Power and Market (1970) / Murray N. Rothbard
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard Daniel B. Klein Santa Clara University The continued progress of a social movement may depend on the movement’s being recognized as a movement. Being able to provide a clear, versatile, and durable definition of the movement or philosophy, quite apart from its justifications, may help to get it space and sympathy in public discourse. 1 Some of the most basic furniture of modern libertarianism comes from the great figures Friedrich Hayek and Murray Rothbard. Like their mentor Ludwig von Mises, Hayek and Rothbard favored sweeping reductions in the size and intrusiveness of government; both favored legal rules based principally on private property, consent, and contract. In view of the huge range of opinions about desirable reform, Hayek and Rothbard must be regarded as ideological siblings. Yet Hayek and Rothbard each developed his own ideas about liberty and his own vision for a libertarian movement. In as much as there are incompatibilities between Hayek and Rothbard, those seeking resolution must choose between them, search for a viable blending, or look to other alternatives. A blending appears to be both viable and desirable. In fact, libertarian thought and policy analysis in the United States appears to be inclined toward a blending of Hayek and Rothbard. At the center of any libertarianism are ideas about liberty. Differences between libertarianisms usually come down to differences between definitions of liberty or between claims made for liberty. Here, in exploring these matters, I work closely with the writings of Hayek and Rothbard. I realize that many excellent libertarian philosophers have weighed in on these matters and already said many of the things I say here. -
De-Socialization in a United Germany
De-Socialization in a United Germany Hans-Hermann Hoppe* I s a result of the defeat of Hitler's Germany in Word War 11, there were 10 million refugees living on a significantly A reduced German territory; 40 percent of the population was bombed-out (the population of Cologne, for instance, had declined from 750,000 to 32,000) and 60 percent was undernourished.' In those territories occupied by the Western Allies, initially the economic system inherited from the Nazi regime-a command-war- economy-was retained. Almost all consumer goods were rationed, all-around price and wage controls remained in effect, and imports and exports were strictly regulared by the military administration. Black markets and barter trade were ubiquitous. Due to general price maxima and an expansionary supply of paper Reichs marks, no goods were to be found and money was largely u~eless.~alack-market prices experienced a highly inflationary development and substitute curren- cies like coffee, cigarettes, and butter emerged. German output in 1946 was less than one-third of what it had been in 1938. Chaos and desperation were the mark of the day. In respone to the beginning Cold War between the Allies, in particular the United States and the Soviet Union, the Western *Hans-Hermann Hoppe is associate professor of economics at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.. or details see Gustav Stolper, German Realities (New York:Reynal & Hitchcock, 1948); Frank Grube and Gerhard Richter, Die Schwarzmarktzeit: Deutschland zwischen 1945 und 1948 (Hamburg, 1979); Theodor Eschenburg, Jahre der Besatzung 1945-1949 (Stuttgart,1983); Charles Kindleberger, The German Economy, 1945-1947: Charles Kindleberger's Letters /?om the Field (Westport, Conn.: Meckler, 1989) with a historical introduction by Giinther Bischof. -
Assessing the Comparative Performance of Competition
Assessing the comparative performance of competition authorities Khemla Prishnee Armoogum Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of Economics July 2016 This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution. Abstract Finding an effective way of assessing the performance of a competition authority is an objective that recently has been widely debated by academics and practitioners. Although several methods of evaluation exist, the issue that still remains unsolved is how the assessment could be done systematically. This thesis consists of one descriptive, and four substantive chapters, the substantive chapters (3-6) includes one theoretical and three empirical, all centred on the assessment of competition law and policy enforcement. The first empirical chapter (3) studies the determinants of the reputation of a competition authority (used as a proxy for performance). In the theoretical chapter (4), a model is developed to understand how an age profile of the number of cartels detected by a competition authority can reflect the combined effects of increasing detection efficiency and greater success of deterrence over time. The second empirical chapter (5) builds on the theoretical model and studies the age profile of cartel cases detected across time and between different competition authorities. Finally, the last chapter (6) empirically examines the possible interactions between the different types of competition cases (mergers, cartels, abuse) in the presence of a competition authority which is budget constrained, and therefore must choose how to allocate its resources between these different areas. -
Antitrust Policy As Corporate Welfare
ANTITRUST REFORM PROJECT ANTITRUST POLICY AS CORPORATE WELFARE CLYDE WAYNE CREWS JR. July 1997 ISSN# 1085-9049 ANTITRUST POLICY AS CORPORATE WELFARE Clyde Wayne Crews Jr. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Political party reformers promised to roll back the regulatory states excesses during the 1994 and 1996 election cycles. While broad-based reform targeting counterproductive environmental and risk regulation didnt occur, a recognition persists that regulations often go too far. However, there has never been a fundamental rethinking of antitrust regulation. Despite the growing awareness of regulatory failure, antitrust, which purports to protect consumers by policing monopoly power, stands nearly unscathed as a model of public spirited regulation of business, an essential tool for protecting consumers from monopoly exploitation. Indeed, antitrust is usually believed essential to protecting the free enterprise system. This benign reputation of antitrust is undeserved and harmful. Policymakers of both parties especially those who believe antitrust promotes consumer welfare should rethink their allegiance. Many commentators have noted that antitrusts rhetoric of protecting the public doesnt fit with its actual tendency to penalize beneficial and efficient practices. Few today defend the actual performance record of antitrust. Defenders of antitrust still tend to think that applying better economics and hiring better judges will improve antitrust policy outcomes. Antitrust invites the special-interest exploitation of the public and successful businesses by legally facilitating the hobbling of competitors and offering the incentive of treble damage awards. There has never been an official acknowledgment that antitrust is fundamentally flawed and contrary to consumer interests. No part of antitrust law has been repealed. Today, antitrust is enjoying a higher profile in actions such as those against Wal-Mart, Microsoft, and the proposed Staples/Office Depot merger. -
Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added). -
Paolo Silvestri Anthropology of Freedom and Tax Justice: Between Exchange and Gift
Paolo Silvestri Anthropology of Freedom and Tax Justice: between Exchange and Gift. Thoughts for an interdisciplinary research agenda1 1. Introduction The way in which fiscal institutions and fiscal policies are conceived and imple- mented raises problems at the intersection of so many ethical, institutional, legal, political and philosophical issues, both practical and theoretical, that a unified framework of all these rather fragmented issues seems to be quite impossible. Let us consider just a few of these issues. The performance of fiscal institutions is crucial for its effects on equality, inclusiveness and social mobility. Tax issues, or, rather, tax injustices are at the core, if not the origin of modern democratic and legal-political (and not only economic) institutions. The arrangement of fiscal institutions touches salient political-social issues, many of them at the heart of a sound and democratic good governance both at local and global level: transparency, accountability, efficacy, legitimacy, and trust. Last but not least, taxation is ambivalently connected to citi- zens’ trust/distrust relationships: among themselves as well as toward political, legal, and administrative institutions, since taxation is often perceived as the most immedi- ate presence (for better or for worse) of such institutions in their lives. 1 This little essay is dedicated to a great man, a man who one day gave me a great gift, rekindling my hopes for the future. At the time when I received that gift, I immediately felt an immense sense of gratitude, and an immediate boost to find ways to be able to pay my debts and honour, at my very best, the credit and trust I was given. -
Implication of Competition Law Enforcement in the Electricity Sector: Comparative Analysis of the UK and the US
Francisca Kusi-Appiah Implication of Competition Law Enforcement in the Electricity Sector: Comparative Analysis of the UK and the US Introduction Competition policies and laws are being adopted and introduced by countries, especially developing countries, in order to gain investment. 1 This research examines literature on competition in the energy sector with specific focus on electricity. Critical analysis is made of the competition legal regimes as exist in the electricity markets of UK (England and Wales, and Scotland) and US (PJM). The comparative analysis of the implication of competition on electricity in the US (PJM) and the UK electricity or power markets will rely on indicators for both competition and electricity security. The indicator for competition will consist of the substantive competition law/legal regime while the indicators for electricity security, will consist of availability (generational capacity), fuel diversity (environmental concerns) and affordability. Competition Legal Regime United States Competition in the electricity markets in the United States started in the 1990s but majority of the states adopted this new approach in the 2000s. 2 In 2000, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission introduced independent system operator (ISO) or regional transmission organisation (RTO) and in October of that same year, FERC 1 Francisca Kusi-Appiah ordered the compulsory adoption of either an ISO or RTO by all utilities. 3Competition in the Unites States of America was only in respect of wholesaling. 4 Currently, most states have implemented competition of electricity retailing with the emergence of electricity service providers who do not have to produce their own electricity but buy from the market place and resell to consumers. -
Liberty, Property and Rationality
Liberty, Property and Rationality Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Master’s Thesis Hannu Hästbacka 13.11.2018 University of Helsinki Faculty of Arts General History Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Humanistinen tiedekunta Filosofian, historian, kulttuurin ja taiteiden tutkimuksen laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Hannu Hästbacka Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Liberty, Property and Rationality. Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Yleinen historia Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and Sivumäärä– Sidoantal – Number of pages Pro gradu -tutkielma year 100 13.11.2018 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Murray Rothbard (1926–1995) on yksi keskeisimmistä modernin libertarismin taustalla olevista ajattelijoista. Rothbard pitää yksilöllistä vapautta keskeisimpänä periaatteenaan, ja yhdistää filosofiassaan klassisen liberalismin perinnettä itävaltalaiseen taloustieteeseen, teleologiseen luonnonoikeusajatteluun sekä individualistiseen anarkismiin. Hänen tavoitteenaan on kehittää puhtaaseen järkeen pohjautuva oikeusoppi, jonka pohjalta voidaan perustaa vapaiden markkinoiden ihanneyhteiskunta. Valtiota ei täten Rothbardin ihanneyhteiskunnassa ole, vaan vastuu yksilöllisten luonnonoikeuksien toteutumisesta on kokonaan yksilöllä itsellään. Tutkin työssäni vapauden käsitettä Rothbardin anarko-kapitalistisessa filosofiassa. Selvitän ja analysoin Rothbardin ajattelun keskeisimpiä elementtejä niiden filosofisissa, -
Market-Structure.Pdf
This chapter covers the types of market such as perfect competition, monopoly, oligopoly and monopolistic competition, in which business firms operate. Basically, when we hear the word market, we think of a place where goods are being bought and sold. In economics, market is a place where buyers and sellers are exchanging goods and services with the following considerations such as: • Types of goods and services being traded • The number and size of buyers and sellers in the market • The degree to which information can flow freely Perfect or Pure Market Imperfect Market Perfect Market is a market situation which consists of a very large number of buyers and sellers offering a homogeneous product. Under such condition, no firm can affect the market price. Price is determined through the market demand and supply of the particular product, since no single buyer or seller has any control over the price. Perfect Competition is built on two critical assumptions: . The behavior of an individual firm . The nature of the industry in which it operates The firm is assumed to be a price taker The industry is characterized by freedom of entry and exit Industry • Normal demand and supply curves • More supply at higher price Firm • Price takers • Have to accept the industry price Perfect Competition cannot be found in the real world. For such to exist, the following conditions must be observed and required: A large number of sellers Selling a homogenous product No artificial restrictions placed upon price or quantity Easy entry and exit All buyers and sellers have perfect knowledge of market conditions and of any changes that occur in the market Firms are “price takers” There are very many small firms All producers of a good sell the same product There are no barriers to enter the market All consumers and producers have ‘perfect information’ Firms sell all they produce, but they cannot set a price. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
Percentage Tax Designation Institutions. on Sugden's
International Review of Economics (2021) 68:101–130 https://doi.org/10.1007/s12232-021-00364-2 RESEARCH ARTICLE Percentage tax designation institutions. On Sugden’s contractarian account Paolo Silvestri1 Received: 12 September 2020 / Accepted: 27 January 2021 / Published online: 27 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract “Percentage Tax Designation Institutions”, also known as “Percentage Philanthropy Laws”, are fscal institutions through which taxpayers can freely designate a cer- tain percentage of their income tax to organizations whose main activity is of public interest: churches, third-sector organizations, political parties, etc. A comprehensive explanation of such systems is still lacking. In The Community of Advantage, Robert Sugden provides an original theoretical account of the Italian “8 × 1000” institution as one of those forms of regulation that “would be justifed as ways of expanding opportunity for mutually benefcial transactions” and, more particularly, as a lib- eral and “contractarian approach to the provision of public goods”. This article is an attempt to expand and deepen the understanding not only of the 8 × 1000 but also of the 5 × 1000 and 2 × 1000 institutions, by refecting on and possibly refning Sug- den’s contractarian account, at least with regard to the part that relies on and devel- ops the voluntary exchange tradition (Wicksell, Lindahl and Buchanan). To remain faithful to two normative premises of Sugden’s approach—the opportunity criterion and the correlated freedom of choice—we must introduce some theoretical adjust- ments to take into due account the way in which taxpayers’ freedoms—not only freedom of choice but also autonomy—are afected by default rules and the related redistribution procedures.