A Comparison of the Greek-Orthodox Minority of Istanbul and Muslim-Turkish Minority of Western Thrace

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A Comparison of the Greek-Orthodox Minority of Istanbul and Muslim-Turkish Minority of Western Thrace Political Representation of Minorities: A Comparison of the Greek-Orthodox Minority of Istanbul and Muslim-Turkish Minority of Western Thrace by BURCU TAŞKIN Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Istanbul Bilgi University Graduate School of Social Sciences July 2014 Political Representation of Minorities: A Comparison of the Greek-Orthodox Minority of Istanbul and Muslim- Turkish Minority of Western Thrace by BURCU TAŞKIN Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Istanbul Bilgi University Graduate School of Social Sciences July 2014 © 2014 Burcu Taşkın POLITICAL REPRESENTATION OF MINORITIES: A COMPARISON OF THE GREEK-ORTHODOX (ROMIOI) MlNORITY OF ISTANBUL AND MUSLIM- TURKISH MINORITY OF WESTERN THRACE AZINLIKLARIN SİYASAL TEMSİLİYETİ: İSTANBUL RUMLARI VE BATI TRAKYA TÜRK-MÜSLÜMAN AZINLIKLARlNIN KARŞıLAŞTıRMASı BURCU TAŞKIN 108802002 Prof. Ayhan KAYA (Thesis Supervisor) Assoc. Prof. Yaprak GüRSOY Prof. Nihai İNCİOGLU Prof. Elçin MACAR Prof. Sabri SAY ARI ..................... ~~ Date of Approval: 23.07.2014 Total Page Number: Anahtar Kelimeler: KeyWords: i) Siyasal Temsiliyet i) Political Representation 2) Mütakabiliyet İlkesi 2) Reciprocity Rule 3) Rum Azınlık 3) Greek- Orthodox Minority 4) Müslüman Türk Azınlık 4) Muslim- Turkish Minority 5) Tarihsel Kurumsakılık 5) Historical Institutionalism 6) Türk-Yunan İlişkileri 6) Turkish- Greek Relations 11 ABSTRACT Lausanne Treaty’s (1923) section on the ‘minority protection’ has a unique character as it brought the concept ‘mutual responsibility’. Since then, highly related to Turkish-Greek relations, ‘mutual responsibility’ has been perceived as ‘reciprocity rule’ which is implemented usually negatively but also positively by Greek and Turkish states for the Muslim minority in Western Thrace and Greek-Orthodox minority living in Istanbul respectively in cultural, social and economic fields. Whereas, reciprocity rule has not been applied in the political field. The thesis mainly aims to understand why two minority communities have different characteristics of political representation? Inspired by Fredrik Barth’s theory, the study claims that ethnic political behavior is not primordial but shaped according to the political institutions of the society they live in, and tests the assumptions by comparing the macro-level and micro- level factors that are expected to influence the possibility of minorities’ political representation. For this purpose the thesis utilizes a qualitative comparative method ‘historical institutionalism’ analysis, where for each electoral period (7 elections in Turkey and 31 elections in Greece in which minorities are represented in the national parliament) the political events and changes in the political institutions that are expected to influence the conditions of the minorities are examined. Historical institutionalism analysis; archival work on the minority MPs’ Parliamentary speeches, minority press evaluations and interviews conducted with prominent figures of the minority communities showed that despite the common assumptions, political representation potential is independent from bilateral relations and international organizations, however Muslim-Turkish minority continues to base its political choices on being part of Greek-Turkish relations. ‘Reciprocity rule’ has not been applied in political sphere due to legal issues; lack of political will; mutual distrust; and problems in negotiations. In general micro-level and macro-level factors matter for the political representation of Romioi and Muslim-Turkish minority: ‘party-identification’ is low; ‘localism’, ‘political cleavages’ and ‘ethnic bloc-voting’ are higher in Muslim community; while better ‘language skills’ increased the effectiveness of Romioi MPs and the community’s integration to the society. Increase in the professional skills of the Muslim MPs in Greece after 1977 improved their effectiveness in the parliament despite the fact that their number reduced. As expected, minority MPs are more effective in the parliament when the host-country has a more democratic atmosphere. Interviews with the minority members stressed a common point: the minority members respect the political system of the country they live in, and believe they should play within the same political game; however they do not trust the political system and they believe ‘quota system’ for political representation will increase the ethnic tension rather than diminishing it. ‘Reciprocity rule’ has negative associations for the Romioi community, while Lausanne Treaty has been perceived as a constitution by the Muslim-Turkish minority. Close-list PR electoral system with dominant party has potential to offer higher political involvement for the Romioi community; while it increases the ethnic tension in Western Thrace. Open-list PR system with multi-party systems provides the best conditions for Muslim-Turkish minority’s political representation. Minority MPs’ work in the parliament is more effective when they are elected with a party ticket (especially party in power) versus independent ticket. Key Words: Political Representation; Reciprocity Rule; Greek-Orthodox Minority; Muslim-Turkish Minority; Historical Institutionalism; Greek-Turkish Relations. iii ÖNSÖZ 1923 Lozan Anlaşmasında yer alan ‘azınlıkların korunması’ bölümünün benzersiz bir özelliği ‘karşılıklı sorumluluk’ kavramını getirmesidir. 1923 yılından bu yana ‘karşılıklı sorumluluk’la güvence altında olması gereken haklar Türk-Yunan ilişkilerine bağlı olarak ‘mütekabiliyet ilkesi’ olarak algılanmış, ve Yunan ve Türk devletleri tarafından Batı Trakya Müslüman azınlığı ve İstanbul’daki Rum azınlığı için kültürel, sosyal ve ekonomik alanlarda çoğunlukla olumsuz, bazen de olumlu şekilde uygulanmıştır. Ancak ‘mütekabiliyet ilkesi’ siyasal alanda uygulanmamaktadır. Bu tezin temel amacı ‘bu iki azınlık cemaatinin neden farklı siyasal temsiliyet özellikleri gösterdiğini’ anlamaktır. Fredrik Barth’ın teorisine dayanrak bu tez etnik grupların siyasal davranışlarının ilksel (primordial) olmadığını, ama içinde yaşadıkları toplumun siyasal kurumlarına göre biçimlendiğini savunarak, argümanlarını makro ve mikro faktörleri her iki azınlık için de analiz etmiş ve bu azınlıkların siyasal temsiliyetleri üzerindeki etkilerini ölçmeyi hedeflemiştir. Bu çalışma için tezde kalitatif karşılaştırmalı yöntem olan ‘tarihsel kurumsalcılık’ analizi kullanılarak her seçim dönemi için (azınlıkların temsil edildiği Türkiye’de 7 ve Yunanistan’da 31 seçim) tarihsel/siyasal olaylar; siyasal sistemlerdeki değişiklikler ve bunların azınlıkların durumları üzerindeki etkileri incelenmiştir. Tarihsel kurumsalcılık analizi; azınlık milletvekillerinin konuşmaları ve dönemin azınlık basını değerlendirmesi için yapılan arşiv çalışması; ve azınlığın önde gelenleri ile yapılan mülakatlar göstermiştir ki ortak varsayımın aksine siyasal temsiliyet potansiyeli Türkiye ve Yunanistan arasındaki ikili ilişkiden ve uluslararası kuruluşlardan bağımsızdır; ancak, Müslüman Türk azınlık siyasal tercihlerinin Türk-Yunan ilişkileri temelinde oluşturmasına devam etmektedir. ‘Mütekabiliyet ilkesi’ yasal unsurlar; siyasal niyetin olmaması; karşılıklı güvensizlik;pazarlıklarda ortaya çıkan problemler dolayısıyla siyasal alanda uygulanmamıştır. Genel olarak mikro ve makro faktörler Rum ve Müslüman Türk azınlığın siyasal temsiliyetinde etkili olmaktadır. Müslüman azınlıkta ‘parti ile özdeşleşme’ oranı düşük; ‘yerelcilik’, ‘siyasal bölünme’ ve ‘etnik blok-oy verme’ daha yüksekken, Rum azınlığın ‘kullanılan resmi dildeki’ yeterliliği mecliste etkili olmalarını ve topluma entegre olmalarını arttırmıştır. 1977’den sonra Müslüman azınlık milletvekillerinin meclisteki sayısı azalsa da, eğitimlerinin ve dil hakimiyetlerinin ilerlemesi onların meclisteki etkinliğini arttırmıştır. Beklendiği gibi azınlık temsilcilerinin yaşadıkları ülkenin siyasal rejimine bağlı olarak, demokratikleşme ilerledikçe meclisteki etkinlikleri artmıştır. Azınlık mensupları ile yapılan mülakatlar ortak bir noktayı vurgulamaktadır: azınlık üyeleri yaşadıkları ülkenin siyasal sistemine saygı göstermekte, aynı kurallar ile rekabet etmeleri gerektiğini belirtmekte ancak siyasal sisteme tamamıyla güvenmemekte ve ‘kota sisteminin’ azınlık ve çoğunluk arasındaki etnik gerilimi arttıracağına inanmaktadırlar. ‘Mütekabiliyet ilkesi’ Rum cemaat için negatif çağrışım oluştururken, Müslüman azınlık Lozan Anlaşmasını anayasa gibi algılamaktadır. Egemen partinin olduğu kapalı-liste nisbi temsil seçim sisteminin Rum azınlığın siyasete katılmasını arttırma potansiyali varken Batı Trakya’da etnik gerilimi arttırmaktadır. Çok- partili rekabetin yüksek olduğu ve açık-liste nisbi temsilin uygulandığı siyasal sistem Müslüman- Türk azınlığa siyasal temsiliyet için en uygun durumu sunmaktadır. Azınlık temsilcileri bir partiden seçilmişlerse (özellikle iktidar partisi) bağımsız seçilme durumuna göre mecliste daha etkili oldukları gözlenmiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Siyasal Temsiliyet; Mütekabiliyet İlkesi; Rum Azınlık; Müslüman Türk Azınlık;Tarihsel Kurumsalcılık; Türk- Yunan İlişkileri. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my special appreciation to my advisor Professor Ayhan Kaya, who has been a tremendous mentor and source of inspiration for me throughout my PhD study with his academic skills and priceless support. I owe a special thanks to my committee member Professor Sabri Sayarı. Since the beginning of my graduate study, it has been a privilege to be under his guidance, I am grateful
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