Appendix 1: Methods

rime, according to one useful definition, is any act of commission or omission C“in violation of a law commanding or forbidding it,” to which a penalty involving fine, imprisonment, or death is attached.1 That definition embraces a broad variety of activities, ranging from petty theft of a candy bar, to insider stock trading (much in the news these days), to the ultimate act of unlawfully taking the life of another human being. One definitional breakdown, that is used by the U.S. Department of Justice in its annual compilation of crime in the United States (Uniform Crime Report or UCR), is to divide crimes into those usually or potentially accompanied by violence (murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, forcible rape, robbery, and aggravated assault) and property crimes which, although considered serious, do not usually involve personal violence (burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, and, more recently, arson).2 It was the seeming upsurge of violence thought to threaten the citizenry’s collective personal safety that commanded national attention in the late 1960s, set- ting in motion the massive examination that has since ensued. For that reason, most of the studies on “crime” conducted in the last several decades, including this one, have focused on crimes of violence. When researchers began to look to the past, they found that usable records for most types of crimes were spotty at best. One notable exception was the crime of homicide. Most societies have attempted to record the “ultimate” crime in some way, albeit often in ways that make the records less than totally useful to modern researchers. Because homicide records are most available, homicide is most often used as an index of the amount of violent crime occurring generally in a society.3 For the sake of precision, some definitional issues must be addressed further. In common usage, the terms “murder” and “homicide” are often used interchange- ably. They do not mean the same thing. Murder can be defined generally, in its simplest manifestation, as the unlawful killing of another human being with “malice aforethought.” Homicide is a much broader term and includes both criminal and noncriminal categories. Noncriminal homicides include killings in self- defense, justifiable homicides (as when a police officer lawfully kills a person in the line of duty), excusable homicides, accidents (most vehicular accidents), and those executed by legal process. Criminal homicide, on the other hand, the category used by the UCR to measure and compare crime in its annual report, is comprised of murders and nonnegligent manslaughters. For purposes of uniformity of 142 APPENDIX 1: METHODS comparison with other times and places, criminal homicide, as defined in the UCR, is the appropriate choice. Beyond that, problems remain for the scholar who wishes to compare modern rates as compiled by the Justice Department and those from times past. Until the development of the UCR in the 1930s, even homicide statistics were saved in ways that make comparisons difficult, and those records that were retained, even for homicide, are often incomplete. In the absence of full information, researchers have adopted a number of creative accommodations to the fill the void.4 Theodore Ferdinand used arrest figures in his study of Boston homicide, presumably all he had available.5 Arrest figures for nineteenth-century crime, although widely available, often do not reflect the actual incidence of crime of any type. On the one hand, they result in an undercount in those cases in which no arrest is made. The other side of the problem occurs when multiple arrests are made for the same event. As sometimes happens in high-profile cases, police “throw the book” at suspects to placate public feelings. On several occasions in San Francisco in 1890s, prizefighters died in the ring at a time when there was a lot of disagreement about whether boxing should be permitted for a purse. On one occasion, eight people were arrested for homicide in one case, everyone from the promoter to the water boy. Forever after, arrest figures used to measure the amount of homicide for that year would be inflated by 25 percent. Roger Lane addressed the problem by using indictments as a comparative measure of homicide in his studies of Philadelphia. This practice—as Lane was among the first to point out—suffers from the same problem as arrests.6 The use of indictments as a measure of homicide presumably gets rid of the excessive numbers caused by mass arrests that are thinned out before prosecution proceeds, but fails to get rid of the problem of an undercount based on cases where the perpetrator(s) avoid arrest or commit suicide. It often happened—even in the nineteenth century—that perpetrators were not identified, let alone arrested and charged. The San Francisco district attorney reported filing six homicide indictments (one manslaughter and five murders) in the first six months of 1883. During the same period, by actual count, there were nine criminal homicides, 50 percent more than those for which indictments were filed. As recently as the 1950s, as many as 90 percent of homicides were solved, assuring a high rate of indictments.7 A few decades earlier, however, when Brearly looked at the same phenomenon, he found a failure-to- solve rate of 36 percent in Chicago in 1926 and 1927, a rate no doubt attributable to the large number of unsolved gangland killings during Prohibition.8 In our own time, the problem is aggravated more because in only about 50 percent of homicide cases was a perpetrator even identified. In San Francisco in 1995 only 29 complaints were filed by the district attorney in the 100 cases of homicide. Despite our nostalgic ruminations about the good old days of the nineteenth century when, according to some, justice practitioners knew how to get the job done, it was not always a sure thing. Out of 22 known homicides in San Francisco in 1876, 10 went unsolved.9 So, of necessity, if arrests or indictments were used as the measure of homicide that year, almost half of the cases would not have been counted. Indictments and arrests, then, may be useful to show trends in homicide, APPENDIX 1: METHODS 143 but the problem comes in when the figures based on this sort of source are compared with those from sources with a more accurate count. Another source of information on homicide is the record of conviction and sentences in court proceedings. These are often available in court records that tend to be collected more completely than records of incidence kept by law enforcement agencies. But conviction and penalty data share the same problem as that on arrests and indictments in that they further reduce the number of cases considered. While still of some utility, the reduced number of incidents does not allow for comparison with modern records of incidence. By general agreement, the best, most complete source of data on the incidence of homicide is the records of coroner’s inquests listing the particulars on the victim and the circumstances of the death. Coroner’s records are not without problems of their own. In July 1916, a period during which coroner’s records in San Francisco remain intact, ten named persons are known to have died in the Preparedness Day bombing, yet only six of those are logged into the Coroner’s Register. In his history of Marin County, California, J.P.Munro-Fraser lists 31 homicides as having been committed between 1856 and 1880.10 The Coroner’s Inquest Book for Marin County, however, which purports to show all the inquests in cases from 1857 to 1910, includes only 13 (41.9 percent) of the known cases, calling into question, for Marin County at least, the adequacy of record keeping or record retention.11 Some researchers, like Clare McKanna and John Boessenecker, tend to count all homicides, including police shootings and executions, in their homicide counts. They also include extralegal lynchings. But if homicide rates are to be compared with current rates, they should to the extent possible be based on the same criteria. While technically criminal homicides, lynchings—which were particularly common in early California—inflate homicide rates in a way that makes the comparisons strained. The 47 lynchings that occurred in California in 1854 translate into a rate of over 15 per 100,000 of population by themselves. There was quite enough criminal homicide in California in 1854 without piling on the extralegal hangings, particularly when homicide rates are compared from jurisdictions to jurisdiction. And why should such extralegal killings be used to add to the homicide rates that are called up to justify their practice in the first place? Some researchers, Eric Monkonnen and Roger McGrath among them, restrict their counts to criminal homicides as defined by the Department of Justice. Monkkonen also excludes riot- caused deaths which, if included for the 100-plus deaths in the 1863 draft riot, would distort any comparison of what are essentially interpersonal crimes. A more horrific example would be the 3,000 deaths in the World Trade Center terror attack in September 2001. They were, by definition, all criminal homicides, and they happened in New York City, but they should not be included in urban crime statistics that are being compared with other jurisdictions. To the extent that the data is available, this study follows the criteria employed by McGrath and Monkkonen in counting “criminal homicides” as defined in the UCR. Where necessary, I also consider information on convictions and penalties. Where available, and usable for comparison purposes, I also consider other types of violent crimes, such as robbery, to make needed points. Appendix 2: Sources

an Francisco presents a unique problem to anyone trying to count Snineteenth-century homicides, a problem beyond that found in other jurisdictions. Most city records, including coroners’ registers, were destroyed in the devastating fire that followed the great 1906 earthquake. The only official statistics available for San Francisco in the 1850s, except for a scattering of arrest tabulations, are occasional newspaper reports from city sextons, citing the numbers of “killed and murdered” for a few years. It was thus necessary to survey daily newspapers for the entire decade to obtain information about the incidence of homicide in those years.1 Beginning in the 1860s and continuing into the early twentieth century, the county coroner issued annual reports, surviving in bound Municipal Reports, which contain annual tallies of the number of homicides (murders and manslaughters) for most years.2 While these records do not contain the detailed information of inquest records, they do set out the total number of homicides in a given year according to the coroner’s estimate for that year.3 Overlaying these coroner’s tallies for the years from 1857 through 1877 are annual entries in city directories, which cite notable events for the year, including murders. The number of such entries squares fairly closely with those obtained from other sources.4 Fairly complete Health Department annual summaries exist for the period from the mid-1870s through the mid-1890s. In addition to providing a check on annual totals arrived at from other sources, the Health Department statistics also provide information on the ages of decedents as well as gender and race. When considered together with selective readings of daily newspapers from 1860 through 1879 to cover gaps in the statistics and to obtain details on the circumstances of individual cases, a fairly complete picture of homicide emerges for the period. In the 1880–1890 period, the San Francisco Daily Call published annual articles that included the particulars on each homicide occurring in the year just past. The numbers of homicides in these articles generally compared favorably with the numbers in coroner’s tallies.5 The absence of such annual compilations forced a full reading of daily issues of local newspapers for the period from 1890 through 1905. Again the total number of cases encountered compares favorably, in general, with the totals given in the coroners’ tallies. Coroners’ registers, showing victim information and the circumstances of their demise, remain intact for the period following 1906. Coroners’ records were examined for the period up to 1939, and were supplemented with a judicious 146 APPENDIX 2: SOURCES reading of newspaper accounts of selected cases. For the period from 1940 to 2000, the San Francisco Police Department Murder Book was used. This document, from which data is drawn to report the city’s homicide experience to the FBI for inclusion in the Annual Uniform Crime Report, contains information on the particulars of each homicide committed in a given year. I compiled the information from these various sources into a database of the almost 7,000 criminal homicides that occurred in San Francisco from 1849 to 2000. Are all San Francisco criminal homicides from that period included? The short answer is no. No type of source can assure a full count. And there are enough indirect nineteenth-century newspaper references to homicides, for which the particulars, including dates, are not known, to suggest that I did not capture absolutely all of them. And there were doubtless some undetected homicides as well.6 Even modern counts, from which FBI figures are built, sometimes show curious anomalies.7 As with anything assembled by humans, there are bound to be omis- sions and imperfections, but the numbers here constitute a fair reading of homicide in San Francisco in the last 150 years. And that will have to serve until such time as all records of the past are digitized. No single book can aim to accomplish more than to begin to explore every aspect of a century and a half of criminal violence in a major city. The foregoing study has thus been restricted mainly to two lines of inquiry: the involvement of minority newcomers in violent crime and what effect enforcement practices have had on the phenomenon. So that others can carry the discussion further by addressing other aspects of the topic—or refuting or supporting the conclusions rendered here—the database that forms the foundation of the study has been archived at Ohio State University’s Criminal Justice Research Center. Notes

1 Introduction

1. Personal correspondence with Eric Monkkonen. 2. Ferdinand, “The Criminal Patterns of Boston since 1849,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 73 (July 1967): 84–89. 3. Lane, Violent Death in the City, 56–60. 4. Butterfield, All God’s Children,8. 5. Vandal, Southern Violence, 123. 6. McGrath, Gunfighters Highwaymen and Vigilantes, Violence on the Frontier. 7. McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice. He also studied Omaha, Nebraska whose population grew from 32,000 to 150,000 between 1880 and 1920, but its rate during those years approximated those found in large eastern cities. 8. Boessenecker, Gold Dust and Gunsmoke, 323. 9. The rate disparity becomes seemingly even more confused when modern homicide rates—with which historical rates are often compared—are added to the mix. By the end of the twentieth century, the national homicide rate was less than 6 per 100,000. Within that figure, urban rates varied greatly, from 2.8 in San Jose California in 1999, to more than 40 in Washington D.C. and Detroit, cities which a few years ago had rates that exceeded 70. Rates in other cities in 1999 included Chicago 22.7, New York 8.9, Los Angeles11.6, and San Francisco 8.5. 10. Courtwright, Violent Land, 13. 11. Bellesiles, Arming America, 354. 12. Mann, Unequal Justice, passim, Tonry, Malign Neglect, passim, Martinez, Latino Homicide, passim, and many others. 13. Monkkonen, “Diverging Homicide Rates: England and the United States, 1850–1875,”in Violence in America: Volume 1 The History of Crime,Ted Robert Gurr (ed.), 88. Lane, Violent Death in the City, 102–104, Woodham-Smith, The Great Hunger, 252. 14. Dykstra, Cattle Towns, 114. 15. Daniels, Coming to America, 109. 16. O.L. Graham, in Unguarded Gates, 103 quotes historian John Higham as claiming that “immigrants are an unsettling force wherever they appear.” 17. Myers, The History of Bigotry in the United States, 110. 18. Wickersham, Commission Report No. 10, Crime and the Foreign born, 27. 148 NOTES

19. Lane, Violent Death in the City, 102–103. 20. Eric Monkkonen attributes the relatively low level of homicide in Philadelphia to the presence of the “Pennsylvania Dutch.”Monkkonen,“Diverging Homicide Rates: England and the United States, 1850–1875,”99. 21. Jewish gangsters did participate in Prohibiton-era violence but not to the same extent as others. 22. In keeping with Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) practice, criminal homicide includes murders and nonnegligent manslaughters. 23. Gurr, Violence in America, 21. 24. Flowers, Minorities and Criminality, 65. See also Mann, Unequal Justice, 74. Not all agree. Proponents of biology as at least a partial explanation for violence have gained some ground in recent years. See Courtwright, Violent Land, and Pinker, The Blank Slate. 25. Crime in the United States 2001 Uniform Crime Reports,v. 26. Wickersham, Crime and the Foreign Born, 416. See also Ramiro Martinez Jr. and Matthew T. Lee, “On Immigration and Crime,” in National Institute of Justice Criminal Justice 2000: The Nature of Crime: Continuity and Change, Vol. 1, Gary La Free, Robert J. Bursik Jr., James F. Short Jr., and Ralph B. Taylor (eds.) (Washington D.C.: National Institute of Justice, 2000), who assert that “the bulk of empirical studies conducted over the past century have found that immigrants are typically underrepresented in criminal statistics.” 27. Monkkonen, “Diverging Homicide Rates: England and the United States, 1850–1875,”6. Lane in Murder in America, 188, reports that homicide rates for immigrant Italians during the first decade of the twentieth century were twice those of African Americans and 20 times that of non-Italian whites. And we would be hard put to convince the residents of Boston in the 1840s, when crime rates skyrocketed following the arrival of large numbers of Irish famine immigrants, that immigrants were not disproportionately criminal. Woodham-Smith, The Great Hunger, 252. 28. Lane, Murder in America, 348. 29. McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice, 45. 30. Adler,“The Negro Would Be More Than an Angel to Withstand Such Treatment: African American Homicide in Chicago, 1875–1910,” in Lethal Imagination: Violence and Brutality in American History, Michael A. Bellesiles (ed.), 309. So does Martinez in Latino Homicide, 31. 31. Lane, Murder in America, 183. 32. Stephen F. Messner and Richard Rosenfeld. “Social Structure and Homicide: Theory and Research,” in Homicide a Sourcebook of Social Research, Smith and Zahn (eds.), 27. 33. Flowers, Minorities and Criminality,xiv. 34. McKanna, Race and Homicide in Nineteenth Century California,2. 35. Hawkins “What Can We Learn From Data Disaggregation? The Case of Homicide and African Americans,” in Homicide A Sourcebook of Social Research, Smith and Zahn (eds.), 200. 36. This is not to say that the societies from which the immigrants came were necessarily and quantifiably homicidal. Rather, there were elements in those NOTES 149

societies that, when they found themselves in the new environment, were conducive to the growth of homicidal violence. 37. Flowers, Minorities and Criminality, xiii. 38. Daniels, Coming to America,3. 39. Ibid., Daniels says on p. 238 that we used to ignore the Chinese as immigrants with the “sojourner” argument. Now, he says, “few scholars any longer deny the relevance of the Afro-American and Asian American experience for immigration history.” 40. The substantial Encyclopedia of Chinese Overseas, Lynn Pan (ed.), discusses the various rebellions that afflicted nineteenth-century Chinese but has no entry for “crime” in its index. 41. Pan, Sons of the Yellow Emperor: The Story of the Overseas Chinese, 19. 42. Matthew C. Yeager, Immigrants and Criminality: A Meta Survey. http:www. cyberus.ca/~myeager/art-1.htm. 43. Lane, Murder in America, 135. 44. Sherman L. Ricards and George M. Blackburn “The Sydney Ducks: a Demographic Analysis,” Pacific Historical Review, Vol. XLII (February 1973). 45. Mexicans in Gold Rush San Francisco, say Soule et al., in their Annals, 472, “in proportion to their numbers show more criminals in courts of any than any other class.” 46. Heizer and Almquist, The Other Californians, 147. 47. Ibid. 48. Powell, “Crime As A Function of Anomie,” The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, Vol. 57, No. 2 (1966). 49. Lane, Murder in America, 183. “No ethnic group in the later nineteenth or early twentieth century, neither the Jews fleeing the pogroms nor the Italians devastated by cholera, was as desperate as the mid-century Irish, or as collectively pugnacious.” 50. In special State Senate Committee hearings in San Francisco in 1876, Matthew Karcher, former chief of police of Sacramento, testified that “The Pacific Coast had become a Botany Bay to which the criminal classes of China are brought in large numbers. . . .” Chinese Immigration; Its Social, Moral, and Political Effect, 28. 51. Douglas 20, June 1926. 52. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. 53. Gottfredson and Hirschi, A General Theory of Crime, 270. 54. Terry McCarthy, “The Gang Buster,” Time, January 19, 2004. “Economics and demographics are influences, not causes,” says Bratton. “It is a great disservice to the poor to say they lose jobs and so become criminals.” See also Fox Butterfield “Crime Fighting’s About-face,” New York Times, January 19, 1997. Malcolm Gladwell, The Tipping Point, 141 ascribes the “tipping point” in New York’s dramatic decline to the adoption of James Q. Wilson’s “broken window” theory by means of which police enforcement of even minor violations changed the “context” in which crime occurs. 55. Crime in the United States, 1995, iv. 56. Hopkins, Our Lawless Police, 339. 150 NOTES

57. Tonry, Walker, Flowers, and Kennedy all devote chapters to the topic. However, says Wilbanks, The Myth of a Racist Criminal Justice System, 4, “Though volumes have been written on the topics of racism and crime, the literature examining the connection between the two is sparse.” 58. Graham and Gurr (eds.), Violence in America, xi.

2 Australians

1. Alta, January 3 and 5, 1851. 2. According to one modern account “There were several gangs in San Francisco at the time. ...Worst among these groups was the ‘Sydney Ducks,’ a group of former Australian convicts. It is believed they were responsible for large majority of the six fires that swept the city between 1849 and 1851, until broken up by the Vigilantes.” San Francisco Examiner, June 3, 1986. 3. “When in 1851,” according to one recent account, “it was reported that the number of murders in the raw port of San Francisco had reached over one hundred, many committed by robber bands such as the Sydney Ducks. ...a committee of vigilance was established.”Lane, Murder in America, 135. 4. Mullen, Let Justice be Done, passim. Lane, a student of Philadelphia, is not to be faulted. The legend has so insinuated itself into the fabric of the San Francisco’s history that it will probably never be extirpated. 5. Los Angeles, with a homicide rate approaching ten times that of Gold Rush San Francisco—and by contemporary accounts, not much robbery—did not feel the need to organize a vigilance committees like that in San Francisco. 6. The same cannot be said for California generally. For reasons discussed in the next chapter, the nonurban sections of California contributed the highest non-wartime homicide rate in the nation’s history. 7. See Courtwright, Violent Land, passim. There are some exceptions. Monkkonen in Murder in New York City, 102, found that the ages of nineteenth-century New York murderers were distributed more evenly across the age spectrum. 8. Thompson and West, History of Nevada: 1881, 340. Their analysis embraces and anticipates the arguments contained in any number of recent studies of frontier violence. Walter Nugent, in “Frontiers and Empires in the Late Nineteenth Century,” The Western Historical Quarterly, Vol. XX No. 4 (November 1989), distinguishes between Type I peaceful farming frontier communities with balanced gender distribution and the more violent Type II mining and cattle settlements that tended to be predominately composed of unattached young males. 9. Ibid. 10. Ethington, The Public City, 47, claims that 98% of the town’s population was male in 1849. 11. Peterson Del Mar, Beaten Down, 51. See also Pinker, Blank Slate, 333. Who says that “and Canada may be more peaceable than its neighbor in part because its government [read justice system] outraced its people to the land.” NOTES 151

12. McGrath,“A Violent Birth: Disorder, Crime and Law Enforcement, 1849–1890,” in Taming the Elephant: Politics Government, and Law in Pioneer California, John F. Burns and Richard J. Orsi (eds.), 28. 13. Lane, Murder in America, 113. 14. And in that case, the principal defendant seems not to have been guilty after all. On October 15, 1852 the pro-vigilante Alta reported that disclosures had been made tending to show that Hall was innocent of the crime. There may have been others. Whittaker in his confession (Williams, Papers of the San Francisco Vigilance Committee, 474) speculates that a man named Gallagher who was found dead may have been poisoned. Jenkins was comforting the widow Connolly with undue haste after her husband died suddenly. Such speculation about any group could be spun into a crime wave. 15. Monaghan, Australians and the Gold Rush, 15. 16. Ibid., 15. 17. Ibid., 154. 18. The Alta in late January 1850 reported that “someone, probably one of the most desperate scoundrels of England who have been serving the Queen,”— set a fire on Washington Street above Kearny. Following the fifth great fire, the California Courier commented on June 16, 1851 “immigrants from Sydney have been able to burn the city over our heads four or five times. . . .” 19. Mullen, “Torching Old Time San Francisco,” Californians Magazine, January/ February 1991. 20. Ricards and Blackburn,“The Sydney Ducks,” Pacific Historical Review (February 1973). The only discernible evidence they present to show that the Australians were not criminally disposed was the fact that Australians tended to be older than other immigrants and tended more often to be married. These factors, as a general rule, usually point to lower rates of criminality but even a cursory examination of the activities of members of the Australian community at that time would call this generalization into question. 21. Senkewicz, Vigilantes in Gold Rush San Francisco, 77–81. 22. Of the Ducks, says Bateson in Gold Fleet for California, 119, “They were a minority, a troublesome minority, but their brutal deeds were so widely publi- cized that responsible Australians, with every intention of hard work and endeavor, found themselves shunned and held in contempt on their arrival in California.” 23. Mann, Unequal Justice, xi. See also Wilbanks, The Myth of a Racist Criminal Justice System, 59, who says people, including minorities, are more concerned about street crime than white-collar crime. “The average black (as well as white) citizen lives in fear of muggers, robbers, and burglars, not price fixers, bribers, and embezzlers.” 24. Every piece in Gurr’s 1989 Violence in America deals with criminal homicide and its effects. 25. Ibid., 14.“Contributors to this volume,”says Gurr,“reaffirm the common view that homicide is the offense recorded most consistently over time and among jurisdictions....” 152 NOTES

26. Before the introduction of Uniform Crime Reporting in the 1920s and 1930s, crime reporting was very spotty, particularly for crimes other than homicide. 27. “Homicides are one of the best benchmarks for examining the criminal justice system because they are among the most clear cut best-reported and serious crimes,” according to William Geller, as quoted by Seth Rosenfeld in the San Francisco Chronicle, December 6, 1999. 28. When Kimbely Peace, 25, was gunned down in the Bernal Housing projects on March 13, 1995, her father, Andrew, was outraged. Society does not do enough to control crime in the African American community, he charged. “They just don’t care,”he fumed. “It’s just a dead black woman.” 29. Bancroft, Popular Tribunals, 1:122. 30. In 1989, the last year for which the San Francisco Police Department published statistics on intergroup crime relationships, 69% of white robbery victims were victimized by blacks. (9% of black victims were robbed by whites.) San Francisco Police Department CABLE Incident Activity Report, 1989. 31. McGrath,“A Violent Birth,”56. There were no more incidents for almost a year then after another small spate of street robberies at the end of 1879 and beginning of 1880, the Daily Free Press suggested that citizens go armed and form a committee of vigilance such as those that had been formed in other mining camps. 32. Lane, “On the Social Meaning of Homicide Trends in America,” In Gurr, Violence in America, 55. 33. Lane, Violent Death in the City, 84. 34. McGrath. Gunfighters, Highwaymen and Vigilantes, 176–177 and 248–249. 35. Bell, Reminiscences of a Ranger, 14. Bell is well known to have embellished his stories. In this instance, given his track record, if that was the case he could be expected to exaggerate in the other direction. 36. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 107. 37. Notably, none of those hanged by the first Committee of Vigilance was charged with a homicide in San Francisco; they were all thieves. James Stuart probably killed a man in Yuba County but technically that was none of San Francisco’s concern. Vigilance Committees do not concern themselves excessively with technicalities. The point is that if they were after simple murderers they had plenty of examples closer to home. 38. Robbery is defined as taking goods from the person of another “by force or fear.” 39. Alta, October 10, 1850. Williams, Papers of the San Francisco Vigilance Committee, 266. 40. Alta, December 13, 1850. 41. The robbery rates in either case were ridiculously low by modern standards, attesting further to our predecessor’s absence of toleration for that type of crime. McGrath compares the rates he found in Bodie to the rates of 1,140 in New York in 1980. The 1980 rate for San Francisco was 1,161. But the rate of robberies in Gold Rush San Francisco was very high for the time. 42. Gustav Bergenroth,“The First Vigilante Committee in California,” Magazine of History, extra number—No. 151: 143–149. Tarrytown, New York: William Abbatt, 1929 as mentioned in Adams, The Disputed Lands, 259. NOTES 153

43. No mention is made of the police. Under the best of circumstances there would have been no foot patrols that far from the central business district. 44. When the justice system was organized, no thought had been given to the establishment of a detective police to follow up on crimes. This function was assigned to the San Francisco Police Department in 1853. 45. Soule et al., Annals, 324. 46. Alta, February 21, 1851. 47. San Francisco Evening Picayune, January 6, 1851. 48. Viewed objectively, well removed from the emotion of the moment, it’s hard to see what else the judge could have done legally, but Vigilance Committees tend not to be swayed by such technicalities. 49. In the “Official Announcement of the Committee of Vigilance,” published on June 13, 1851, just after Jenkins was hanged, the committee addresses robberies and arson fires but makes no mention of homicide (Mary Williams, History of the San Francisco Committee of Vigilance 1851, 459). The legend of 100 homicides was concocted after the fact to lend support to the extrajudicial proceedings. 50. Monaghan, Australians and the Gold Rush, 154. 51. Bancroft, California Inter Pocula, 235. On August 5, 1850 the San Francisco Board of Aldermen enacted a resolution that prohibited aliens from engaging in draying, driving hackney coaches, rowing boats for the conveyance of pas- sengers, or selling spirituous liquors. 52. Hughes, The Fatal Shore, 159. 53. Ibid., 356. The small percentage of Australian-born defendants reverses what many have found to be the case elsewhere where children are more criminal than their parents. Hughes, The Fatal Shore, xiii says “the post-colonial history of Australia utterly exploded the theory of genetic criminal inheritance. Here was a community of people, handpicked over decades for their ‘criminal propensities’ and for no other reason, whose offspring turned out to form one of the most law-abiding societies in the world.” 54. Monaghan, Australians and the Gold Rush, 121. For the last three months of 1849 and first three months of 1850, 12.5% of emigrants from Sydney and 21% of those from Tasmania were ex-convicts. Although Senkewicz, Vigilantes in Gold Rush San Francisco, 79, adds the modifier “only” to these figures, the 19% of the male immigrants so classified amounts to a large percentage of ex-convicts in any community. Roscoe Pound is supposed to have commented that if as little as 15% of a society refuses to play by the group’s rules then that society will disintegrate. 55. Williams, Papers, 469. 56. Ibid., 227. 57. Monaghan, Australians and the Gold Rush, 154. Also says Monaghan, “It is notable that some of the upper-class Australians...either helped, or were members of, the committees that met incoming vessels and prohibited some of their own countrymen from landing.” 58. Referring to Sydney town, the near contemporary Annals pointed out, 566, “Even the police hardly dared to enter there; and if they attempted to 154 NOTES

apprehend some known individuals, it was always in a numerous, strongly armed company. Seldom, however, were arrests made. The lawless inhabitants of the place united to save their luckless brothers, and generally managed to drive the assailants away.” 59. In possible defense of the officers, according to Theodore Hittell, “Stuart’s confession endeavored to involve various other persons against whom he evidently held grudges. No one [at the time] put much faith in his statement on account of its source and its mean and treacherous spirit.”Hittell, History of California, 3:324. 60. Williams, Papers, 322. 61. Alta, August 25, 1851. 62. Commenting on the November 1850 killing of Michael McMahon by Arthur O’Connor, the Alta remarked that such incidents were becoming common and suggested the passage of an ordinance requiring each gambling house to maintain one or more policemen at its own expense, not so much to stop the assaults but to arrest the offenders. Whether any such practice would have been effective is problematical. Officer Phineas Blunt in his journal entry for Thursday, November 28, 1850 mentioned that “Two policeman were present yet Arthur [O’Connor] was not arrested.” Blunt Journal entry for Wednesday, November 28, 1850. 63. Ibid., 47. 64. Ibid., 51. 65. Ibid., 48 and 68. See also Nugent,“Frontiers and Empires in the Late Nineteenth century,” 403. “Because of the early presence of governmental authority (especially the Mounted Police), Canadian frontiers escaped the violence that marred some of the American ones. The Canadian experience shows that the social pathology of the United State’s Type II frontiers were not an inevitable consequence of the demography.” 66. Peterson Del Mar, Beaten Down, 52. 67. Ibid., 49. 68. Monkkonen, in “Diverging Homicide Rates,”93. Fisher in Joey the Hitman: The Autobiography of a Mafia Killer, 20, asserts that England is the only Western country without organized crime, and attributes that phenomenon in part to the uniformity of laws and the promptness with which justice is adminis- tered. His assertion may be overstating the case but there is something to the argument. 69. Peterson Del Mar, Beaten Down, 50. 70. Alta, June 19, 1851. 71. San Francisco Picayune, July 18, 1851. 72. And the figure for the latter year was inflated by the commission of 38 burgla- ries by a single two-man team in February and March 1852 which ended with the burglars’ arrest. 73. Wolfgang, Patterns in Criminal Homicide, 191. 74. Thompson and West, History of Nevada: 1881, 431–433. 75. The formation of the Vigilance Committee in 1851 coincided with the news of the great Australian gold strike and many Australians returned home. There NOTES 155

remained about 2,500 in San Francisco in 1852 but they did not make the same pronounced mark on the criminal justice record that they had prior to the establishment of the committee.

3 Latinos

1. Townsend, in The California Diary of General E.D. Townsend, Malcolm Edwards (ed.), 71. 2. Alta, December 11, 1852. 3. Bancroft, Popular Tribunals, 1:746. More recently, this interpretation turns up as “Jose Forner [sic] was apprehended and executed for a crime that probably would have gone unnoticed had he come from Pike County [Missouri] rather than Valencia in old Spain” Watkins and Olmstead, Mirror of the Dream, 47. 4. McKanna, Race and Homicide, 108. 5. Flowers, Minorities and Criminality,3. 6. Martinez tends to agree with that general assessment. Any overrepresentations of Latinos in criminal statistics, he says, “appear to be linked more to differ- ences in structural conditions across areas where immigrants settle rather than to cultural traditions of the immigrant groups.”Martinez, Latino Homicide, 31. 7. Castillo and Camarillo, Furia y Muerte: Los Bandidos Chicanos,2. 8. Hietter, “A Surprising Amount of Justice: The Experience of Mexican and Racial Minority Defendants Charged with Serious Crimes in Arizona, 1865–1920,” Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 70, No. 2 (May 2001): 186, reports that “Mexicans received relatively fair treatment far more often than most scholars have acknowledged.” 9. Wilbanks, The Myth of a Racist Criminal Justice System, 21, says that if we accept black crime as determined by white behavior toward them then logi- cally the white behavior is equally determined by some source outside themselves. 10. There is simply insufficient information to discern any relationship between the Latino immigrants and the police department specifically in San Francisco, so the treatment of the newcomers by the justice system generally will be assumed to reflect that of police officers. 11. This formulation ignores the Indian population. Although an important part of the criminal justice story of the state, Indians do not play a large role in the story of American San Francisco. 12. Eldredge, The Beginnings of San Francisco, 202. 13. Bancroft, Popular Tribunals, 1:162, agrees. “There were then no jails, no juries, no sheriff, law processes or courts,” he wrote of the period prior to the American arrival, “conscience and public opinion were law and justice held an evenly balanced rule.” 14. Private correspondence. In fairness to the Latinos, it must be noted, he also calculates a rate of 206.1 in the seven years following the American conquest. 15. Robert Dykstra, “Field Notes Overdosing on Dodge City,” Western Historical Quarterly (Winter 1996): 510. 156 NOTES

16. Dykstra, Cattle Towns, 144, points out that there was only an average of 1.5 homicides per year in the supposedly murderous Kansas cattle towns in the 1870s. Those who disagree with his conclusions point out that this translates into an annual rate of 160 per 100,000 in 1878 Dodge City. McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice,8. 17. William Heath Davis, Seventy Five Years in California, 288–289. San Francisco’s population broke down to about 60/40 non-Latino white to Latino. 18. Mullen, “Crime Politics and Punishment in Mexican San Francisco,” The Californians, January/February 1990. 19. Mann, Unequal Justice, 11. “Latino Americans [Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and other Latino Americans] have generally been examined as an entity, with a resultant loss of the cultural nuances of each group, The diversity of these groups and the scant data available on each subgroup limit any in depth discussion of each one.” 20. Carlos U. Lopez, Chileans in California: A Study of the 1850, 1852, & 1860 Census. 21. Monaghan, Chile, Peru, and the California Gold Rush, 57. 22. Ibid., 20. 23. In California in the 1990s, e.g., the urban rate averaged 9.1 per 100,000 compared with 4.5 for rural areas. California Department of Justice Statistics. 24. As late as the 1920s, California’s rural rate (8.18) exceeded the 7.98 urban rate. H.C. Brearly, Homicide, 153. 25. Lane, Murder in America, 296. Through most of the history of America and England, cities generally were more peaceable than the countryside and had lower murder rates. 26. Boessenecker, Gold Dust and Gunsmoke, 19. 27. Shover, in Chico’s Lemm Ranch Murders, 11, cites Walter M. Fisher (The Californians, London: McMillan, 1876) as commenting “There is difficulty in accounting for the fact that a majority of rural Californians sleep with a rifle in their bedroom, and a travel revolver in their pocket.”The first California enact- ments prohibiting the carrying of concealed weapons specifically exempted travelers in transit. 28. McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice, 163, reports very high rates in the seven nineteenth-century California counties he studied. However, he reports “Sacramento, the most urban county, had the lowest [homicide] rate,” of the seven. Boessenecker establishes a rate of 414 in Los Angeles County, a jurisdiction with a predominately rural population of 8,500 in 1851. Boessenecker, Gold Dust and Gunsmoke, 323. 29. “Homicide Calendar for California for the Year 1854,” Daily California Chronicle, December 30, 1854. Also the Daily California Chronicle, January 5, 1856. Homicides and group killings involving Indians and lynchings were not counted for the purposes of this exercise. This is a study of interpersonal violence and many of the killings of and by Indians amounted to casualties in what was in effect a guerrilla war. Lynchings in this context is adjudged not so much as crimes but as the community response to crime. NOTES 157

30. “Legend has it,”says Roger McGrath, “that the bandidos were old Californians displaced by the arrival of thousands of Yankees. Actually, many of the band dos were recent arrivals from Mexico.” McGrath, “A Violent Birth, Disorder. And Law Enforcement in the Gold Rush” Taming the Elephant, 28. 31. Hittell, History of California, 3:713. Lee Johnson, Roaring Camp, 32. Thornton, Searching for Joaquin, 81, 90. 32. Clare V. McKanna, “Ethnics and San Quentin Prison Registers: A Comment on Methodology,” Journal of Social History Carnegie-Mellon University, Vol. 18, No. 3 (1984–1985): 481. According to one account, around 16 to 20% of San Quentin’s inmates were Spanish-speaking, “an extraordinarily high figure, even considering inflation to allow for Yankee prejudice in law enforcement, because Latinos were then only roughly 10% of the population.” Jean Sherrell “California Bandidos: A Yankee Perspective,” The Californians (May/June 1985): 11. Linda Parker found much the same thing in her 1992 study of three nineteenth-century California counties. Indeed, she claims, the pattern of disproportionate treatment persists. Linda S. Parker, “Superior Court Treatment of Ethnics Charged with Violent Crimes in Three California Counties, 1880–1910,” Southern California Quarterly (Fall 1992): 243. 33. Heizer and Almquist, The Other Californians, 147. 34. Mirande, Gringo Justice, 25. 35. Mann, Unequal Justice, 101. Flowers, Minorities and Criminality, 95. 36. “Homicide Calendar for California for the Year 1854,” Daily California Chronicle, December 30, 1854. The Daily California Chronicle, January 5, 1856. 37. See Frederick Wirt, Power in the City, 245 says, “The flood of forty-niners diluted the state’s contingent of those of Spanish, Mexican, or Latin American origin. Succeeding waves of Anglo immigrants thinned their proportion out even more. . . .” It is estimated that Mexicans constituted 15% of the state’s population in 1850, and 12% in 1860. 38. Heizer and Almquist, The Other Californians, 147. 39. Soule et al., Annals, 472. 40. Heizer and Almquist, The Other Californians, 147. 41. Mullen, Let Justice Be Done. 42. The authors of Annals, 257, didn’t think much better of anyone, it must be noted. They also included descriptions of “Russians with furs and sables...; great numbers of tall, goat-chinned, smooth-cheeked, oily—locked, lank- visaged, tobacco-chewing, large-limbed and featured, rough, care-worn, care- less Americans from every State of the Union, dressed independently in every variety of garb, not caring a fig what people though of them, but determined to ‘do the thing handsomely,’ and ‘go ahead’; fat, conceited, comfortable Englishmen, who pretended to compete in shrewdness with the subtle Yankee—as if it were the ‘manifest destiny’ of Jonathan, everywhere, but especially on his own ground, to Outshine John! There the were bands of gay, easy-principled, philosophical Germans, Italian and Frenchmen of every cut and figure, their faces covered with hair, and with strange habiliments on 158 NOTES

their person, and among whom might be particularly remarked numbers of thick-lipped, hook-nosed, ox-eyed, cunning, oily Jews.” 43. McGrath,“A Violent Birth: Disorder, Crime, and Law Enforcement, 1849–1890” 44. Boessenecker, “California Bandidos: Social Bandits or Sociopaths,” Southern California Quarterly (Winter 1998). 45. Ibid. 46. The first two commitments to state prison on a homicide charge from San Francisco were Latinos. Jose Contreras was sentenced to three years in state prison for the November 1851 killing of a workmate in a drunken dispute and Dolores Martinez, a 19-year-old prostitute from Mexico, was sentenced to one year in San Quentin for killing another prostitute in a Kearny Street dancing saloon. San Quentin Prison Register. 47. Any estimate of rates by subgroups in San Francisco in the early 1850s is necessarily inexact due to the uncertainty about population figures. Hittell, History of California, 3:412 estimates a population of 3,000 “Spanish Americans” in his estimate of 50,000 as the San Francisco population in 1853. The 1852 census numbers 1,500 Chileans residing in San Francisco. We can never know for sure, but given the well-known departures for home in the early 1850s, the San Francisco Latino proportion of the population was probably less than for the state as a whole. The number was probably higher than Hittell estimates in the earlier years and lower in the later, which leaves his proportion as a good working average upon which to estimate rates for the decade. 48. McKanna in “Ethnics and San Quentin Prison Registers,” says “The prison register data suggest that the treatment of minorities by the legal system seems to have been fairly equal during the sentencing procedure.”Even though more Latinos were sentenced, he says, they received the same sentences as whites for the same type of crime. “Prison registers,” he continues, “however, must be used with a great deal of caution: they are not, for example, a reliable indicator of crime rates.” 49. Nancy J. Taniguchi in “Weaving a Different World: Women and the California Gold Rush,” California History (Summer 2000). 50. In the first half of the decade between 1850 and 1854, San Francisco suffered five robbery homicides in two of which perpetrators were clearly identified, one of which was the Forni case The other was the case of Joseph Daniels who killed his business partner, Peter Petit, in August 1849 in which the case was eventually dismissed by a court because of legal insufficiencies. In the other cases perpetrators were never identified. 51. Bancroft, Popular Tribunals, 1:48. 52. Pitt, Decline of the Californios, 75. 53. Wolfgang and Ferracuti, The Subculture of Violence, 281. To this day Mexico has a national homicide rate three times that of the United States. 54. Thornton, Searching for Joaquin, xii. 55. Wirt, Power in the City, 245, estimates a Latino population of the state in 1870 at 4% of the total. The figure was probably lower for San Francisco. 56. Lloyd, Lights and Shades in San Francisco, 58. NOTES 159

4 Irish

1. Gurr, Violence in America, 35, cites Paul. L. Gilje as claiming that the Irish “injected a more virulent strain of violence into the popular disorder.”“Irish immigrants,” says Gurr, “appear with far greater than chance frequency in police records and accounts of public disorder from the 1840s onward.” 2. Lane, Violent Death in the City, 103. 3. Lane, Murder in America, 117. 4. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 138. Speaking of mid-nineteenth- century New York, Monkkonen says “At this juncture, it is reasonable to claim that young Irish and German males were slaughtering each other in New York City, that at mid-century homicide was an ethnic problem.” 5. Elwin H. Powell, “Crime As A Function of Anomie,” The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, Vol. 57, No. 2 (1966). 6. McCann, The Fighting Irish,9. 7. O Hogain, Celtic Warriors, 9. “Keltoi” the Greek word for “Celt” comes, according to Daithi O Hogain, “from the Indo-European root *Kel (meaning ‘to strike’)....The original meaning of the term Celts would therefore appear to have been ‘warriors’. ” 8. Ibid., 17. 9. Wickersham, Crime and the Foreign Born, 71, Brearly, Homicide, 40–41. Matthew G. Yeager Immigrants and Criminality: A Meta Survey. Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration, Government of Canada, 1996, Walker et al., The Color of Justice, 75; Mann, Unequal Justice. 10. It is a widely observed phenomenon. Handlin, The Uprooted, 162–163. Thrasher, The Gang, 252 and 489. Jankowski, Islands in the Streets. Jackson and McBride, Understanding Street Gangs, 10. Melissa Hung, “Lost Generation,” East Bay Express, June 12, 2002. “Dr. Paul Nieuwbeerta, a criminologist with the Netherlands Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement, notes that the Dutch have found in recent years that the children of older immigrants tend to engage in more delinquent behavior than their parents.” Personal correspondence. 11. See Alejandro Portes, “For the Second Generation, One Step at a Time,” in Reinventing the Melting Pot: The New Immigrants and What it Means to be An American, Tamar (ed.), 158–162. Portes ascribes the phenomenon to discrimination by the host society and the fact that many newcomers are forced to live in neighborhoods imbued with criminal pathologies, which hold out attractions to their children. 12. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 138 and 220. 13. Lane, Violent Death in the City, 103. 14. Leyburn in The Scotch Irish, 332, claims that “the Scots who lived in Ulster before they came to America simply were not, in background, religion, and many other aspects of culture, identical with the Irish of the southern provinces of Leinster, Muster, and Connaught. . . .” 15. Dinnerstien and Jaher, The Aliens,7. 160 NOTES

16. Nisbett and Cohen, Culture of Honor: The Psychology of Violence in the South,8. 17. Dinnerstien and Jaher, The Aliens, 79. “[N]o and ethnic group of this period (1850s) except for the Indians and the blacks, endured greater deprivation than the Irish” “The Irish were also overrepresented in proportion to their percentage of the population in crime and poverty.” 18. Burchell, San Francisco Irish, 184–185. 19. Virginia City, Nevada, had 8 homicides in 18 months following the discov- ery, a boomtown rate of 176 per 100,000, according to Roger McGrath in “Violence and Lawlessness on the Western Frontier” in Violence in America, Gurr (ed.), 135. 20. It was as recent as 1990 that Gottfredson and Hirschi made their assertion that “No evidence exists that augmentation of police forces or equipment, differential patrol strategies or differential intensities of surveillance have any effect on crime rates.” A General Theory of Crime, 270. 21. Dykstra, Cattle Towns, 114. “Primary responsibility for these homicides,” he says, “must be laid to the lack of any systematic efforts to suppress violence in the as yet municipally unorganized Communities.” 22. Lane, Murder in America, 182. Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence, 134. 23. Bancroft, Popular Tribunals, 2:641. 24. Martin Burke, Dictation, Bancroft Library. 25. Ibid. 26. His party declined to nominate him for reelection in 1866 in part because of his implacable efforts to clean up the city’s vice districts. 27. The Chinese homicide rate had its own unique temporal trajectory during the nineteenth century and is thus not included in this part of the discussion. 28. The problem of identifying Irish men from their surnames alone is illustrated by the names of the three Irish men hanged in the 1850s. We happen to know from other sources, for instance, that the William Morris who killed Doak in San Francisco in 1858 was a Gaelic-speaking Catholic, born in Southern Ireland. But if we had only his surname to go on, we would have to entertain the possibility that he could well have been from another of the British Isles, and not what anyone would consider a member of the Irish community. 29. One, and perhaps two, of the eight hanged by the vigilantes were Irish. 30. Municipal reports, 1871–1872. 31. A number of origins of the word hoodlum have been advanced, but all trace its source to San Francisco in the late 1860s and early 1870s. It is most likely to have been derived from the Bavarian German hodalump, which means exactly the same thing. Southern Germans made up a large foreign language group in San Francisco in the 1870s, and many were small merchants who kept combi- nation grocery store/saloons favored by hoodlums with their custom. 32. Public perceptions about the prevalence of youth-oriented violence are vali- dated by the age trends reflected in the San Quentin Prison Register.Twenty two percent of those imprisoned for homicide in the 1860s from San Francisco NOTES 161

were under 30 years of age. During the 1870s this proportion had more than doubled to than 45.6%. 33. In response to assertions that Chinese themselves were racist, Chen in Chinese in San Francisco, 30, asserts that the Chinese had a sense of cultural superior- ity but since their biases were directed at all non-Chinese people they cannot be construed as racist. 34. Sowell, Migration And Cultures: A World View, 28 and 227. Horowitz, The Deadly Ethnic Riot,3.Sowell,Ethnic America, 133. McClain, in In Search of Equality, 10, accepts Theodore Hittell’s argument that the antipathy toward California’s Chinese was largely economic in its origins, saying “Beneath all the surface rationalizations,” the gravamen of the complaints against the Chinese was that “they worked too hard (often for less pay than others were willing to accept), saved too much, and spent too little.” They also looked and behaved differently from the majority population. 35. Alta, July 8, 1851. 36. Shearer, The Pacific Tourist, 281. 37. Rodman Paul, “The Origin of the Chinese Issue in California.” in The Aliens, Dinnerstein and Jaher (eds.), 164. “Beyond all these social differentiations the Chinese established for themselves a peculiar economic position.” See also Chua, World on Fire. 38. After the troubles in 1876 and 1877, the numbers fell off to a yearly average of slightly more than 9,000 a year in the period between 1877 and 1881. In 1882, the year the Exclusion Law suspending the immigration of laborers was enacted, 39,500 Chinese newcomers got in under the wire. Thereafter the average annual rate declined. 39. Swain in The New White Nationalism, 120, cites Donald, Green, Robert, Abelson, and Andrew Rich in “Defending Neighborhoods, Integration and Racially Motivated Crime,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 104 (1998): 372–403. “Green and colleagues argue that demographic change is more likely to bring about racial and ethnic violence than downturns in the economy as dominant groups succumb to an impulse to defend neighborhoods and areas they consider their territory.” 40. “The Chinese formed a distinct class which enriched itself at the expense of the country,”noted one contemporary observer,“abstracting a large portion of its latent wealth without contributing in a degree commensurate with their numbers to the prosperity of the community of which they formed a part.” J.D. Borthwick, “Three years in California,”in Pictures of Gold Rush California, Milo Quaife (ed.), 237. 41. Chen, Chinese in San Francisco, 217 and 262–263. Chen disagrees with the idea of the Chinese as “sojourners,” explaining that the traveling “back and forth across the ocean,” which characterized Chinese immigrant behavior from the start really spoke to the “trans-Pacific” nature of their community. 42. Chinese Immigration: Its Social, Moral, and Political Effect. Matthew Karcher ex-chief of police for Sacramento testified that the presence of the Chinese is largely responsible for the hoodlum problem. “[I]n other 162 NOTES

countries boys find employment in this light work, but here it is done by the Chinese.” 43. One of the most notable nineteenth-century street gangs, the Telegraph Hill Rockrollers, earned its name for rolling large stones down the hill on Chinese laundrymen crossing the streets down below. 44. Lloyd, Lights and Shades, 297. 45. Thistletons’s Illustrated Jolly Giant, May 22, 1875. 46. San Francisco Chronicle, November 25, 1869. 47. Daniels, Coming to America, 109–110. German immigrants just about matched the Irish in numbers in the first great wave of European immigration in the nineteenth century. In all 2.5 million Irish immigrated to the United States between 1850 and 1890. During the same period 3.7 million came from German States. 48. Monkonnen, Murder in New York City, 138. Lane, Violent Death in the City, 103. Jeffrey S. Adler, “We’ve Got a Right To Fight; We’re Married: Ethnicity, Race, And Domestic Homicide in Chicago, 1875–1920.” 49. The coroner in 1885 issued a report of the nativity of the 142 homicide victims between July 1, 1879 and June 30, 1885. Of the 142, a total of 25 victims (17.6%) were shown as being born in Ireland. This at a time when Irish born constituted 13% of the total population. Municipal Reports 1880–1885. 50. Coroner’s tabulations in Municipal Reports. 51. San Quentin Prison Register. 52. Carolyn Conley, in her study of criminal violence in late-nineteenth-century Ireland found “some degree of alcohol consumption seems to have been present in almost every case.” See “Irish Criminal Records,” Eire-Ireland (Spring 1993): 103. 53. These are all from the cases for which suspects are convicted and sentenced so we can be sure of their nativity. 54. Bayor, Neighbors in Conflict, 2–3. 55. Dinnerstein and Jaher, The Aliens, 78. AlsoWickersham, Crime and the Foreign Born, 41. Burchell, San Francisco Irish, 60. 56. Conley, Melancholy Accidents, 1 and 214. 57. Ibid., 8. The very title of Conley’s book, Melancholy Accidents, which refers to the Irish conception of what in the United States would clearly be criminal homicides as “accidents”—or behavior beyond the control of the perpetrator— should warn us of the strong possibility that the nineteenth-century Irish might not have been too attentive to reporting criminal violence to the authorities, particularly that which did not result in death. 58. Ibid., 7. “Clearly, there were social sanctions in force against reporting crimes to the authorities,” she reports of the period of her study. “Persons who testified for the prosecution were often subjected to public condemnation, if not physical attack.” 59. O’Donnell, The Irish Faction Fighters of the 19th Century, 9. Perhaps significantly, the practice got its start in Tipperary, William Morris’s home county. 60. Conley, Melancholy Accidents, 20, 36. NOTES 163

61. Thrasher, The Gang, 212. 62. Conley, Melancholy Accidents, 33. As one judge explained it, “A man might attack another with his fists or with his walking stick but the use of the knife was a treacherous and serious thing.” The jurist characterized the practice as “the importation from a foreign country.” 63. See Anthony R. Harris, Stephen H. Thomas, Gene A. Fisher, and David J. Hirsch,“Murder and Medicine: The Lethality of Criminal Assault 1960–1999,” Homicide Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2 (May 2002). Homicide is usually a good index, but for reasons shown below (less use of traditional weapons of assault) it is not so useful in estimating the total amount of Irish violence. 64. Asbury, Barbary Coast, 158. 65. Black, You Can’t Win, 152. 66. There seems to be something to the belief that Latinos were more inclined to use knives than others, at least in earlier times. This may be accounted for by the fact that nineteenth-century Latinos both by tradition and economic circumstance would be less likely to have a firearm. In modern times at least in San Francisco, Latinos are as likely to use firearms as anyone else. And the Chinese, from early on were as adept at the use of firearms as were others despite their association with lather’s hatchets as a principal tool of assassination. 67. Conley, Melancholy Accidents, 214. “[The Irish] homicide rate was well below that of England and Wales. Premeditated murder was rare as were violent robbery and sexual assaults.”“The bulk of Irish violence was personal,” she continues, which is more an argument about the types of violence encountered than its amount. Based on her own description of events in late-nineteenth- century Ireland there was obviously much more nonfatal violence that did not make its way into the records. All observations, except for the rate of actual homicides, would apply to the American Irish as well. 68. Lane, Murder in America, 181. 69. Ibid., 187. The Irish once had the highest rate of any major group in Philadelphia. Toward the century’s end the rate of indictments among those with Irish surnames fell to 1.8 per 100,000 or well below the citywide average. 70. Ibid., 186. 71. Ibid., 183. 72. Daniels, Coming to America, 141. And the gender ratios of Irish immigrants changed. In the period from 1851 to 1880, the ratio of male to female immigrants was 1.14 to 1, and from 1880 to 1910 the ratio changed to. 98 to 1. This would have had some effect on homicide rates. 73. Godfrey, Neighborhoods in Transition, 74. 74. Meagher, Inventing Irish America, 26. Angela Bourke in The Burning of Bridget Cleary, 6–11, describes the change from the “old” to the “new” Ireland during this period in another context. 75. Personal correspondence from Carolyn Conley. “Irish National Archives. Return of Outrages Reported to the Constabulary Office, 1848–1878; 1879–1892.”CSO ICR Vol. 1&2. 76. Conley, “Irish Criminal Records, 1865–1892,” Eire-Ireland (Spring 1993). 164 NOTES

5 Chinese

1. Alta, July 7, 1866. 2. It was not until the 1870s that the Chinese population was large enough to avoid charges of “fallacy of small numbers.” But in this case the principle operates in the opposite direction from what might be expected. The smaller population should militate in favor of a higher rate when in fact the reverse is the case, suggesting an even greater upsurge in Chinese homicide than the sharp upward movement on the graph would suggest. 3. The conflict found fertile ground to grow and prosper in New World settlements. “The first large scale Chinese tong war in America,” says Lee in Days of the Tong Wars, ix, “was fought between antiemperor elements and the Manchu loyalists.” This mutual enmity can be discerned behind much of the criminal justice that followed in San Francisco’s Chinatown. 4. The problem is illuminated by the career of Assing (Yuen Shen) who according to Benson Tong (Unsubmissive Women, 10) was both “the organizer of a hui-kuan and leader of a protection ring.” 5. Lamely, “Lineage Feuding in Southern Fujian and Eastern Guandong Under Qing Rule,” Violence in China, Lipman and Harrell (eds.), 32. See also Pan, Sons of the Yellow Emperor, 19. Brian Paciotti in “Homicide in Seattle’s Chinatown, 1900–1940: Evaluating the Influence of Social Organizations,” (Manuscript. To be published in Homicide Studies. Sage Publications) writes that “there is substantial evidence that a particular set of social organizations were brought to the U.S. by Chinese immigrants, and these likely had a great impact on patterns of violence.”See also McIllwain, Organizing Crime in Chinatown, 184. 6. The first killing of a Chinese in San Francisco was by a white man. On October 10, 1853 two white men entered a Chinese washhouse on the Jackson Street wharf and when told they could not have their laundry without a ticket, one of the men shot the laundryman through the heart. A man was arrested but released when his pregnant wife swore that he was with her at the time. Two months after Ah Choy’s murder, Sum Kow and Yee Lum, two laundrymen were found robbed and murdered in their shack near the Jackson Street lagoon. No killer was ever identified. 7. Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 40. According to Selim Woodworth, of the 17,969 Chinese who arrived by August 1852, only 14 were women. (Gentry, Madams of San Francisco, 56) They were soon joined by others, chiefly prostitutes. 8. This factor should be kept in mind when considering table 5.2. When white females are removed from the equation to compensate for the absence of Chinese females compared with white females in the population, the disparity between white and Chinese homicide rates is diminished. Still, a vast gap remains. On average, as shown in table 5.2, from 1870 to 1930, the homicide rate for Chinese males ranged from three to five times that of white males. 9. Sowell, Ethnic America, 138. In San Francisco, with all the relaxation of the usual standards in the Gold Rush boom, the idea of a Chinese being serviced by a white prostitute was out of the question. NOTES 165

10. Chinese arrivals “were ripped off from the moment they landed” says Booth, The Dragon Syndicates, 296. Triads operating the travel agencies in China were in league with confederates in San Francisco. 11. “There seems to be some secret societies among this [Chinese] people, by means of which a few of their number grossly oppress their brethren.” Reported the contemporary Annals, 385 “The police have attempted to inter- fere and protect the injured, though seldom with much effect.” 12. Asbury. Barbary Coast, 177. The backbone of Chinese prostitution was a system of slavery. Some were kidnapped in china and some were sold by their parents as useless girls. 13. Municipal Reports, 1859–1860 Some have tried to romanticize frontier prostitutes, characterizing the prostitutes as embryonic entrepreneurs. “Entrepreneurship was almost a mania in San Francisco during the Gold Rush years,” says one modern writer. “Women’s opportunities in prostitution paral- leled men’s opportunities in other frontier occupations, and, like the men, many tried to go into business for themselves, giving up prostitution to become madams or to buy and run gambling saloons or bar rooms.”Barnhart, The Fair But Frail, xi. 14. Municipal Reports, 1864–1865. Police Chief Burke reports on Chinese prostitutes at Jackson and Dupont and asks for the Board of Health to locate them elsewhere. 15. Alta, January 16, 1866. 16. A large part of Burke’s opposition came from white property owners who profited from renting premises that commanded high prices because of the use as vice resorts. 17. Hart H. North, “Chinese Highbinder Societies in California,” California Historical Society Quarterly Vol.XXVI No. 1: 19. Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 52. Booth, The Dragon Syndicates, 22–26 and 52. Nee and Nee, Longtime Californ’ 68, Eve Armentrout-Ma, “Urban Chinese at the Sinitic Frontier: Social Organizations in United States’ Chinatowns, 1849–1898.” Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1 (1983): 118. 18. Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 40. But George Anthony Peffer in If They Don’t Bring Their Women With Them, 6–7 and 124, contends that instead of 70% of the women being prostitutes as believed by some, it was no more than 50%. It is beyond the scope of this work to discuss this topic at any length but for our purposes it is sufficient to say that 50% of a population as prostitutes constitutes a great deal of prostitution in a society where other groups show from 3 to 5% of their women as prostitutes. 19. Mann, in Unequal Justice, 94 contends that prostitution caused crime. “Things were no better in Malaya or Singapore,” reports Pan in Sons of the Yellow Emperor, 13, describing conditions in Chinese brothels there which often resulted in violence. 20. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 107. His figures for New York ranged from 2 to 5% in the nineteenth century (about same as San Francisco at the time generally). 166 NOTES

21. Actually, from the surrounding circumstances, it is probable, as found by Paciotti in Seattle, the vast majority of Chinese homicides in San Francisco at the time were in some way connected with tong activities. The disaggregation used here is to identify those Chinese homicides with economic characteris- tics. See also Tsai, The Chinese Experience, 54, who lists economic motives and the preservation of clan prestige as the most important causes of tong violence. 22. In all, 25 women were killed out of 349 Chinese killings from 1850 to 1930 (7%). One does not kill a valuable commodity as long as it retains its value. 23. Gong and Grant, Tong War!, 12, and Lee, Days of the Tong Wars, 98. 24. Cao, Everything, 30. 25. Lee, Days of the Tong Wars, 56. 26. Cao, Everything, 20. The tongs were trade unions that regulated businesses “so as to avoid needless competition.” Is one man’s “needless competition” an unjust restraint of another’s individual freedom? 27. Mann, Unequal Justice, 94. It is this imbalance between men and women in the Chinese community that “contributed heavily to their crime history.” 28. McIllwain, Organizing Crime in Chinatown, 42. 29. Charles A. Tracy, “Race Crime and Social Policy: The Chinese in Oregon, 1871–1885” Crime and Social Justice, Vol. II (Winter 1980): 11–25. 30. Mann, Unequal Justice, 94, says that the presence of more women in 1930s brought down the crime rates. But the ratio of men to women remained about the same in San Francisco during that period. The ratio of Chinese men to women in the United States in 1920 was 3.5:1, in 1930—3:1 and 1940—2.9:1. Zhao, Remaking Chinese America,9. 31. Ibid. Some say it was due to “economy, kinship, and cultural values,” or that women stayed home for reasons having to do with pressures within the Chinese society. Others found that the principal factor was the “result of discriminatory legislation against the Chinese in America.” (Peffer and Sucheng Chang.) According to Sandmeyer, very few women came because Chinese custom forbade it and, for the most part, men planned to return to China. This invited the importation of prostitutes. It was more than just custom. See Lucy E. Sayler Laws Harsh as Tigers, 9. For several centuries before the Burlingame Treaty Chinese law had defined emigration as a crime punishable by death. In the early eighteenth century, the Chinese emperor had banned emigration under penalty of death. (Cao, Everything, 10.) The Burlingame Treaty put an end to that by providing for the free mutual “migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects, respectively for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents.” 32. The memorialists also added that popular outbursts against the Chinese also discouraged bringing their families, all of which gives rise to a “chicken and egg” situation. In this instance the “egg” of self-exclusion would seem to take precedence over the “chicken” of hostility created by the absence of families and their stabilizing influences. 33. It was the same with the Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asian countries. “Chinese immigrants of the pre–World War I era [to Thailand] were at least 90% male, and among the few females a significant proportion went into NOTES 167

brothels.” Sowell, Migration and Cultures, 146. The ratio of Chinese men to women was ten to one in the Philippines in 1918 (208). 34. In 1867, the Six Companies sent a letter to Police Chief Patrick Crowley offering to help identify the Chinese women on incoming ships who are not really the wives of the men they claimed to be. 35. Flowers, Minorities and Criminality, 123. This has been interpreted by some to mean protection from white racists. According to Thomas Emch “The Chinatown Murders,” in Dickensheet, Great Crimes of San Francisco, 184, the tongs were formed “to protect members from oppression and injustices of the racist white bosses.”The oppression which contributed to the growth of the tongs in San Francisco can be traced rather to the leading Chinese families. Gong and Grant, Tong War!, 28. 36. According to Cao, Everything, 20, a million Chinese lost their lives in the Taiping rebellion. As bad as things were in California, conditions were better than at home. 37. The People v. Hall Oct. T, 1854, California State Supreme Court. See McIllwain, Organizing Crime in Chinatown, 31. 38. Sayler, Laws Harsh as Tigers, xv. See also McClain, In Search of Equality, 3. 39. McKanna, Race and Homicide in California in Nineteenth Century, 37. 40. More recently, as has been commented on by many, the solution rate for a number of reasons has declined to about 50% in many jurisdictions. In the period between 1870 and 1930, 41% of Chinese homicides had no named suspects. During the same period the percentage of unsolved cases for whites was 16.5%. 41. This study also considers those executed that accounts for the slight difference between 60 and 64%. 42. McKanna, Race and Homicide in Nineteenth Century California, 98. 43. Tonry, Malign Neglect, 49. Tonry says the same thing.“for nearly a decade there has been a near consensus among scholars and policy analysts that most black punishment disproportions result not from racial bias or discrimination within the system but from patterns of black offending and blacks’ criminal records.” 44. Chronicle, December 11, 1875. 45. Trial Transcript, 302. 46. The Jolly Giant on March 15, 1876 reported on a system of Chinese graft that reached the office of the Chief of Police. 47. Barth, Bitter Strength, 83. 48. This sort of unholy alliance can in part be held responsible for some of the violence. In an analogous situation reported by George Wickersham in another immigrant community it seems to have been the case (Crime and the Foreign Born, 55–56). The Massachusetts Immigration Commission noted in 1914 “Police corruption, which takes the form of protection of criminals, enables an Italian, or sometimes criminals of other nationalities, to develop in an Italian colony the ‘Black Hand’ system of blackmail.” 49. Lamely, “Lineage Feuding in Southern Fujian and Eastern Guandong Under Qing Rule,”6. 168 NOTES

50. Nee and Nee, Long Time Californ’,68. 51. Call, November 12, 1896. There were contemporary reports, sometimes accompanied with photographs, of some rather extreme forms of punishment employed in China at the time. London Black and White Budget, December 8, 1900. Although the editorial tone of the accompanying text points to a conde- scending attitude toward “the heathens,”the photograph attests to the severity of the punishment. Recent reports of widespread summary executions in modern China suggest a different approach to punishment than in the United States. Whether severe penalties affect homicide rates remains a matter for debate, but it was generally believed in the nineteenth century—by all parties— that they did. In a January 15, 1915 letter to the editor of the San Francisco Chronicle, printed in the pidgin English in which it was received, How Some Yen and Ah Lee Sing sought to explain the persistence of tong murders in San Francisco, “More Chinaman in Hongkong, they have not tong war, because he catch the murder he hang them; money cannot buy them out.” 52. Examiner, January 25, 1897. 53. Peterson Del Mar, Beaten Down, 10 and passim. 54. Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 54, reports on a vicious tong war in San Francisco in 1886 during which the Chinese legation says that the partici- pants will be deported and the relatives in Guangdong will be held responsible. These measures were imposed he says and by 1900 violence in America’s Chinatowns had declined dramatically. After 1921, he claims, tong wars were virtually nonexistent. Would that it were so. 55. Gong and Grant, Tong War!, 195. Nine were killed in the “war,” but only three of them were in San Francisco pointing to much higher rates if municipal boundaries are ignored. 56. According to Manion, there were only 11 Chinese deaths in San Francisco that year. 57. Dillon, Hatchetmen, xv, says “the Chinese exclusion act,...was a powerful third force which cut down on the importation of fresh highbinders and which banished gunmen.” As the hatchetmen killed off one another. Older men gained control of tongs. 58. www.gio.gov.tw/info/book2000/ch09_5.htm on Overseas Chinese. 59. Thompson, Growth and Changes in California’s Population, 80. When con- fronted with the ratio of 136 males to 100 females among native-born Chinese, he found it unbelievable. What he was looking at was the phenomenon of paper sons. The males came and the females did not. 60. Douglas, July 20, 1926, and Chronicle, April 9, 1941. 61. Manion wasn’t operating in an attitudinal vacuum. A Chronicle editorial of March 29, 1921, commenting on the prospect of yet another tong war, opined that the “Chinese as a people have many admirable qualities, one evidence of their wisdom being their ability to export great number of their undesirables.” “Every member of every tong should be rounded up into the most unsanitary ship we can find and delivered anywhere on the Chinese coast. Care should be taken to load at least two tongs on each ship and see to it that both are well armed. There will be few to unload when the ship reaches its destination.” NOTES 169

62. We have the exact date of the ultimatum. In December 1921, when it appeared that the Suey Sing and Hip Sing tongs were about to break a recent peace agreement, Police Chief Daniel O’Brien instructed Manion to inform tong leaders that if the peace were broken, the police would “put a fine comb to Chinatown and either attempt to have deported or prosecute every known offender.” Chronicle, December 31, 1921. 63. Brearly, Homicide, 98, cites a national rate of Chinese homicide in 1924 of 87.4 per 100,000 population. 64. Ivan Light, “From Vice District to Tourist Attraction: The Moral Career of American Chinatowns, 1880–1940,” Pacific Historical Review, Vol. XLIII (August 1974): 367–394. 65. Examiner, October 20, 1921. 66. In 1856 John Dougherty and William Scott were prosecuted for an unprovoked attack on a Chinese man Bulletin, November 25, 1856). On September 15, 1864 the Bulletin reported that “three little boys set three bull dogs on an unoffend- ing Chinaman” at Broadway and Sansome while adults looked on approvingly. Mark Twain, then a news reporter in San Francisco, later reported that he left his employment with the Call because the editor would not print a story he wrote about a group of hoodlums beating a Chinese man and that a police officer present did nothing. Workmen rioted against competing Chinese work- ers south of Market in 1867 prefiguring the larger 1877 anti-Chinese riot. 67. People can be terrible. Less well known is an incident in Tientsin, China in 1870 when an angry mob broke into an orphanage run by French Sisters of Charity and “raped sixteen nuns, gouged out their eyes, sliced off their breasts, and chopped up their bodies before throwing them into the flames of their mission.”Preston, The Boxer Rebellion, 25. 68. Shover, Chico’s Lemm Ranch Murders, 35. 69. Encyclopedia of Violence, 233. 70. Daniels, Coming to America, 249 says that “more of them did not do so (i.e. relate to American as well as Chinese cultural patterns) was at least as much the fault of the American Society that rejected them as it was due to the deep hold that Chinese culture had on most of its members, even the emigrants.”

6 Italians

1. Daniels, Coming to America, 198. 2. Rolle, The Immigrant Upraised, 256. Three hundred Italians were counted in the 1850 census in the entire state. In 1852, there were 5,000 or more each from France, Germany, and the British Isles in San Francisco alone. 3. Cinel, From Italy to San Francisco, 104. 4. Beilharz and Lopez, We Were 49ers!, 107. 5. In his Chicago study of domestic violence, “We’ve Got a Right to Fight; We’re Married,”Jeffrey Adler chose not to use the data from the 1870s “because the number of homicides in the city was not large enough to yield reliable rates.” 170 NOTES

6. See Adler “Halting the Slaughter of Innocents,” Social Science History, Vol. 25, No. 1, (Spring 2001) and Gurr, Violence in America, 38. These two categories are not included in the San Francisco and New York figures. See also Leigh B. Bienen and Brandon Rottinghaus, “Learning from the Past: Understanding Homicide in Chicago, 1870–1930.” The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Vol. 92, No. 3–4 (2002): 497. 7. Adler, “Halting the Slaughter,”Much of the rate increase was due to Italians in Chicago. “The city’s spiraling homicide level at least partially reflected the arrival and subsequent adjustment period—of newcomers who were drawn from the European and American groups that had high rates of violence and faced particular discrimination in Chicago.” Rolle, The Immigrant Upraised, 259. There was little discrimination against Italians in California. 8. Adler, “Halting the Slaughter.” The homicide rate for Italian-born residents of Chicago in the 1910s was four times the overall level and ten times that of Germans. 9. Lane, Murder in America, 189. The average rate was 1.3 per 100,000 population for non-Italian whites, and 12.9 for blacks. Italians were convicted at a rate of 26.5 per 100,000. 10. Fosdick, Police Systems in the United States, 23. 11. Brearly, Homicide, 41. To the extent that when arrests, indictments, and incarcerations are used as a comparative measurement, it could be argued that discriminatory arrest and prosecutorial practices contributed to the higher rates. But the numbers hold up for those jurisdictions—San Francisco and Chicago—where the rates of incidence are available. 12. Wickersham, Crime and the Foreign Born, 42. 13. Men outnumbered women among foreign-born Italians almost two to one in 1910. See Sowell, Ethnic America, 109. 14. Though seen by some as a monolithic group, the Black Hand was rather a technique employed by any number of small groups of thugs, hoping to profit from the success of others. In that respect the thugs were not a great deal different from what we have found in the Chinese community. 15. Examiner, February 12, 1892. New Orleans Police Chief David Hennessey was killed by one faction in an Italian criminal dispute. When the charges against the accused killers were not sustained in court, a lynch mob invaded the jail and killed 11 Italians. 16. Chronicle, January 27, 1914; Chronicle, February 7, 1914; Bulletin, June 30, 1914; Bulletin, September 6, 1915; Chronicle and Examiner, December 24, 1915. 17. These instances may have been part of the ethnic succession of fishermen from Genoese to Sicilian. Early fishermen were Genoese; later they were supplanted by Sicilians. Gumina, Italians of San Francisco, 81. 18. San Francisco Call and Post, October 25, 1916. 19. Duke, Celebrated Criminal Cases in America, 177. 20. Adler,“Halting the Slaughter.”Discrimination had an effect in Chicago, at least short term. 21. Hopkins, Our Lawless Police, 339. NOTES 171

22. Wickersham. Crime and the Foreign Born, 55–56. However, when Wickersham’s investigators interviewed San Francisco Italians a few years later they claimed no mistreatment, and Wickersham said, “there is practically no statistical evidence indicative of discrimination either for or against the foreign born,”171. 23. Adler, “Halting the Slaughter,” 34–35 says that Chicago’s spiraling homicide rate was in part attributable to “newcomers drawn from European...groups that had high rates of violence. . . .” Rudolph J. Vecoli, “Contadini in Chicago: A Critique of The Uprooted,” in Aliens, Dinnerstein and John (eds.), 218, says that southern Italy had the highest rate of homicide in Europe at the turn of the twentieth century. Lane, Murder in America, 229, 348. Sicily in the 1920s had a homicide rate of 22 per 100,000. It was largely in southern Italy that Wolfgang developed his subculture of violence theory. 24. Vecoli, Contadini in Chicago in The Aliens, 221. 25. Lane offers both a culture of violence and treatment by the host society to explain Italian homicide. Lane, Murder in America, 348 “Irish and Italians brought violent traditions with them, Jews and Scandinavians did not.” 26. Sowell, Ethnic America, 101 says “As in the case of the Irish and others, conditions in their original homeland continued to affect Italian Americans after generations of living in America.” 27. In the immediate aftermath of the quake, according to Gumina (Italians of San Francisco, 31) around 500–600 Italians departed the city but as many as 6,000 arrived to help with the rebuilding. 28. Ibid., 5. 29. Ibid., 167. 30. Meagher, Inventing Irish America, 24. 31. As illustrated later, blacks from the rural south during the 1940s and Chinese immigrants in the 1960 were not always welcomed by their fellow blacks and Chinese. 32. Sowell, Ethnic America, 108 “The northern Italians openly repudiated the southern Italians—perhaps more forcefully than any other American group has repudiated others of the same nationality.” 33. Gumina, Italians of San Francisco, 5. Too few of the Southerners had the requi- site agricultural skills, “Consequently the new arrivals faced discrimination from American employers and from the established Italian immigrants in the Colony who regarded the new arrivals as a threat to the economy of the Italian Colony.”See also Sebastian Fichera, The Meaning of Community, 133. 34. Gumina, Italians of San Francisco,6. 35. Lord, et al. The Italian in America, 91. Italian immigrants were discouraged from coming to San Francisco by the strength of organized union labor. “There is, however, no desire on the part of the leading Italians of the city,” Lord wrote in 1905, “to induce any influx of immigration to seek employment within the city limits, as the organized labor unions practically control the trades and are jealous of any intrusion of non-union labor. . . .” 36. Fichera, The Meaning of Community, 167. 172 NOTES

37. Dillon North Beach, 3. As late as 1904, 73% of Italians in California were northerners. In 1935 according to Paul Radin, in his monograph The Italians of San Francisco Their Adjustment and Acculturation, 36% of San Francisco Italians traced their origins to southern Italy or Sicily whereas 64% originated in central or northern Italy. In Chicago, on the other hand, during the 1920s, as John Landesco reported in his Organized Crime in Chicago, 108, Sicilians “compose the overwhelming majority of the Italian population of Chicago.” 38. Fichera, The Meaning of Community, 13, 4, 40. 39. Thrasher, The Gang, 205. In Chicago in the 1920s says Thrasher, “The police take a rather fatalistic attitude toward this [Black Hand] type of killing on account of the lack of cooperation by those who might give information.” This attitude was modified in 1926 when a drive to deport all alien gangsters commenced because of difficulty in finding jurors. “It was said that the fear of vengeance at the hands of the gang deterred the veniremen from serving on the jury.” 40. Fichera, The Meaning of Community, 162. 41. There were other problems though. Giuseppe Chantiarro was shot by an unknown man at Green and Kearny streets on January 30, 1918. He was shown to be a camorrist wanted for killing Joseph Volpe 17 days earlier in New York. Speculation was that he was followed out to San Francisco and killed. 42. Fichera concludes that the gangsters in Chicago were beyond the reach of the law. They delivered the vote and could keep the police out of their dives. In North Beach, however, community strength was the underworld’s weakness, for gangsters never found the kind of cover like in Chicago. 43. Chronicle, February 6, 1917. 44. Asbury, Gem of the Prairie, 231. 45. Chicago Daily News, May 25, 1913. 46. In 1928, San Francisco Captain of Detectives Duncan Mattheson claimed that the 21 annual homicides in the city constituted the lowest per capita homicide rate in United States. (Call, July 19, 1928). 47. Examiner, August 2, 1925. 48. Landesco, Organized Crime in Chicago, 97. 49. Asbury, Gem of the Prairie, 355. 50. Owney Madden, New York’s Irish gang leader cooperated with other emerging ethnic gangsters, Italian Charles “Lucky” Luciano and Jewish Meyer Lansky, and lived to die of old age in Hot Springs, Arkansas. Consequently New York’s Prohibition-era homicide rate was closer to that of San Francisco than Chicago. The ethnic succession was not absolute. Indeed one can still find Irish gangs sharing some eastern cities with Italians and those of other ethnic groups but the trend definitely occurred. 51. Carl Sifakis attributes 500 murders in Detroit to the Purple Gang in his Encyclopedia of American Crime, 595. 52. Repetto, American Mafia, 223. 53. Maas, The Valachi Papers, 113. The generational transition was not immediate but by the end of the 1930s the vast majority of leaders of the national crime syndicate were “Americanized,” either having been born on the United States NOTES 173

or brought here as very young children and raised here. Repetto, American Mafia, 161. 54. According to Ovid Demaris in The Last Mafioso, 167, it was the La Fata Gang that killed Gaetano Ingrassia. 55. Chronicle, April 10, 1925. 56. Lane, Murder in America, 183. See also Roots of Violence, 164. 57. Martinez, Latino Homicide, 104 says that “If immigration opponents are correct, the appearance of Marielitos should have immediately influenced crime, an effect that should persist even after the initial disruption in the ethnic communities, and turnovers in population influenced most by the influx (i.e., Latinos).” The Marielitos did in fact have a dramatic effect on the homicide rate. But they could only have had a continuing effect if they remained in the community or were replaced by new arrivals. This did not happen. Many spread throughout the country. (Some were arrested for criminal violence as far away as San Francisco.) With others imprisoned and with no new arrivals, their contribution to Miami’s homicide rate naturally fell off. 58. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 107. 59. Examiner, December 20, 1920. 60. The image of Max Sennet’s “Keystone Kops,” a group of uniformed officers rushing out of the station house pell mell, and racing off to some emergency or other in an open touring car, is an accurate, if humorously distorted repre- sentation of how the system worked. 61. Fosdick noticed the problem in 1919. In his American Police Systems, 306, he declared foot patrol obsolete except in some areas. This started the move away from “community policing” and more toward auto patrol. 62. Michael E. Mitchell, “A Night on the Shotgun Squad,” Police and Peace Officers Journal (August 1941). 63. Douglas 20, August 1924. 64. Flamm, Hometown San Francisco, 33. 65. Geller and Scott, in Deadly Force, 81, assert that “general population homicide levels continue to be a weak predictor of police shooting rates over time.” But perhaps a specific type of crime that is more amenable to police intervention, like robbery, may offer a better basis for comparison. 66. Douglas 20, October 1923 and December 1923. 67. The Examiner, on November 24, 1921, reported that the San Francisco Police had an armored car and machine gun and that they wanted nine more armored cars and three more machine guns. Images of police vehicles with mounted machine guns are common to many police departments of the era. 68. Asbury, Gem of the Prairie, 339. 69. Mark Haller, “Bootlegging: the Business and Politics of Violence,” in Violence in America, Gurr (ed.), Wickersham Crime and the Foreign Born, 178. 70. Asbury, Gem of the Prairie, 371–327. By the beginning of 1934 the commission announced that since 1930, 15 public enemies had been convicted and nine died. Even the police helped. 71. Chronicle, July 25, 1931. 72. Ibid., February 2, 1930. 174 NOTES

73. Ibid., September 18, 1931. 74. Ibid., November 17, 1931. 75. Rapoport, California Dreaming, 32. 76. http://www.americanmafia.com/cities/San_Francisco.html. 77. It was Guiseppe’s brother, Mario, who was killed in 1917 by Antonio Lipari, a friend of the Pedonas who killed his father-in-law Gaetano Ingrassia the year before. 78. After Abati turned up at the famed Appalachian mob summit in 1957 it would have been hard for him to sustain the argument that he was not “mobbed up.” 79. Los Angeles, says Thomas Repetto (American Mafia, 203) “was a colony of the eastern mobs.” This condition can be attributed in part to his assertion (209) that “in Los Angeles, local law enforcement presented no barrier to gangsters.” Neither circumstance can be attributed to San Francisco. San Francisco, quite simply, did not have the level of organized crime at the time as found in many other large old American cities. 80. Sayler, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 25. The Connecticut immigration commissioner reported in 1885 that Italians only came as sojourners to make money and return home. They crowded together and worked cheaper, she says, echoing earlier complaints about the Chinese. 81. Daniels, Coming to America. The table on page 288 shows net immigration declined in the years following the 1924 law. The yearly average was down to about 200,000 from about 500,000 in the years immediately preceding 1924. In 1931, immigration was down to 350,000 and thereafter there was a negative increase until 1935 when it increased in the low double digits until 1945. Between 1930 and 1940 San Francisco’s population increased by less than 200 people. Examiner, November 24, 1921.

7 African Americans

1. Examiner, December 23, 1994. 2. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 134. 3. Lane, Roots of Violence, 142–143. 4. McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice, 64. 5. Adler, “The Negro would be More than an Angel” in Bellesiles Lethal Imagination, 300. 6. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 139. 7. Dykstra,“Overdosing on Dodge,” Western Historical Quarterly, Vol. 27 (Winter 1996). Monkkonen, who found much the same sort of situation in New York at approximately the same period, concluded that the data “must be viewed with some caution.” Murder in New York City, 138. 8. San Quentin Prison Register. 9. Mann, Unequal Justice, 72. 10. Flowers, Minorities and Criminality, 83. 11. Gilles Vandal’s study of Reconstruction-era Louisiana shows a disturbing amount of interracial killing, predominately whites on blacks. Forty-five NOTES 175

percent of the homicides in rural Louisiana between 1866 and 1876 (n. 393) were of blacks killed by whites. The corresponding figure for blacks who killed whites was 3.2% (n. 99). 12. McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice, 54–55. 13. Adler, “The Negro Would Be More Than an Angel to Withstand Such Treatment,”in Lethal Imagination, Bellesiles (ed.), 299. 14. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 142. 15. Kevin Mullen. “Race Sex and Homicide in Old Time San Francisco” Peace Officers Journal (March 1997). 16. “Interracial killings involving white victims occurred mainly on black ‘turf’ in and around the red light district,”he claims, however, white violence “reflected the mentality of the mob.”McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice, 76. 17. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 149. Monkkonen credits four of the six white on black killings in nineteenth-century New York (excluding those committed during the 1863 riot) as having possible racial motivations. He does say that there was little evidence of racial animus as a strong pattern. 18. Adler,“The Negro Would Be More Than an Angel to Withstand Such Treatment,” in Lethal Imagination, Bellesiles (ed.), 300. 19. McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice,p.76. 20. Monkkonen, Murder in New York City, 148. 21. Chicago’s African American population grew from 14,000 to 109,000 between 1890 and 1920. During the same period San Francisco’s blacks, who numbered 1,800 in 1890, increased to 3,700 by 1920. Those African Americans who did head West during the Great Migration tended to go to Los Angeles. In 1910, 44% of the state’s blacks resided in Los Angeles while 8% called San Francisco home. 22. McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice, 64. 23. Adler, “Halting the Slaughter of Innocents,”34. 24. This is about the same four to five times the general rate found by Jeffrey Adler in Chicago. “We’ve Got a Right to Fight: We’re Married.” In the 1930s, Wickersham (Crime and the Foreign Born, 119) shows that average rates per 100,000 for a group of nine cities, including San Francisco, have much higher per capita rates for blacks when compared with other groups. The homicide rate was 120.5 for African Americans over 15 years of age. 25. McKanna, Homicide Race and Justice, 75. 26. Adler, “Halting the Slaughter,”34–35. 27. During the same period eight whites were killed by blacks, one-third of those for whom the racial identity of the perpetrators was identified as black. 28. Adler, “We’ve got a Right to Fight.” 29. Albert S. Broussard, “In Search of the Promised Land,” in Seeking El Dorado, African Americans in California, Lawrence B. de Graaf, Kevin Mulroy, and Quintard Taylor (eds.), 194. Lotchin, The Bad City in the Good War, 128, addresses the same point. 30. Broussard, “In Search of the Promised Land,”190. 31. Ibid. 32. Silberman, Criminal Violence, Criminal Justice, 31–32. Between 1960 and 1975 the 14–24-year-old segment of population increased 63%. Also, Chronicle 176 NOTES

(April 8, 1985) in which Steven R. Schlesinger, Director of Bureau of Justice Statistics discounted the effect of the age shift, pointed out that from 1960 to 1976 the crime rates increased faster than the number of 14–to 24-year olds and that from 1978 to 1983 the rates decreased faster than the number in that age group, See also Wilson Quarterly (Spring 1983) 110. Gurr, Violence in America, 12. James Q. Wilson in Wall Street Journal, August 17, 1999. 33. Ira M. Leonard and Christopher C. Leonard “The Histiography of American Violence,” Homicide Studies, Vol. 7, No. 2 (May 2003): 149. See also Unequal Justice, 76, in which Mann cites Harvard Professor Alvin Poussaint as suggesting that African Americans kill other African Americans because of low self- esteem and rage turned inward, a rage attributable to the institutional racism to which they are subjected. 34. Courtwright, Violent Land, 241. 35. Butterfield, All God’s Children, xvii. 36. Lane, Roots of Violence,4. 37. Ibid., 166. 38. Ibid., 168. See also Huel Washington’s article in January 9, 1995 edition of Sun Reporter. 39. Gurr, Violence in America, 16. 40. Scott, Investigating Oakland Homicide, reports that 54% of the homicides in her study involved narcotics. The nature of the offense makes it hard to enforce against liquor and brothels, and gambling (the latter at least until the Internet) requires a fixed location. Any local cop would know what’s going on. Narcotics can be conducted anywhere and so violations are harder to enforce against. 41. Ernest Besig, executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union in Northern California, said “It’s dangerous. If officers are given unlimited authority, we are sowing the seeds of a police state.”After a ride along with the officers, Mayor George Christopher approved of the practice. But the hand- writing was on the wall. 42. The 1961 Mapp decision excluded evidence obtained in violation of the fourth amendment and in 1966 the Miranda decision required officers that they must allow suspects legal counsel. 43. In 1958 the vagrancy law that had been used by everyone from Martin Burke to Jack Manion was effectively eliminated from the police arsenal of enforcement tools. Chronicle, July 30, 1958. 44. “Did Miranda (and similar decisions) make much of a difference to the police, or to the other people they arrested?” asks Lawrence Freidman, Crime and Punishment in American History, 303. The answer, with regard to Miranda at least, according to Freidman, seems to be “not much.” But what of the other decisions which restricted the opportunity for officers to search without a warrant? 45. Twenty-five years later Lieutenant Bruce Marovich was still working the streets as head of the night robbery investigation unit, the modern equivalent of the old “Shotgun Squad,” out on patrol every night still looking for look for those who would do ill. 46. Johnson, American Law Enforcement: A History, 128. NOTES 177

47. Lane, Roots of Violence, 171. 48. “We know that arrest and victimization rates are equally good indicators of the race of the killers,”says Ted Gurr (Violence in America, 15) “homicide in the United States has always been 90 percent more or less intraracial, that is white on white and black on black.” 49. Department of Justice Statistics. 50. Lane, Murder in America, 322. 51. Gurr, Violence in America, 40. 52. March 20, 1992 Chronicle. Also the paper on April 12, 1993 reported that the largest wave of teenagers since baby boomers were due in the next seven years. 53. The proliferation of guns in the hands of young inner city dwellers was seen as contributing to the increased rates. According to one report, it was the increased use of guns rather than chains and knives that contributed to the high gang homicide rate in Los Angeles. University of Southern California sociologist, Malcolm Klein (Jane E. Stevens, “Myths of Violence,” This World, San Francisco Examiner/Chronicle, June 12, 1994). 54. Chronicle, May 10, 1991. Also Examiner, April 27, 1992. Professor Richard Bennett of the American University attributes the increase to the cuts of programs that would have prevented them. See also Pinker, Blank Slate, 329, who ties the increased crime rates to the appearance of crack cocaine on the scene, citing Jeff Grogger who said “Violence is a way to enforce property rights [a desirable corner from which to sell crack] in the absence of legal recourse.” 55. “The numbers over the last five years reflect a dramatic increase in drug- and gang-related homicides,” according to California Attorney General John Van de Kamp as reported in the Chronicle (January 13, 1988). In the Christian Science Monitor, April 9, 1990, Thomas Repetto, president of Citizens Crime Commission in New York, said statistics show a concentration of homicide in drug-infested areas. Crack cocaine is considered a major reason for the record slayings and robberies. 56. Marshal, Street Soldier, xxiv. 58. Chronicle, April 24, 1989. Another young man from a nearby neighborhood who agrees that drug turfs are not the main source of tension said: “They’re just seeing who’s badder.” 58. Ibid., January 13, 1988. 59. Marshall, Street Soldier, 70. 60. Ibid., 73. 61. The August case questions the pure economic explanation of ghetto homicide. His killing was result of insult. This supports Joe Marshall’s view and Malcolm Klein finding that “most gang violence is not linked to the sale of drugs, but to revenge for insults—‘fighting words’—or previous acts of violence.” (This World Chronicle, June 12, 1994). 62. “Crime Unit to Stop Homicide,” SF Weekly, November 22–28, 1995. 63. Chronicle, March 24, 1997. 64. Ibid. 65. Examiner, January 7, 1996. 178 NOTES

66. San Francisco Weekly, November 22–28, 1995. 67. Examiner, February 16, 1998.

8 Violent Rainbow

1. One in three were Asians, the largest non-Chinese groups were Filipinos and Vietnamese. For purposes of consistency with the periods considered in earlier chapters, during which almost all Asians originated in China, this study restricts itself to the Chinese except as otherwise specified. 2. Dillon, Hatchetmen, 269. 3. Ivan Light and Charles Choy Wong,“Protest or Work: Dilemmas of the Tourist Industry in American Chinatowns,” in American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 80, No 6. May 1975. See Also Sowell, Ethnic America, 148. 4. Personal correspondence with retired Deputy Police Chief Diarmuid Philpott, who served as Chinatown expert in the police department from the late 1960s until the late 1990s. There was a direct connection between both Wah Ching members and Joe Boys and Triads. See also Pan, Sons of the Yellow Emperor, 350. In speaking of the post-1965 immigration from China, she states “there were even thugs specially recruited from Hong Kong, smuggled into Canada and brought down to US cities to swell the ranks of gangs.” 5. Thomas Emch, “The Chinatown Murders” in Great Crimes of San Francisco, Dean Dickensheet (ed.), 181. According to some, the turmoil in Chinatown in the 1970s was “an open revolt against intolerable social conditions.” Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 167, says that the Red guard accused the elders of exploiting newcomers. In the background of the discord was the political split between the Mainland Chinese and traditional groups with ties to Taiwan. 6. There are those who would argue that it was their treatment by the host society. Paul Takagi and Tony Platt “Behind the Gilded Ghetto: An Analysis of Race, Class and Crime in Chinatown,” Crime and Social Justice (Spring– Summer 1978): 22. 7. Examiner, May 16, 1990, and Chin, Chinese Subculture and Criminality, 104, reports that from 80 to 90% of merchants paid extortion at some time. 8. See also Emch “The Chinatown Murders.” In 1974, police had been meeting with New York and Hong Kong police. 9. Sowell, Ethnic America, 151. 10. Chronicle, October 25, 1972. Chronicle, November 10, 1972. See also Russ Coughlan editorial in 1977. On October 7, he commented that the irony is that five years ago this month police began to get tough with gangs but a few businessmen said that it was hurting business and one claimed it was a police reign of terror. 11. By operation of the law of cultural lag, the unit had finally been abolished in 1970, after many fits and starts, long after Chinatown had become peaceable and on the eve of the reeruption of violence. 12. Examiner, May 10, 1987. NOTES 179

13. It is a truism that the absence of violence does not necessarily mean the absence of organized crime. All it means is that the arrangements are satisfactory to all involved until someone decides to disturb the pecking order. 14. ATF Overview of Asian Organized Crime, 1993. 15. Examiner, October 13, 1993. 16. Chronicle, August 27, 2002. It is notable that the late-twentieth-century New York Chinese community, overwhelmed by much larger numbers immigrants, had much more gang violence than did San Francisco. 17. Martinez, Latino Homicide, 1. “Heightened immigration coincided with the upsurge in youth/gang and drug related homicide in the 1980s.” 18. This phenomenon seems to be a constant with Latino gangs. “These kids are full of animal mad,” a Latino gang member told Beatrice Griffith in 1947, “That’s why they fight each other. They can’t fight the cops or the gavachos, their enemies, so to get the mad from their blood they fight each other. ...So these kids all take to hitting each other, and some get killed and a lot get put in jail.” Beatrice Griffith, “Who Are the Pachucos?” The Pacific Spectator (Summer 1947). 19. Examiner, May 13, 1993. 20. Chronicle, June 4, 1994. 21. See Brian J. Godfrey, Neighborhoods in Transition, 97. Because of different bases for collection and different census definitions of what constituted a Latino, population figures for the Latino population are mushy at best. Latinos were identified for this study, as were Irish and Italians, on the basis of their surnames. 22. The rate per 100,000 of Latino homicide victims in 1995–1999 period was 13.4 compared with 4.6 for Non-Latino whites, 41.3 for African Americans, and 4.8 for Chinese. The overall rate for the period was 9.1, placing Latinos above the average. 23. Examiner, January 19, 1993. In 1984, there were 212 gang related killings in all of Los Angeles County. By 1991 Latinos committed 65% of the 519 black and Latino gang killings in Los Angeles County. 24. Jacoby, Reinventing the Melting Pot, 21. 25. Martinez, Latino Homicide,5. 26. And complicating the issue further is the matter of illegal immigrants whose presence, some contend, contributes greatly to Latino rates of violence. 27. “Crime Unit to Stop Homicide,” SF Weekly, November 22–28, 1995. 28. Special run by Department of Justice (DOJ) Criminal Statistics Bureau. The DOJ does not isolate Asians under this data set. They are included under the “other” category that totaled 7.4 percent of those convicted of homicide. The corresponding percentages for incidence for which the ethnicity is known for the same period for San Francisco are: Non-Latino whites 24.6%, African Americans 46.7%, Latinos 15.2%, Chinese 5.3% (all Asians 11.0%). 29. In the Chinese world it was the Wah Ching against the Chung Ching Yee, and later the Wo Hop To. In the Latino gang world two factions emerged, the Surenos and Nortenos. Blacks divided themselves in to two principal gangs emerged in the Oakdale and Hunters Point neighborhoods. 180 NOTES

30. Marshall, Street Soldier, 70. 31. Pinker, Blank Slate, 311 would disagree. 32. Martinez. Latino Homicide, 89. 33. Andrew Lam in San Francisco Chronicle “This World,”April 17, 1994. See also Brearly, Homicide, 32–33. 34. Jeff Jacoby in “More prisoners, less crime” in the Boston Globe as reported in Chronicle, August 29, 2003, says that the downward trend in the 1980s began “not long after the nationwide crackdown on crime. The dramatic drop in criminal activity followed an equally dramatic boon in prison construction and a sharp surge in incarceration rates.” 35. Dan Macallair, Executive Director of the Center on Juvenile Justice, counters the claim of a Guiliani type “miracle” as contributing to the reduction by pointing out that the homicide rates declined even more in San Francisco under the criminal justice leadership of liberal District Attorney Terence Hallinan who favored diversion of offenders over harsh penalties. “Beyond conviction rates—Diversion Reduces crime,” Chronicle, October 30, 2003. That argument would be supportable if those were the only two factors in play. Perhaps the strongest single correlate to reduced rates of criminal violence in the 1990s is the increase of the proportion of the relatively non-murderous Asians in the population at the same time that the black population declined by almost 25%. As always, no single factor explains everything. 36. Daniel Altman “Provocative Economist at Chicago Awarded Prize.” New York Times, April 26, 2003. 37. Washington Post, April 19, 1998. Said a former U.S. Attorney for the District, in the same article “The police department’s performance in fighting homicide has been so bad for so long that it invites lawlessness.”And the reporter himself concluded that as the rate for young black males increased almost tenfold in 1991, “Mayor Marion Barry and the D.C. Council evinced little sense of urgency.” 38. Chronicle, January 1, 1994. San Francisco Examiner, February 28, 1995. The following year (after the implementation of a program that quadrupled preventive street patrols by personnel loans from nearby communities) the rate was reduced to a more palatable 34.7. 39. Chronicle, January 1, 1993. East Palo Alto was the nation’s murder capital with a rate of 175.4 per 100, compared with an estimated 89 for Washington and 46.7 for Oakland. It was a drug-dealing center and battleground for drug dealers feuding over the city’s booming narcotic trade. 40. The annual average number of homicides for the three years from 1990 through 1992 was 27. For the immediate three years following it was 5.6. 41. Chronicle, January 2, 2001.“The economy is key,”a San Francisco State University Professor of Criminology, is quoted as claiming. Stanford University Law Professor John Donahue agrees. “The booming economy has provided legiti- mate employment opportunities to some people who, without those, might end up lapsing into criminal activity.” 42. Chronicle, January 2, 2001. 43. Cynthia Tucker “Black Leaders are Blind to Black Crime.”Chronicle, February 27, 1995. (We are reminded by events following the September 11, 2001 World NOTES 181

Trade Center bombing that public support for constitutional protections can adjust if a society feels threatened enough.) The African American community has been threatened for many years by the specter of homicide in ways that the larger community cannot appreciate. 44. Chronicle, March 20, 1992. 45. Some have argued that it is inappropriate to draw general conclusions about nationwide crime declines based on the experience of a single department. On that point see Diane Cecilia Weber, Warrior Cops the Ominous Growth of Paramilitarism in American Police Departments, Cato Briefing Paper No. 50, which reports on the general militarization of American Police Departments. As in the 1920s, developments in policing methods followed general trends. 46. Chronicle, April 4, 2001. 47. Chronicle, April 22, 1994. 48. There are strong indicators that Latino gang violence has recently been on the rise and bodes still worse for the future. See Heather McDonald, “The Immigrant Gang Plague,” City Journal (Summer 2004).

Afterword

1. The homicide count did begin to trend upward in the early years of the century, though, from its 2000 low of 59. The count was 64 in 2001, 68 in 2002, 70 in 2003, and 85 in 2004. 2. Specialized students of Latino homicide might do well to compare circumstances in the Latino community in San Francisco with that elsewhere in the state. Although their percentage of the homicide statistics in San Francisco is roughly comparable with their percentage of the population, such is not the case elsewhere. On a statewide basis, Latinos who make up about 30 percent of the population and account for 45 percent of the homicide victims. 3. Earl Ofari Hutchinson, “Black on Black—Why Inner-City Murder Rates are Soaring,” Pacific News Service, August 13, 2002. 4. To support its contention the group pointed out that 81 percent of the persons executed from 1977 to 1998 were convicted of murdering a white person, although whites and blacks are victims of homicide in almost equal numbers “Executions Racist, Amnesty Study Finds,” The Arizona Republic, May 18, 1999. The same Bureau of Justice statistics used by Amnesty International contain the information that would suggest a very different conclusion. According to Justice Department figures for the period from 1976 to 1999, blacks commit a large percentage of felony murders (six out of ten)—like those during a robbery and rape—the ones most likely to get you hanged. 5. According to Bureau of Justice figures in 2001, 48 of the 66 executed in the United States were white, 17 were black and 1 was an American Indian. People of color made up 63. 4 percent of those convicted on homicide charges. http://www.oj.usdoj.gov/bjs/c.htm. 6. See Michael S. Williams “A Neighborhood not Under Siege—Just Underestimated,” Chronicle, July 2, 2004. As the Reverend Williams urges his 182 NOTES

young charges to avoid activities that will result in their imprisonment he reminds them that “if they smoke dope in Bayview, they are regarded as ‘dope fiends’ and ‘incorrigible criminals’ who must be dealt with by the ‘rule of law.’ If they were to live in other parts of this grand metropolis, they could engage in the same behavior and be regarded as being ‘chemically dependent’ and ‘misunderstood individuals.’ ” 7. Earl Ofari Hutchison in “Why are Black Leaders Silent on Black Hate crimes.” Salon.com (March 6, 2000) says “a motley collection of white supremacist groups has eagerly made black-on-white violence a wedge issue in their cru- sade to paint blacks as the prime racial hate mongers in America.” But Swain, in the The New White Nationalism in America, 124, opines that one explanation for the “reluctance on the part of white politicians and members of the media to label black-on-white crimes as racially motivated for fear of generat- ing mass retaliatory white violence.” 8. Clarence Page. “Hate-Crime Laws Not for ‘Whites Only,’ ” http://chicagotribune. com/news/columnists/page, July 16, 2000. 9. One observer with a front row seat to the carnage in city is the Reverend Alvin Dickson, pastor of the New Salem Missionary Baptist Church in the midst of the free fire zone.“People are out there killing because they know they won’t be caught,” says Pastor Dickson, “Oakland has been taken over by the drug dealers.” Chronicle, September 15, 2002. Lloyd Vogelman, of the University of Witwatersand, studying the rising tide of violence in South Africa in the early 1990s identified the same phenomenon. “one of the main reasons crime is rising so fast is the criminal’s confidence,”he said.“they perceive, quite rightly, that there is little likelihood that they will be apprehended.” Chronicle, June 28, 1991. 10. Kerman Maddox “Blood and Silence: Black-On-Black Violence must be Faced Head-On,” Los Angeles Times, October 26, 2003. 11. Shannon Reeves, the head of the Oakland NAACP and others are asking such questions about the murder rate in Oakland. Chronicle columnist Chip Johnson reported on the debate in Oakland on a proposed anti-loitering law in aftermaths of city’s bloodiest year in with 113 homicides, aimed at street corner drug dealers from which much of the violence stems. He reported mixed feelings. Watchdog groups are wary but residents of the affected neighborhoods are less concerned about civil liberties. Johnson comes down on side of the residents. 12. Jim Herron Zamora, Janine DeFao, and Henry K. Lee. “A Plea for Help as Bullets Fly: CHP, Sheriff to Aid Oakland’s Beleaguered Police as City’s Homicide Rate Accelerates,” Chronicle, September 7, 2003. 13. Cynthia Tucker “Black America Must Debate its Failings,” Chronicle, May 27, 2004.

Appendix 1: Methods

1. California State Penal Code Section 15. 2. Crime in the United States 2001, vii. NOTES 183

3. Lane, Roots of Violence, 134. According to Roger Lane, “The murder rate is the only trustworthy measure of the comparative incidence of violence.” 4. Harold J. Weiss Jr.,“Overdosing and Underestimating: A Look at a Violent and Not-So-Violent American West.” In the Quarterly of the National Association for Outlaw and Lawman History, Vol. 27, No. 2 (April/June 2003) Weiss says, “Have western historical writers used the same data base? Information about criminal homicide can be collected in several different ways,” he reminds us, “those committed; those reported to the police; those cleared by police arrests; those that resulted in indictments by a Grand Jury; those that came to trial; those that ended in a court conviction; and those that involved prison time. The figures about murders in the justice system will become more accurate as you proceed through this list from beginning to end.” 5. Theodore Ferdinand, “The Criminal Patterns of Boston Since 1849,” The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 73 (1967): 688–698. 6. Lane, Murder in America, 115 cautions that indictment rates “must not be mistaken for the actual number of homicides committed.” 7. Wolfgang, Patterns in Criminal Homicide, 291. 8. Brearly, Homicide, 132. 9. Call, January 1, 1877. 10. Munro-Fraser, History of Marin County, 238–256. 11. Coroner’s Inquest Book, Marin County.

Appendix 2: Sources

1. I would refer those who doubt newspapers as an adequate source of information about nineteenth-century homicide to my Let Justice Be Done: Crime and Politics in Early San Francisco where the topic is discussed at some length. 2. Held in bound volumes in the San Francisco History Center of the main San Francisco Library. 3. The annual totals are sometimes distorted by the inclusion of some numbers of “pre-natal infanticides” and deaths occurring during abortions, events which are not considered in modern counts of criminal homicide. Fortunately, Coroner Levi Dorr published a table in 1882 to illustrate the negative effects of unlicensed firearms which contains total numbers of homicides and suicides by firearms and other means for each year between 1862 and 1882. Municipal Reports 1881–1882, 56. 4. The compilers quite obviously omitted most Chinese homicides. Fortunately, there are occasional contemporary newspaper stories that compile lists of “Mongolian Murders.” 5. The newspaper claimed that its figures were based on an examination of coroner’s records. 6. In his 1881 report, the coroner commented on the decline in Chinese homicides by two-thirds when compared with the previous year: “It is not proper to infer that this class of murders have so remarkably decreased, in fact. There are circumstances, short of proof, existing which lead to the belief that not a few 184 NOTES

cases of murder are concealed from the proper authorities.” Municipal Reports 1880–1881, 201. And we cannot be sure that all the homicides are being detected in modern times. Chronicle, March 30, 2003. In 2003, a man convicted of murder in San Francisco informed of four other undetected murders he had committed in the city in the previous 20 years. 7. In a sample month selected at random, January 1998, the Police Department Murder Book names eight murder victims. In the Supplementary Homicide Report form for that month, transmitted to the State Department of Justice for inclusion in the FBI annual count, five homicides are noted in the summary section of the report. All eight victims are listed in the sections for individual victims, so perhaps the count was readjusted. Even so, one perpetrator shown as African American in the Murder book was transformed into a Latino in the material transmitted to the FBI and one African American victim was con- verted to a white. Bibliography

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Dissertations

Chandler, Robert J. The Press and Civil Liberties in California During the Civil War. University of California Riverside, 1977. Fichera, Sebastian. The Meaning of Community: A History of the Italians of San Francisco. University of California at Los Angeles, 1981.

Government Reports

Atherton Investigation Report. San Francisco Chronicle. March 17, 1937. Chinese Immigration, Its Social, Moral and Political Effects. Report to the California State Senate of its Special Committee on Chinese Immigration. Sacramento, 1878. Crime in The United States 2001. Washington DC: Federal Bureau of Investigation U.S. Department of Justice, 2002. Final Report of the Special Crime Study Commission on Organized Crime. Sacramento, November 1950. Final Report of the Special Crime Study Commission on Organized Crime. Sacramento, May 1953. Lee, Samuel D. San Francisco’s Chinatown: History, Function and Importance of Social Organizations. San Francisco: Central District Coordinating Council, 1940. Report of the Joint Special Committee to Investigate Chinese Immigration. Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1877. Report of Special Committee on the Condition of the Chinese Quarter, and the Chinese in San Francisco. San Francisco Board of Supervisors, 1885. San Francisco Municipal Reports. 1859–1917 (San Francisco Public Library). Scott, Gini Graham. Investigating Homicide in Oakland, An Analysis of Homicide Patterns and Investigative Approaches in 1997. Oakland, 1998. Wickersham, George Commission Report No. 1 Preliminary Report on Prohibition. Reprint; New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1968. ———. Commission Report No. 10 Report Crime and the Foreign Born. Reprint; New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1968. ———. Commission Report No. 11 Report Lawlessness in Law Enforcement. Reprint; New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1968.

Public Records

Applications for Pardon. Executive Pardons and Letter Books. Governor’s Office Record Series, Sacramento. (California State Archives). Coroner’s Inquest Book No. 1, Marin County 1857–1910. Marin County Genealogical Society 1993. (Marin County Public Library). Register of State Prison at San Quentin. Sacramento. State Printing Office, 1889. San Francisco’s Coroner’s Register. April 1906–December 1939. (San Francisco County Medical Examiner). BIBLIOGRAPHY 195

San Francisco Police Department Murder Book. January 1994–December 1999. (San Francisco Police Department). San Quentin and Folsom Prison Registers, 1889–1929. Sacramento. (California State Archives).

Miscellaneous

Blunt, Phineas. Unpublished Journal (Bancroft Library). Burke, Martin. Unpublished Dictation (Bancroft Library).

Periodicals

Douglas 20, Police Journal 1923–1926 (San Francisco Public Library). Police and Peace Officers Journal 1929–1958 (San Francisco Public Library). San Francisco Magazine. “2–0” Police Journal 1927–1929 (San Francisco Public Library).

Newspapers

Alta California (San Francisco). Bulletin (San Francisco). Call (San Francisco). Chronicle (San Francisco). Daily California Chronicle (San Francisco). Examiner (San Francisco). Illustrated Jolly Giant (San Francisco). Los Angeles Times. Washington Post. Index

Abati, Michael, 101 August, Donnell, 118 Adams, George, 21 Australians: and crime, 8, 13, 23, 24; Adler, Jeffrey S., xii, 5, 108, 109, 110 reputation for criminality, 17; as African Americans: and crime, 10; scapegoats, 151 Reconstruction-era, 103; Auto bandits, 97 slavery, 103; testimony Avilla, Pierre, 119 prohibited, 107 Ah Chin, 73 Bancroft, Hubert H., 18, 29, 31, 32, Ah Choy, 65 41, 42 Ah Duck, 74 Barry, Marion (Washington, D.C. Ah Hee, 54, 68 mayor), 130 Ah Kow, 68 Basquez [sic], Domingo, 37, 40 Ah Lie, 63 Bell, Horace, 19 Ah Moon, 72 Bell, Lloyd, 108 Ah On, 65 Bennett, H.C., 55 Ah Sin, 69 Berdue, Thomas, 20 Ah Sing, 68 Bergenroth, Gustave, 21 Ah Toy, 66 Bernal, Louis, 37, 40 Ah Wing, 54 Bertrand, Carmelita, 37, 40 Ainsworth, Thomas, 25 Bertrand, Emile, 14 Alamoz, ——, 41 Besig, Ernest, 176 Alegria, Rinaldo, 36 Big Mouth Mary, 37, 40 Alfredi, Giovanni, 93 Billman, Albinius, 107 Alioto, Guiseppe, 87, 101 Billman, Mary Ann, 107 Alioto, Joseph, 87 Black, Jack, 58 Alioto, Mario, 87 Blackburn, George M., 149 American Civil Liberties Black Hand, 83, 86, 87, 92 Union, 132 Blankenship, Larry, 118 Appalachian mob meeting, 101 Blitz, Benjamin (police Arrest figures, as measure of officer), 20 criminality, 142 Blunt, Phineas, 154 Arson, 13, 17, 141, 153 Bocca, Joe, 94 Asbury, Herbert, 58, 98 Bodie, 16, 18, 19, 20, 25, 30, Assing, Norman (Yuen Shen), 66 46, 127 198 INDEX

Boero, Giancomo, 84 testimony not allowed, 71; tongs, Boessenecker, John, xi, 1, 34, 39, 143 65; see also Tongs; tongs, origin, Brasci, Joe, 94 70; tong wars subside, 77; Triads, Bratton, William (chief of police), 11 67, 68, 71; women, 66, Brennan, John, 54 67, 69 Brewer, Frank, 13, 16, 22 Chin Mook Sow, 71, 73 Brooks, Nicholas, 49 Chin Noon, 76 Broussard, Albert S., 110 Chong, Peter, 123 Brown, Albert, 19 Chung King, 72 Brown, Amos (reverend), 131 Chun Wong, 63 Brown, Eugene (“Pat”), 101 Clarkson, John, 109 Brown, Jeff (public defender), 119 Cohen, Mickey, 102 Brown, Jerry, 100 Community policing, 98 Brown, William, 106 Condon, David, 53 Bryan, William, 54 Conley, Carolyn, 57 Burglary, 20–3, 25–7, 115, 141 Contreras, Jose, 40 Burke, Martin (chief of police), 50, 67, Conviction rates, as measure of 68, 114 criminality, 143 Butte (Montana), 58 Coppola, Joseph (police officer), 84 Butterfield, Fox, 1, 112 Cora, Charles, 84 Coroner’s records, as measure of Calabro, Lou, 83 homicide rates, 143 Calderon, Jose, 38 Cosby, Bill, 139 Campanello, Genaro, 100 Courtwright, David, 150 Capital punishment, 137 Crime: defined, 141; and the media, 128 Casey, James, 49 Criminal homicide, defined, 141; see Castillo, Carmelita, 39 also Homicide; Homicide rates Castro, Miguel, 38 Criminality, and second generation Cerelia (a Chilean), 40, 105 immigrants, 46, 55, 116, 127 Chappell, John (Johnny Cab), 41 Criminal Justice Research Center, 146 Chee Kow, 74 Crowley, Patrick (chief of police), 53, Chew Ah Chick, 74 75, 77, 80 Chicago Crime Commission, 99 CRUSH (Crime Response Unit to Stop Chileans, 32 Homicide), 119 Chinese: Benevolent Association, 65; Cum Choy, 71 and crime, 9; district associations; Curley, Frank, 53 Exclusion Act, 69; extortion, 67; family associations, 65; gender Davis, Arturo, 119 imbalance, 70; Grant memorial, DeJohn, Nick, 101 70; hui-kuans, 65; Manchu/Han Dillon, Richard, 121 conflict, 65, 76; Ning Yung Doak, Richard, 45 Company, 81; paper sons, 79; Douglass, William (police captain), perjury, 71; prostitution, 66, 68; 68, 74 Sam Yup Company, 76; See Yup Dowdy, James, 107 Company, 76; Six Companies, 65; Dragna, Louis, 102 as sojourners, 54; ten-door rule, 69; Due process, 51, 97, 99, 113 INDEX 199

Dunn, John, 49 118; Forty Strong Gang, 91; Dykstra, Robert, xii, 31, 50, 78, 84, 105 generational succession, 93; Harbor Road Gang, 118; Hayes Earle, John, 53 Valley Gang, 53; Hoodlums, 53; Earthquake, 1906, 87 see also Hoodlums; Hunters Point East Palo Alto, 130 Gang, 118; Irish, 57; Latino, 125; Economy, San Francisco 1860s and Oakdale Gang, 118; Purple Gang, 1870s, 52 93; Sunnydale Gang, 118; Eldredge, Zoeth Skinner, 31, 32, 155, 188 Telegraph Hill Rockrollers, 162; Ethington, Philip J., 150 Wah Ching, 122, 123; Wo Hop To, Executions, 29, 45, 63, 73, 74, 109 123, 124, 179 Gang violence, 126 Fallacy of small numbers, 31, 33, 78, Gang Violence and Juvenile Crime 84, 105 Prevention Act, 126 Fallon, Malachi (chief of police), 14, Geary, John (mayor), 15 15, 25, 49 Gillen, Owen, 108 Farallones Egg War, 84 Giribildi (an Italian), 84 Farnum, Alex, 19 Golden Dragon massacre, 123 Feliz, Jose, 37, 40 Gong Ah Pong, 65 Ferdinand, Theodore, 1, 142 Gordon, George, 107 Fernandez, Hosea [sic], 37, 40 Gottfredson, Matthew R., 10 Ferri, Genaro, 94 Graham, Issac, 49 Fertita, Filipo, 86 Graham, Otis L., 147 Fichera, Sebastian, 91, 92, 100 Great Migration, 7, 10, 103, 104, Filipppi, Mario, 94 109, 110 Flamm, Jerry, 97 Greer, Francis (aka Wilson), 21 Flowers, Ronald, 6, 30 Gumina, Deanna, 90 Foley, Thomas, 49 Gurr,Ted,113 Fong Ah Sing, 71 Foreign miners tax, 23, 38 Hall, Richard, 13, 19 Forni, Jose (Forner), 29, 32, 37–9, 41 Hall, William (chief clerk, police Fox, James A., 117 department), 75 Franklin, Benjamin, 2, 3 Haller, Mark, 98 Frazier River, Gold Rush, 50 Harrigan, Jimmy, 135 Freidman, Lawrence, 176 Harrington, Matthew, 54 Freschi, Marie, 84 Harris, Elihu (Oakland mayor), 131 Heizer, Robert, 9, 34 Gallagher, Sam, 49 Hennessey, David (chief of police, New Galli, Gus, 84 Orleans), 86 Gangs, 128; 11th Street Gang, 125; Hirschi, Travis, 10 18th Street Gang, 126; 22nd and Homicide: African American, 106, 107, Bryant Street Gang, 126; African 112, 118, 119; Australians, 13; American, 118, 119; Chinese, 67, British, 25; causation, 4, 112, 117; 122; see also Tongs; Chung Ching Chinese, 63, 68, 69, 122; decline, Yee (Joe Boys), 122; ethnic 56; defined, 141; expressive, 73; succession, 92; Fillmore Gang, factors influencing, 10; and 200 INDEX

Homicide—continued Indictments, as measure of criminality, gender, 15, 50; German, 55; Gold 142 Rush California, 156; as index of Ingrassia, Gaetano, 87, 91 violent crime, 18, 141; Irish: and crime, 9; faction fights, 57; instrumental, 19, 73; interracial, homicide, 49; type of immigrant 54, 106, 107, 110, 115; intraracial, changes, 60; and violence, 45; in 106, 177; Irish, 46, 55, 59; Italian, the West, 49 84; Late-twentieth century Italians: Black Hand, 83, 86; Chicago decline, 129; Latino, 37–8, 39, 42; and San Francisco compared, 90; and narcotics, 113; solution rates, Cosa Nostra, 83, 101; and crime, 10; 167; structural/ subculture of Mafia, 83, 86; padroni, 86; White violence, 2, 5, 57, 112, 137; trivial Hand Society, 91 causes, 27; urban/rural, 33 Italy: northern, 89; southern, 86, 89 Homicide rates, 1, 4, 31, 56, 79, 111; 1900s, 85; twenty-first century, Jails, 21 135; African American, 104–5, Jansen, Charles, 20, 21, 23 109, 113, 117; Bodie, 1; Boston, 1; Jarvis, Elijah, 37 British, 16, 77; Chicago, 85; Jenkins, John (aka Simpton), 22 Chinese, 64, 78, 79, 124; decline, Johnson, David, 114 50, 94, 116; East Palo Alto, 130; Johnson, Geizel, 119 factors contributing to, 2, 10; Johnson, Sam, 106 Gold Rush, 2; increase, 117; in Jones, Steve, 109 Ireland, 57; Irish, 50–1; Italian, 83, 84, 85, 88, 92, 93, 148; Latino, 126; Karcher, Matthew (chief of police, Los Angeles, 31; Louisiana, 1; Sacramento), 149 modern/historical, 147; New Kefauver Crime Commission, 102 York, 85; Philadelphia, 1, 85; San Keystone Kops, 173 Francisco, 3, 13, 15, 26, 32, 87; King, Arthur, 107 South Carolina, 1 King (of William), James, 49 Hoodlums, 9, 53, 54, 55, 128; and Kinich, Martin, 107 Chinese, 53; Irish, 55; origin of term, 160 Labri (a Chilean), 37 Hopkins, Ernest, 11, 89 La Fata, Pietro, 93 Horsely, Don (San Mateo sheriff), 130 La Fata, Rosalina, 93 Horton, David (police sergeant), 125 LaFuente, Jose, 38 Hounds, 15, 36; and Latinos, 36 Lalla, Antonio, 86 Huen Chek, 68 Lamely, Harry, 76 Hughes, John, 19 Lane, Roger, xii, 1, 5, 9, 11, 16, 18, 19, Hutchison, Earl Ofari, 137 25, 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 59, 85, 88, 94, 104, 113, 115, 142 Immigration, assimilation and crime, Lanza, Francesco, 101 94; Chinese, 121, 124; conflict Lanza, Joseph, 101 between waves, 90; exclusion, 86, Latinos: and crime, 8, 34, 36, 39, 42; as 102; Italian, 94; Latinos, 124; criminals, 30; and knives, 163; second generation, 8, 61 skilled miners, 38; as social Imperato, Mimi, 93 bandits, 38; stereotyped, 36 INDEX 201

Lawley, William, 39 McEvoy, Frank, 53 Layne, Arthur (police captain), 100 McGrath, Roger, xii, 1, 16, 18, 19, 25, Leandro, ——, 38 31, 38, 46, 143 Lecari, Pietro, 84 McIntire, Robert (police captain), 25 Lee, Albert, 108 McKanna, Clare (Bud), xii, 1, 5, 6, 16, Lee, Peter (Edrick Carr), 118 25, 30, 31, 34, 35, 71, 73, 104, 106, Lee Ah Choe, 65 107, 108, 109, 115, 127, 143 Lee Sare Bow, 74 McKenzie, Robert, 19, 22, 23 Lee Sing, 74 McMahon, William, 19 Lemm Ranch Massacre, 81 Meredith, William (police officer), 19 Leong Sing, 74 Messner, Stephen, 148 Lewis, Benjamin, 22 Mfume, Kweisi, 139 Lew Wah Get, 79 MFusai, Jomo, 103 Light, Ivan, 80 Milwaukee, 98 Lima, Anthony, 101 Miranda decision, 176 Lipari, Antonio, 87 Mirande, Alfredo, 35 Long, Thomas, 20 Mitchell, Michael (chief of police), 96 Loretto, Mary, 84 Mock Foo, 76 Love,Marcell,119 Monaghan, Jay, 23 Luches, Miguel, 37, 40 Monkkonen, Eric, xii, 1, 5, 19, 26, 31, Lynchings, 143 45, 48, 95, 103, 106, 108, 143 Montgomery, Mary, 106 Macallair, Dan, 180 Moran “Bugs,”93 Maddox, Kerman, 138 Morris, William (“Tipperary Bill”), 45 Malvese, Luigi, 100 Mugan, James, 53 Manion, John (police sergeant), 79, Mullen, Kevin J., 156 80, 114 Munro-Fraser, J. P., 143 Manning, Robert, 54 Murder, defined, 141; see also Mapp decision, 176 Homicide; Homicide rates Marcelino, ——, 37 Murphy, D.J. (district attorney), 9 Maria, Jose, 37 Murrieta, Joaquin, 34, 37, 38, 42 Mariel boat lift, 95 Myers, Gustavus, 147 Marovich, Bruce (police officer), 114 Navas, Ernesto, 126 Marshall, Joseph, 117, 128 Nortenos, 125, 179 Martin, Leroy (superintendent of Nugent, Walter, 150 police, Chicago), 132 Martinez, Bayron, 125 O’Banion, Dion, 93 Martinez, Dolores, 37, 40 O’Brien, Daniel (chief of police), Martinez, Maria, 38 79, 97 Martinez, Ramiro, 35, 128 Odiaro, Carlo, 84 McAllister, Ben (police officer), 114 O’Gara, Sheila (assistant public McCann, Sean, 46 defender), 119 McCarthy, Patrick, 53 Ogden, Joseph, 19 McCarty, Andrew (police captain), 25 Olea, ——, 38 McCoppin Act, 75 Omega Boys Club, 128 202 INDEX

Page, Clarence, 138 Poussaint, Alvin (Harvard professor), Page Act, 69, 70 176 Paladini, Achille, 86 Powell, Elvin, 45 Palozotta, Frank, 87 Price, William (police sergeant), 75 Park, Caroline, 109 Prohibition, 4, 83, 92, 93, 96, 98, 99, Pat Choy, 69 101, 142 Paylin, Obadiah, 105 Prostitution, romanticized, 165 Pedona, Antonio, 87 Punishment: African Americans, 108; Pedona, Joseph, 87 Chinese, 72; Irish, 52; Latinos, 39; Penman, William, 106 People of color, 127 Peoples political party, 50 Perez, Antonia, 37, 38 Quinn, William (chief of police), 98, Peterson Del Mar, David, 25 99, 100, 114 Philpott, Diarmuid, 178 Pickhandle brigade, 54 Reid, Larry (Oakland councilman), Pileggi, Vito, 94 138 Pitt, Leonard, 42 Republic of China, 79 Pizzano, Francisco, 84 Reynolds, Frank, 15 Platt, Tony, 122 Ricards, Sherman, 149 Police: auto patrols, 95, 96; Chinatown Richardson, William (US Marshal), 84 Squad, 75, 79, 123; corruption, 24, RICO statute, 123 25, 74, 76, 89, 101; and crime, 10, Riley, Elizabeth, 45 33, 50, 59, 77, 79, 89, 95, 96, 101, Riots, anti-Chinese, 54, 80; Hounds, 15 102, 130, 131; crime prevention, Rivas, Blas, 37, 40 97, 99, 100, 123; Gangster Squad, Robbery, x, 9, 14, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 26, 99; Gang Task Force, 123; 27, 28, 31, 34, 36, 39, 68, 69, 88, inefficient, 21; militarization, 98; 95, 96, 97, 98, 116, 122, 135, 141, patrol practices, 95; patrol 143; homicide, 95, 97, 98 wagons, 95; radio Robenos, Franicsco, 38 communications, 96; raids on Rock Springs Massacre, 81 Chinatown, 75; shootings, 97; Rodriquez, Jose, 29 Shotgun Squad, 93, 96; S-Squad, Rondo, Jose, 38 114 Rosenfeld, Richard, 148 Pollack, Lewis, 49 Ryan, John, 108 Polonio, ——, 37 Population: African Americans, Salgado, Antonio, 38 105, 110, 111; Asian, 121; Sam Ching, 77 California, 23; Chinese, 53, 68, Sam Quin, 68 121; death row, 137; East Palo Sanders, Earl (chief of police), 127 Alto, 130; Gold Rush San Sandoval, Diego, 41 Francisco, 158; Irish, 46, 51; San Miguel Mission, 33 Italian, 83, 86; Latinos, 124; Sayler, Lucy E., 71 Mexican era, 31; San Francisco, Scarisi, Alfredo, 94 14, 87 Schell, Robert, 107 Posionius, 46 Scotch Irish, 48 Post-earthquake crime wave, 87 Seguine, Brandt (city marshal), 67 INDEX 203

Sellin, Thorsten, 58 Vagrancy, “$1,000 vag,”97 Sequel [sic], Clemente, 37, 40 Vandal, Gilles, 1, 11 Shepherd, William, 49 Van de Camp, John (attorney general), Siegel, Ben (Bugsy), 102 117 Sierro, Joseph, 86 Vecoli, Rudolph, 89 Smith, Persifor (general), 38 Vigilance Committees, 8, 13, 15, 16, 17, Smith, Richard, 84 19, 20, 22, 24, 26, 28, 49, 50, 51, Spires, George, 13 54, 66, 74, 84, 95; effect on crime Stevenson, Jonathan, 21 rate, 26 Stompanato, Johnny, 102 Virgin, George, 22 Stone, Frank, 72 Virginia City, 50 Stuart, James (English Jim), 20, 22, 24, 25 Watkins, William, 21 Sun Choy, 63 Weapons: and Chinese, 59; and Irish, Sun Yat Sen, 79 58, 59; and Latino, 59 Supple, David (police officer), 80 Wheeler (a former member of John Surenos, 125, 179 Charles Fremont’s expedition), Swan, William, 21 105 Sydney Ducks, 8, 13, 19 White, David (chief of police), 96 Taafe, Thomas, 53 Whittaker, Samuel, 23, 24, 25 Taiping rebellion, 68, 71 Wickersham Report, 5, 8, 47, 99 Takagi, Paul, 122 Wilkerson, Jacob, 107 Tate, Moses, 107 Williams, Cleveland, 107 Taylor, Louise, 37 Wilson, James Q, 149 Thornton, Bruce, 42 Wilson, Joseph, 106 Thrasher, Frederic M., 57 Wilson, William, 106 Tim Moon Ping, 68 Windred, William, 20 Tongs: Bing Kong, 80, Chee Kung, 71; Withers, Reuben, 15, 18, 25 Hop Sing, 79, 80; Kwong Duck, 69; Wolfgang, Marvin, 27, 42, 115 On Yick, 78; Suey Sing, 69, 79 Women, 27; and vice, 67 Torres, Abellardo, 41 Wong Cheong Tuck, 54 Tucker, Cynthia, 131 Wong Sheing Hing, 74 Turner, Joseph, 13 Twing, Terry (juvenile probation Yeager, Matthew, 8 officer), 117 Yee Ah Chin, 71 Yee Family, 78 UCR, 141, 142 Yung Teng, 74 Union Sicilione, 86 U-shaped curve, 3 Zebra murders, 114