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Mapping the Social Scientific Study of Visual Culture

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Mapping the Social Scientific Study of Visual Culture 2 Looking Two Ways: Mapping the Social Scientific Study of Visual Culture Richard Chalfen INTRODUCTION visual anthropology, for example, when cameras have been involved, some have Within the past two decades, we have seen a commented on a change ‘from site to sight’ shift in primary preoccupation of the visual (Banta and Hinsley, 1986),1 redirecting our social sciences from the production of visual attention from ‘objective’ and ‘realistically materials (social documentaries, photo accurate’ recording of ‘what’s there’ to essays, ethnographic films/videotapes, questions of how one is looking, watching, PowerPoint presentations, interactive web- viewing and seeing, with or without camera sites), often for pedagogical purposes technology (or some form of scopic technol- (illustration, classroom teaching) to a focus ogy).2 In tandem, sociologist Michael Ball on explicating alternative ways of looking. called our attention some years ago to Attention to the problematic nature of look- the shift from the use of pictures to support ing has occupied a number of scholars for a ethnography to using a solid ethnographic diversity of disciplines, notably Berger’s now approach to support pictures (Ball and Smith, classic Ways of Seeing (1972) to his later 1992). book, About Looking (1980). These problem- In my emphasis on ‘looking’ I have sought atics also appear in popular and folk expres- a way to avoid the frequently cited sions and in the ambiguous significance of and reductive coincidence of visual social visual-oriented cultural materials. sciences with a myopic attention to camera- In the following pages I treat ‘looking’ use and picture-making, most notably, the (‘seeing’ and ‘being seen’) as a culturally practice of ethnographic film for visual variable activity, one that is subject to ethno- anthropology and documentary photography graphic inquiry. This approach seems both for visual sociology. But, if these activities timely and theoretically necessary. Within are not central, where do they fit? Is there a 55632-Margolis-02.indd632-Margolis-02.indd 2244 55/24/2011/24/2011 112:47:452:47:45 PPMM MAPPING THE SOCIAL SCIENTIFIC STUDY 25 convenient way to better integrate the non- approach to the study of how people look verbal with the visual/pictorial realms of through time and space.’4 behavior? Is there a way of including the study of both ‘site’ and ‘sight’? The answers to these questions suggest an important challenge: namely, to develop a way of THE PLACE OF EYEGLASSES, organizing the field to be more inclusive, one CAMERAS, AND MEDIA based on culturally structured ways of look- ing and seeing, one grounded more on visual Sooner or later, most of us face the need for culture and less on camera technology, and eyeglasses. We acknowledge the fact that one that provokes new questions and research glasses affect how we appear and how we opportunities. see. Thus, we find a looking/appearing/seeing Readers of the following pages will hope- industry, one ‘focused’ on both sides of our fully find a fresh model for organizing old looking/seeing framework. The natural dete- information. Two comments from the social rioration of sight or imperfections of seeing sciences offer an initial challenge. In 1995, is ‘corrected’ by applications of scientific Chris Jenks stated: ‘The modern world is knowledge. On the seeing side, we have eye very much a “seen” phenomenon. Sociology, examinations and the careful prescription of however, itself in many senses the emergent lens composition. On the appearance side, discourse of modernity, has been rather we find another kind of sensitivity—best neglectful of addressing cultural ocular heard when children are prescribed glasses. conventions and has subsequently become Glasses can produce an unwanted look (akin somewhat inarticulate in relation to the visual to teeth braces), often likened to ‘four eyes’ dimensions of social relations’ (1995: 2).3 or the geek clique at school. Here the fashion Within anthropology, David MacDougall industry plays a role as we also find ordinary feels, ‘Anthropology has had no lack of inter- people facing the choice of external frames est in the visual; its problem has always been or contact lenses (even tinted or clear). Other what to do with it’ (1997: 276). In the inter- choices include shape and color of eyeglass ests of organizing a practical perspective that lenses and frames—all interests of ‘How afforded a priority to the visual in culture, I I Look’ in terms of both appearing and have tried to repackage standard and accepted seeing. topics of study along with classic references Similar claims can be made for sunglasses. in this field of scholarship. My primary Within the suggested variety of meanings objective has been to offer a framework that attributed to how people look, consider the incorporates the diverse subject matter of simple decision to wear sunglasses and the visual social sciences, focusing mostly on range of reasons people might prefer to sociology and anthropology. Organization appear with their eyes covered. We know that and convenience of use have been my some people want to enhance their appear- primary objectives in conjunction with giving ance by wearing ‘attractive shades’ or osten- some sense of problem that is appropriate tatiously expensive models, as a fashion and relevant to this field of inquiry, and to statement, to enhance their overall attractive understand what has counted as a problem or appearance or status, highlighted perhaps departure point for inquiry and program of when we find people wearing sunglasses in original fieldwork. A related goal of this darkened conditions. But motives may be essay is to help students and newcomers quite different: namely, to conceal some fea- perceive some sense of unity to the field. In ture of appearance such as hiding emotion or these efforts, when someone asks: ‘What is injury such as black eyes. But we must also visual anthropology?’ or ‘What is visual consider matters central to acts of looking/ sociology?’ we might answer: ‘A cultural seeing. Some may treat sunglasses as a form 55632-Margolis-02.indd632-Margolis-02.indd 2255 55/24/2011/24/2011 112:47:452:47:45 PPMM 26 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF VISUAL RESEARCH METHODS of protection for ocular health, preventing Table 2.1 Two dimensions: comparing damage from sunrays, wind, and dust ‘To Look/appear’ and ‘To Look/see’ particles. Others want to increase their Column (A) HOW Column (B) HOW comfort while in sunny and bright light con- PEOPLE APPEAR PEOPLE SEE ditions, to ease difficulties in seeing, to or ‘to be seen’ or ‘to see’ reduce squinting. Still other individuals like Look meaning: To Appear Look meaning: To See the use of darkened lenses to prevent others LOOK as to be-looked-AT LOOK as to look-AT from knowing what the wearer is observing. How to appear to self and How to use eyes to look This act can be interpreted as imposing a to others political framework as the wearer can see ‘I wish to appear as…’ ‘It appears to me…’ others but others cannot see the wearer. Selective appearance Selective perception Cross-culturally, one can imagine the range What people want seen… What people see as… of potential meanings attached to wearing To be seen To do the seeing or not wearing sunglasses in interpersonal ‘I’m lookin’ jus’ fine’ ‘I’m looking at myself’ communication. About the OBSERVABLE About the OBSERVER Worth’s ‘about culture’ Worth’s ‘of culture’ This theme of intervening lenses is extended to attention within visual studies; many believe that the visual social sciences always include some form of camera technology and Issues and problems with camera use. This essay makes the point that proposed paradigm the eyes and minds come before cameras and lenses.5 We are reminded once again of Readers will likely raise one important objec- anthropologist Paul Byers saying ‘Cameras tion to this proposed focus on how people don’t take pictures’ (1966). Many now recog- look. When referring to the validity of state- nize that looking can be affected by a growing ments of appearance—the real question range of sight-aids from eyeglasses to tele- becomes: ‘According to whom?’ I would like scopes and microscopes to cameras, most to transform this potential liability into an recently, embedded in cell phones. asset by insisting on attention to agency—we The question, ‘How Do People Look?’ can must be careful to ask and ascertain who is be given and taken (asked, interpreted, and making the observation, who is doing the answered) in several ways. Importantly, the seeing. Clearly members of a specific society phrase how people look suggests at least two and observers from outside that society will fundamental orientations, one active and one never see or interpret appearances in the passive. Each orientation is tied to different ‘same’ way, though some social scientists lines of inquiry, which, in turn, lead to may claim to be accomplishing this objective, alternative content and questions. These two or, at least, approaching this goal. orientations can and frequently do overlap in There will always be problems with any the same phrase (‘looking good’ or ‘good attempt to reduce complexity to a simple looks’), but they can be distinguished along formulation such as how people look. Vision, the following lines. looking, watching, sight, and seeing are Throughout, there is an important distinc- proving to be more complex than most previ- tion between subjects/objects (that are seen) ously thought or currently think. In the first and subjects/actors (who are doing the seeing: instance, there is a general understanding of see Table 2.1). Importantly, people can be differences between the meanings of ‘look’ subjects of inquiry in both columns; we also and ‘see,’ not unlike distinctions of brain and see that people/things serve as ‘objects’ in mind, sex and gender, disease and illness, Column A, whereas people/things can be information and knowledge, among others, either ‘subjects’ and/or agents of inquiry in which might even extend to simple nature– Column B.
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