae 16 Alongside the Korean title for ‘Nappeun gijibae’, the song’s producers pro- 17 vided an English one, ‘The baddest female’. The use of baddest, though not 18 a direct translation, indexes hip hop both lexically and through its gram- 19 matical formulation, given the closeness between AAE and the language 20 of hip hop (Alim 2004a). The English formulation creates a semiotic link- 21 age between the Korean gijibae and the Bad Bitch persona and speaks to a 22 broad, multilingual and even multidialectal crowd. 23 The song begins with the chorus, shown in Excerpt 1.

24 Excerpt 1 (00:18–00:33)

25 1 Stand up right now

26 2 nan nappeun gijibae na nan nappeun gijibae 27 I’m a bad girl/bitch I’m a bad girl/bitch

28 3 nan nappeun gijibae 29 I’m a bad girl/bitch

30 4 Where all my bad girls at?

31 5 nan nappeun gijibae na nan nappeun gijibae 32 I’m a bad girl/bitch, I’m a bad girl/bitch

33 6 nan nappeun gijibae 34 I’m a bad girl/bitch

35 7 Where all my bad girls at? UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 11

1 In several ways, the song presents a stylistic closeness to the linguistic prac- 2 tices and strategies of US hip hop artists. Following the call-and-response 3 tradition of many hip hop performances (Smitherman 1997; Alim 2004a), 4 the song begins with a subdued autotuned voice that commands, ‘Stand up 5 right now’ (line 1), assuming an authoritative stance and encouraging audi- 6 ence participation. Immediately after, CL raps the chorus, commencing the 7 song with a show of braggadocio, whereby artists boast about such themes 8 as physicality, fighting ability, financial wealth, sexual prowess or emotional 9 detachment (Smitherman 1997; Morgan 2005). In order to successfully 10 perform braggadocio, rappers must qualify their positionality and ability 11 to do so. Moreover, there is a pronounced diphthongisation of gijibae (i.e. 12 /gid͡ʒibe͡ɪ/ as opposed to /gidʒibɛ/), a stylistic feature of many Korean rap- 13 pers who adopt features of AAE (Lee 2004, 2011; Moon et al. 2013). Moon 14 et al.’s (2013) examination of phonological variation in English and Korean 15 among members of Big Bang and 2NE1 found that Korean performers use 16 English-influenced pronunciation in Korean, or ‘Anglicized Korean’, which 17 is in turn heavily influenced by AAE. The rappers, including CL, used a 18 higher rate of /ay/ monophthongisation in English and of Anglicisation in 19 Korean. The generic conventions of the song coupled with CL’s Anglicised 20 pronunciation of gijibae create a link to global Englishes, if not to AAE 21 specifically, thereby expanding the word’s indexical field. 22 The repeated line ‘Where all my bad girls at?’ (lines 4, 7), again a call- 23 and-response, contains two AAE features: zero copula and a monoph- 24 thongised my (/ma/) (Rickford 1999; Green 2002; Bloomquist, Green and 25 Lanehart 2015). The recurring word nan (lines 2, 3, 5, 6) is a contraction of 26 the informal singular first person pronoun na with the topic marker neun. 27 All these nas and nans together with the first syllable of nappeun ‘bad’ 28 yield a taunting quality. In the chorus alone, CL confidently declares herself 29 a nappeun gijibae no fewer than six times. This repetition actualises the 30 conceptual reversal of the term through her insistent self-appellation while 31 allowing fans to adopt the label for themselves. The simplified format of 32 the chorus has been identified as a key feature of a newer wave of K-pop 33 (Jin 2014). This repetitive structure renders the text vulnerable to further 34 transnational circulation even among fans with limited Korean proficiency, 35 helping to globalise gijibae in its resignified form. In sum, if CL’s use of 36 AAE expands gijibae’s semiotic reach, as argued above, her use of hip hop 37 conventions – namely call-and-response and braggadocio – links the word 38 to personhood. A nappeun gijibae is an irreverent, aggressively confident 39 persona. UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

12 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 Embodied contrasts: ice queen and b-girl styles 2 The linguistic strategies detailed above are reinforced by the video’s visual 3 styles. In the opening moments of the video, CL is seen walking confidently 4 away from the camera. In the next frame, she sits in a chauffeured lux- 5 ury car, a safe reprieve from the bevy of paparazzi that indexes exclusiv- 6 ity, wealth and status (Figure 1). When CL begins rapping, we witness a 7 completely different persona: she now sports a more casual, head-to-toe 8 black outfit and dances on a stage (Figure 2), interspersed with footage 9 of her inside the vehicle. She wears loose Adidas track pants and sneak- 10 ers coupled with a cropped leather top, a gold tooth grill, a snapback cap 11 and knuckle rings. This feminised posh spin on the more tomboyish, baggy 12 b-girl outfits of the 1990s (Gupta-Carlson 2010) indexes a down-to-earth 13 street credibility. B-girl stands for ‘breakdancing girl’; b-girl style indexes 14 an authentic hip hop persona, as breakdancing is considered one of the four 15 key components of US hip hop, along with graffiti, DJing and rapping (Rose 16 1994; Chang 2005). Moreover, Adidas is a key brand for hip hop artists, 17 popularised in the 1980s by the rap group Run DMC (Perry 2004). The fea- 18 tured products are by US designer Jeremy Scott’s 2012 collaboration with 19 Adidas, and the publicity campaign featured 2NE1 (Mau 2014). Notably, 20 Jeremy Scott, who is white, has been criticised on numerous occasions for 21 incorporating mimetic elements from US Black and Indigenous cultures 22 into his designs (Considine 2012). The copresence of a recognisable brand 23 and gold jewellery makes clear that CL is performing a commercialised 24 version of the b-girl. CL validates her boasts linguistically in nearly every 25 line of the song while the pervasive presence of fashion logos and jewellery 26 as well as threatening gesticulations function indexically as braggadocious 27 performance. The b-girl style contrasts with the cool and composed celeb- 28 rity she embodies at the video’s outset; she now embodies a more accessi- 29 ble persona that can skilfully rap and dance. This visual style-shifting from 30 ice queen to b-girl suggests CL’s ability to navigate different worlds and 31 indexes her refusal to conform to a single norm of femininity. The con- 32 stant shifting of visual styles accompanied by numerous signifiers of wealth 33 index a cosmopolitan, capital-mediated mobility that bolsters the linguistic 34 claims made in the gijibae chorus. UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 13

Figures 1 and 2: CL embodying an ice queen and a b-girl. UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

14 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 ‘Get right ’: feminine sexuality and masculine materiality 2 In the following verses (Excerpt 2), CL qualifies her braggadocious posi- 3 tionality introduced in the chorus, while performing a domineering per- 4 sona by, in particular, handling indexically masculine objects.

5 Excerpt 2 (00:34–1:00)

6 8 geurae naneun sse aju sanapge (yao) 7 yeah, I’m strong/hard very fierce/savage (yao)

8 9 neo jeongdoron nal jeoldae gamdang motae 9 someone like you can’t ever handle me

10 10 jiltu ttawin nun kkop mankeumdo moreujyo 11 I don’t have an ounce of jealousy in me

12 11 jeomjaengido nae mamsogeun mot matchujyo (a-ha) 13 even psychics can’t figure out my heart (a-ha)

14 12 nan yeowahngbeol nan juwinkong 15 I’m the queen bee the protagonist

16 13 dangjang eodiro twiilji molla roeokbigong 17 it’s unknown where I’ll bounce to/go next rugby ball

18 14 mogeh keollin gold chain swingin’ left right 19 on my neck gold chain swingin’ left right

20 15 wehrobji anha mae-il bammada get right 21 I’m not lonely, every night I get right

22 Still embodying the b-girl, CL characterises herself as ‘fierce/savage’ or 23 ‘strong/hard’ (line 8) and pounds her fist aggressively as though ready to 24 fight. This embodied move functions to indexically iconise savageness, 25 harkening back to the Bad Bitch. She raps these lines wearing numerous 26 gold accessories: knuckle rings, chain and a grill, complete with a set of 27 fangs (Figures 3 and 4), which are common tropes in commercialised hip 28 hop that directly index financial prosperity. Lyrically, CL refers to several 29 indexically masculine objects, including a gold chain (line 14), a rugby 30 ball (line 13) and in later verses, additional phallic items such as a pis- 31 tol and a riding crop, all while visually style-shifting to a hyperfeminine, 32 queen-like figure. UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 15

1 Figures 3 and 4: CL wears gold knuckle-rings, chain and grill, common tropes in com- 2 mercialised hip hop.

3 Th e visual images invoke masculinity semiotically while the lyrics allow 4 CL to assert her dominance over this masculinity. For instance, CL dangles 5 a small gun from her hand and then drops it while rapping ‘someone like 6 you can never handle me’ (line 9). In another frame, she holds up a rugby 7 ball on its end in a suggestive way and looks into the camera with an amused 8 expression on her face (Figure 5). CL later holds a riding crop in her right UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

16 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 hand, an instrument common in BDSM sexual practices. She slaps it across 2 her left palm and bites it while winking erotically at the camera, indicat- 3 ing sexual dominance. During these images, CL boasts she is not lonely 4 (line 15) because every night she ‘get[s] right’, an AAE expression that can 5 have multiple meanings. Generally, it denotes improving one’s situation; 6 however, a more convincing interpretation in this context is ‘to engage in 7 sexual activity’. While this AAE expression is opaque to many of CL’s fans, 8 including speakers of other varieties of English, it indexically boosts CL’s 9 credibility as a Bad Bitch and authenticates her performance as a rapper. 10 With these assertive comments on her sexual freedom, CL presents an 11 overtly powerful sexuality. Th e semiotic whole of this verse presents key 12 indexical features of the Bad Bitch – savagery, sexual dominance and brag- 13 gadocious confi dence (as substantiated by displays of wealth) – which are 14 then mapped onto the nappeun gijibae.

15 Figure 5: CL with rugby ball, gazing directly at camera with an amused expression.

16 In an unexpected metaphor, CL equates herself to a rugby ball to high- 17 light her unpredictable character (line 13). As the visual evidence casts the 18 rugby ball as masculine and even phallic (based on CL’s positioning of the 19 ball and her suggestive gaze), the lyrical association to a rugby ball may 20 seem odd. I argue CL’s characterisation of the gijibae as elusive is remi- 21 niscent of the sexually agentive Bad Bitch, associated with having multiple 22 sexual partners and a pleasure-seeking lifestyle. Th us, CL’s assertion that 23 ‘it’s unknown where I’ll bounce to next’ highlights her refusal to be caught 24 or fi xed, which may refer to a lack of a single romantic partner or to her 25 capital-mediated mobility, if not both. Th is rejection of stasis supports the 26 notion that CL’s visual style-shifting functions to resist categorisation. Th is 27 elusiveness is asserted earlier in line 11, where she claims even psychics UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 17

can’t fi gure her out. Th ese recurring references to elusiveness also consti- 1 tute an explicit rejection of domesticity. Likewise, her identifi cation with 2 masculinity by way of indexically masculine objects subverts masculinity 3 or at least expands the indexical fi eld of femininity to also encapsulate a 4 kind of normative masculinity. Th is reading is corroborated by CL’s perfor- 5 mance in male drag where she converses with a hyperfeminine version of 6 herself (Figure 6). Th ese two embodied performances cast CL as both the 7 woman and the man. Th e lyrics, alongside CL’s embodiment of hyperfem- 8 ininity and a typifi ed masculinity, challenge traditional gender roles within 9 a highly gendered Confucian value system while imbuing the nappeun 10 gijibae with features commonly associated with the Bad Bitch, such as elu- 11 siveness and an overtly powerful sexuality.

12 Figure 6: CL’s performance in drag conversing with a hyperfeminine self.

13 ‘Do the eonni’: Korean kinship as feminist resistance 14 If CL’s performance of typifi ed assertive masculinity exploits and subverts 15 locally meaningful gender codes to graft new indexical meaning onto the 16 gijibae, the recurrence of the kinship term eonni ‘older sister’ further glo- 17 calises the gijibae persona. In Korean, eonni is used by women to refer to 18 an older sister but can be used to address an unrelated older woman. In the 19 song, the repetition of eonni is most prominent in the bridges (Excerpt 3). 20 During these lines, CL appears in the video alongside other women and 21 girls, many of whom are visibly much younger (Figures 7a and 7b). Such 22 visual accounts of eonni accommodate non-Korean viewers by highlighting 23 the signifi cance of the Korean seniority system directly indexed by kinship 24 terms. References to CL as eonni also harken back to her days as leader of 25 2NE1, establishing a chronotopic connection between her past successes UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

18 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 as an idol and her present braggadocious persona. Th e fi rst time eonni is 2 sung, CL is performing the tough, b-girl persona. Th e camera zooms in on 3 her fi sts sporting knuckle rings, one of which says UNNIE and the other 4 GIZIBE (Figure 8). Th e privileging of English orthography in unnie even as 5 CL raps it with Korean phonology /ənːi/ is a key example of glocalisation. 6 Further, the materiality of gold knuckle rings represents another instance 7 of chronotopic capital, as knuckle rings were historically used in combat 8 (Ramirez 2006) and thus index toughness and dominance, making them 9 semiotically useful for CL’s performance.

10 Figures 7a and 7b: CL as eonni ‘older sister’. UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 19

1 Figure 8: Th e camera zooms in on CL’s knuckle rings with UNNIE 2 in English orthography.

3 Th e marked repetition of the outro – four iterations of the lines in 4 Excerpt 3 – forms a chant-like conclusion that is as catchy as the gijibae 5 chorus.

6 Excerpt 3: Outro (03:30–03:58)

7 62 now do the eonni (hey) 8 now do the eonni (hey)

9 63 now do the eonni (hey) 10 now do the eonni (hey)

11 64 now do the eonni 12 now do the eonni

13 65 haega jil ttaekkaji modu dagati 14 altogether now until the sun sets

15 Th e translingual directive do the eonni is met with the response hey, 16 another call-and-response structure that encourages audience participa- 17 tion. Th e do-verb followed by a defi nite article suggestseonni is a known 18 embodied practice – perhaps a gesture or dance choreography. Although 19 the video never indicates what that may be, the syntactic construction and 20 musicality of do the eonni are reminiscent of a popular song and dance 21 called the dougie. Th is dance move was purportedly incorporated into 22 the choreography for ‘Nappeun gijibae’ (Billboard 2015). Popularised by 23 the Los Angeles-based hip hop group Cali Swag District in their 2009 24 video ‘Teach me how to dougie’, the dance triggered a frenzied series of UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

20 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 recreations online. Given the dougie’s immense popularity, the resonance 2 of do the eonni carries the indexical weight of virality, functioning as chro- 3 notopic capital for CL’s 2013 performance. In Briggs and Bauman’s (1992) 4 terms, the repetition of do the eonni minimises the intertextual gap between 5 ‘Nappeun gijibae’ and ‘Teach me how to dougie’, thereby semiotically link- 6 ing K-pop to hip hop. Do the eonni is an entextualising exhortation, calling 7 upon the viewer to adopt the leader-like, domineering confidence of the 8 gijibae. Finally, the kinship hierarchy indexed by eonni allows CL to posit 9 a vision of global sisterhood while unambiguously claiming her position 10 at the top. The use of eonni further reveals how a gijibae is not a simple 11 imitation of the Bad Bitch but relies on specifically Korean elements for its 12 global reconfiguration. Put differently, gijibae ontology represents a glocal- 13 ised Bad Bitch that taps into the indexical weight of both global and local 14 linguistic resources to subvert local norms of gender and project such ide- 15 ologies globally. However, as I show, the gijibae relies on the chronotopic 16 capital of racialised and marginalised groups in the US for its legibility.

17 The street as an index of authenticity 18 Throughout ‘Nappeun gijibae’, the recurring motif of the street as a racial- 19 ised space is key for the construction of the b-girl persona and CL’s overall 20 cosmopolitan image. The street is a central locus of cultural production 21 and sociality for many US hip hop artists (Keyes 2002; Alim 2004b) and in 22 glocalised hip hop contexts (Condry 2006). Invocation of the street, as an 23 anti-institutional space that is heavily racialised in the US context, indexes 24 authenticity through suggesting intimate familiarity with its activities and 25 communities. CL’s version of the Bad Bitch is clearly a commercialised 26 street persona, indexically achieved through markers of wealth, which fur- 27 ther legitimate her braggadocious claims. 28 While a literal street is absent from the video, it is invoked stylistically 29 through embodied cues acting as indexes of chronotopes past. The visual 30 aesthetics borrow heavily from Chicanx street culture (Vigil 2013) with 31 overtones of California gang culture. Especially in the second half of the 32 video, CL embodies a stylised chola: a transgressive figure of Chicana 33 personhood socially associated with the indexically masculine street 34 as opposed to the feminised domestic sphere (Fregoso 1995). CL wears 35 gold hoop earrings and thick eyeliner, common stylistic practices of chola 36 women (Mendoza-Denton 1996; Fregoso 1999); meanwhile, the ‘Old 37 English’ lettering and graffiti fonts pervasive throughout derive from cholo 38 tattoo culture (Berrios 2006). CL raps in a nondescript back street in front 39 of a weathered mural; used tires, weeds and loose rocks starkly contrast 40 her slick leather outfit, diamonds and shiny bright blue bicycle (Figure 9). 41 The bike resembles a lowrider, a vehicle with a lowered frame principally UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 21

1 associated with urban, working-class Mexican Americans (Tatum 2011). 2 Cholo aesthetics also index associations with the street as a site of nonhe- 3 gemonic economies and socialities. CL’s embodied style and lowrider place 4 urban aesthetics at the centre of an otherwise nonmodern environment. 5 Th e lowrider and bling become decontextualised resources recruited for 6 CL’s performance. Th is remixing of diverse chronotopes obscures linkages 7 to historically racialised groups while retaining their indexical meaning.

8 Figure 9: CL stands with lowrider bicycle in front of a weathered mural.

9 CL is later joined by dancers and recognisable male artists who belong 10 to the same production agency, in a scene that represents the apex of 11 cholo cultural appropriation in the video (Figure 10). Th e scene is decid- 12 edly urban, as indicated by the performers’ wardrobes and lowrider cars. 13 CL wears a modifi ed version of the prototypical cholo uniform: a fl annel 14 shirt with the top button fastened, baggy jeans and a paisley print ban- 15 dana (Tatum 2011). In lieu of the typical long-sleeved shirt, CL’s shirt is 16 sleeveless; instead, the paisley print on her arms simulates tattoos, index- 17 ing toughness. Some feminising accessories are added to an otherwise 18 masculine outfi t. While her dancers stand behind her wearing ski masks, 19 various close-up shots feature the men gesturing and glaring menacingly 20 into the camera. Th e men’s matching colours and prints depict them as a 21 gang; CL alone stands out in vibrant red. Close-up shots feature CL next 22 to well-known YG artists rapping along, including producer Teddy Park. 23 As a culmination of scattered styles, these scenes reconcile the more dis- 24 parate instances of appropriation including fonts, bodily adornment and 25 examples of urban aesthetics such as clothing and lowrider vehicles. Th ese UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

22 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 images establish the most overt links between US racialised femininities 2 and the nappeun gijibae persona.

3 Figure 10: CL and other members of YG Entertainment as in chola/o aesthetics.

4 Discussion: appropriated styles as chronotopic capital

5 Styles linked to historically racialised groups may take on additional or new 6 meaning when performed by nonwhite bodies, especially in the context of 7 transnational circulation (see Lopez 2014; Rojas-Sosa 2020). For instance, 8 Chun’s (2013) study of Chinese American YouTuber Kevin Wu’s satirical 9 performance shows that under a positive reading, Wu enacts deliberate 10 and refl exive identity work through the agentive use of humour. However, 11 Chun’s analysis also reveals that Wu’s portrayals further negative stereo- 12 types vis-à-vis racialised masculinities, namely Black hypermasculinity 13 and defi cient Asian masculinity. Likewise, some viewers will interpret CL’s 14 remixing of styles as creative bricolage that successfully maps third-wave 15 feminist aesthetics, like the disruption of gender binaries, onto a new char- 16 acterological type – the nappeun gijibae – by invoking the Bad Bitch. In 17 this way, CL’s transnational visibility may broaden the fi eld of racialised 18 femininities. On the other hand, CL’s performance, like K-pop’s rampant 19 appropriations more broadly, may reproduce narrow hegemonic images of 20 Black and Brown femininities. 21 Th e appropriated b-girl and chola styles, coupled with the absence of 22 a clearly identifi able location, constitute a remixing of chronotopic for- 23 mulations allowing CL to embody a futuristic, cosmopolitan femininity. 24 Historical accounts of the African American b-girl note her emergence as 25 linked to broader histories of Black gendered exploitation and resistance UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 23

1 (Johnson 2014). B-girl style, then, indexes authentic hip hop originating 2 in Black and Brown communities, especially the streets and underground 3 venues of Brooklyn. The figure of the Chicana chola also comes from spe- 4 cific conditions of ethnoracial, economic and gender subordination as 5 well as a rejection of domesticity (Escobedo 2007). The semiotic bundles 6 of chola appropriation, including the colours, tattoos and wardrobes, cou- 7 pled with threatening embodied gestures, act as chronotopic depictions 8 that may remind some viewers of the gang violence of 1980s and ’90s Los 9 Angeles precipitated by sustained political and economic neglect. CL’s 10 mixing and matching of embodied elements partially obfuscates the chro- 11 notope of situated histories while converting the chronotope into capital, 12 allowing her to benefit materially through transnational circulation. Put 13 differently, the images in ‘Nappeun gijibae’ attest to the semiotic rendering 14 of ‘black [and Brown] bodies as corporeal texts’, which has been shown to 15 be an antihegemonic mode of asserting subjecthood in digital spaces for 16 Black social media users (Smalls 2018:57). 17 The performance of various texts – corporeal and otherwise – is con- 18 tested precisely due to their fluctuating valences in a global arena. CL’s 19 appropriation decontextualises African American and Chicanx cultural 20 markers and recontextualises them in/by a different body and context, or 21 in other words, entextualises them (Bauman and Briggs 1990). This chro- 22 notopic entextualisation runs the risk of globalising and thereby deracial- 23 ising linguistic and otherwise racially marked styles and thus exemplifies 24 indexical bleaching, or the semiotic process of stripping away indexical 25 meaning (Squires 2014). Indexical bleaching further disrupts the legibil- 26 ity of signifiers and their original sociocultural context, allowing for the 27 successful interpellation of new meaning – that is, for CL’s performance 28 to be legible as cosmopolitan femininity rather than reductive mimicry. 29 Put another way, this performance and its circulation (at least partially) 30 deracialise the indexical forms, leading some to interpret the performance 31 as ‘successful’ or acceptable. However, for contemporary subjects of histor- 32 ical and ongoing usurpation and ethnoracial violence, the temporary and 33 highly selective donning of chronotopic capital serves as a painful reminder 34 of theft, exploitation and disembodied use-value. Indeed, in a global arena, 35 the interpretation of racialised personae is so contested because a chrono- 36 tope deemed ‘past’ by some (and perhaps thusly ‘postracial’) bleeds into the 37 chronotope of the here and now – one of ongoing racialised gender violence 38 and uneven accumulation of racial capital. I argue the semiotic processes 39 imbricated in the movement of chronotopic capital reify a hierarchy of 40 female valuation; that is, these appropriative practices enable some women 41 to emerge as desirable at the expense of others. If CL’s performance cre- 42 atively and positively changes the image of women in the Korean context UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

24 JOYHANNA YOO GARZA

1 by glocalising the nappeun gijibae, or even East Asian women transnation- 2 ally by contesting the gaze of Western orientalism, it does so by reproduc- 3 ing reductive images of US Black and Brown histories and femininities.

4 The polyvalence of K-pop performances in a globalised world

5 In this article, I argued CL’s performance works to construct a cosmopoli- 6 tan femininity by embodying and localising the figure of the Bad Bitch: an 7 aggressive, sexually agentive and polemical figure of racialised womanhood 8 from US hip hop. The selective use of African American English features 9 and conventionalised hip hop practices helps to resignify gijibae, a tradi- 10 tionally pejorative Korean term for women. CL shifts in and out of appro- 11 priated Black and Chicanx styles that index the street as an anti-institutional 12 space in order to project a powerful, assertive femininity. CL also uses local 13 linguistic resources (e.g. gijibae, eonni) that index socioculturally specific 14 understandings of gendered hierarchy to subvert hegemonic notions of gen- 15 der. Her performance projects a cosmopolitan femininity made available for 16 those who align with the figure of the nappeun gijibae. 17 However, CL achieves all this semiotically by selectively using disembod- 18 ied and decontextualised cultural signifiers as chronotopic capital, thereby 19 establishing indexical links of time, place and personhood. Chronotopic 20 capital relies on processes of indexical bleaching and entextualisation to 21 interpellate new meaning; in the process, cultural signifiers are flattened 22 of historical specificity and rendered susceptible to further global circu- 23 lation. Such performances hold the potential for reproducing reductive 24 scripts of racialised and gendered US Black and Brown histories in a global 25 context. Particularly in the hypercommercial world of K-pop, where prof- 26 its tend to motivate decisions regarding representation, the commodifica- 27 tion of things takes precedence – even eclipsing the wellbeing of the artists 28 themselves. 29 In sum, K-pop’s global circulation has far-reaching implications for 30 racial dynamics, including exporting the notion that racialised depictions 31 become everyone’s property. The promise of recognition and reconcilia- 32 tion offered by acts of appropriation is sharply undercut by histories and 33 affective memories of marginalised groups. This study elucidates the poly- 34 valence of K-pop performances and suggests that the epistemic and onto- 35 logical stakes of the global industry’s widely documented appropriative 36 practices are far-reaching and consequential for racial dynamics in a now 37 globalised field of interpretation. UNCORRECTED PROOF COPY, NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IT IS ILLEGAL TO SHARE THIS PDF OR MAKE IT AVAILABLE FOR DOWNLOAD PLEASE CONTACT [email protected] IF YOU HAVE FOUND THIS PDF FREELY AVAILABLE ONLINE

‘WHERE ALL MY BAD GIRLS AT?’ 25

1 About the author

2 Joyhanna Yoo Garza is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Linguistics 3 at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Her engagements in anthro- 4 pology, ethnic studies and feminist studies inform her analyses of the 5 semiotics of language and racialised gendered corporeality, particularly in 6 mediatised contexts. Her current research examines transnational Korean 7 popular media performances in South Korea, Mexico and the US.

8 Acknowledgements

9 I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Mary Bucholtz and Lal 10 Zimman, whose early and sustained enthusiasm for this project made its 11 fruition possible. I thank Jenny Sperling and Jamaal Muwwakkil for their 12 generous reading of various parts of this manuscript. Alongside Jenny and 13 Jamaal, I thank deandre miles-hercules for the conversations that pro- 14 foundly shaped my own thinking while writing this paper. Special thanks to 15 the editors and two anonymous reviewers for their generous and insightful 16 feedback. Any remaining errors are mine alone.

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