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Insurgeny As a Social Process

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Insurgeny As a Social Process LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Insurgency as a Social Process Authority and Armed Groups in Myanmar’s Changing Borderlands David Brenner A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, 3 October 2016 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 83,725 words. i Abstract This thesis asks why some ethnic insurgencies in Myanmar have de-escalated since 2011, while others re-escalated concurrently. It investigates this puzzle by zooming into the country’s most important ethnic armies: the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO). Findings from nine months of ethnographically-informed field research in the Kachin and Karen borderlands reveal that internal contestations within both movements have driven their respective conflict and negotiation strategies with the state. These intramural conflicts were sparked in the context of changing political economies in the country’s borderlands that enabled the enrichment of individual rebel leaders but eroded their authority within their movements. The original contribution of this thesis is two-fold: Theoretically, the thesis contributes to the emerging literature on the internal dimensions of rebel groups by moving away from the prevalent focus on rebel elites and rational- decision making. Instead, it conceptualises insurgency as a social process between differently situated elite and non-elite actors, grounding itself within relational sociology. This appreciates how social dynamics - including figurational interdependencies, reciprocal power relations, and embodied practices - develop a momentum of their own in driving political violence. In doing so, it is suggested that the emergence and erosion of leadership authority in rebel groups depends on whether elites address their grassroots’ claim to recognition, enabling the latter to develop and maintain self-perceived positive social identities through affiliation to the insurgent collective. Empirically, the thesis contributes to a better understanding of one of the world’s longest ongoing but least researched civil wars by presenting original findings on its most important rebel groups, particularly with regards to the often uneasy relations between rebel elites and their grassroots and the ways in which internal contestation drives their strategies. Its findings also have implications for policy in so far as they highlight the pitfalls of counterinsurgency and peacebuilding approaches that aim at fragmenting rebel movements and/or privilege the material interests of elites over issues surrounding recognition and identity that – as this thesis shows – are underpinning ethnonational insurgencies. ii Acknowledgments Over the four years that I have worked on this thesis, I have received nothing but infinite trust, encouragement and support from family, friends, colleagues, my supervisor and the many people in Myanmar whom I have met. My debt of gratitude to those who helped me in writing this thesis is a long one! But if I can convey even a small portion of it to those who have been most important to this journey, then in it is certainly worth doing so. The LSE and the IR Department at the LSE have been special places to pursue my doctoral studies. Not only did they fund my PhD and field research with a generous grant, but they also provided me with a platform to develop my academic interests beyond the mere writing of a thesis. Thank you to everyone who made studying at the LSE a memorable and fun experience. My special thanks go to Sam, Harsh, Maggie, Mark, Alessio, Ali, Anouk, Aaron, Gustav, Youyou, Chrissi, Borja, Mohammed, Dominika, Flo and Daniel. Without some of our many nights at the George pub, I might have finished my thesis slightly earlier. But hey, my life would have been much more boring. My work itself benefitted incredibly from the critical eyes of many academics at the LSE. Among them were my fellow PhD Students who entertained my rambling draft chapters in various workshops (including the legendary IR512!). Many thanks go to Sophie Haspeslagh, Gustav Meibauer, Aaron McKeil, Maggy Ainley, Sidharth Kaushal, Tina Blohm and Asad Zaidi. My special thanks go to Sam Vincent. From the early days of our PhDs, he became a partner in crime for bouncing off the ideas that were necessary to shaping this project. I also want to offer my sincere gratitude to the senior academics who offered their wise advice and kind friendship. I much enjoyed exchanging thoughts with James Putzel from whom I learned a lot in his seminars, at the pub, or over barbequed “redneck birds” in his garden. Hans Steinmüller was another source of great inspiration. As a Political Anthropologist he helped me to digest my own field work and welcomed me into a fun crowd of Anthropologists, despite my disguise of a “newspaper scientist”. Bill Callahan also provided helpful feedback for shaping the ethnographic character of my work, while making sure that it still speaks to the concerns of IR scholars. I am greatly indebted to Dave Rampton, who sacrificed much of his time in patiently reading through my then half-baked ideas. Without his comments on my work and mentoring on many other academic queries, I would have gotten lost more than once during this project. Moreover, I want to take this opportunity to thank Kate Meagher with whom I initially started to work on a very different thesis. Even though I changed my project to the extent that necessitated alternative supervision, she taught me a lot and my own thinking remains influenced by her excellent research. Thousand thanks go to my supervisor Jürgen Haacke, to whom I am most indebted for his trust, patience and countless efforts on my behalf. From the time I first asked him about supervision on the then ill-defined project about rebels and borderlands in Myanmar he provided his invaluable guidance on the windy road. I benefitted immensely from his expertise on Myanmar as well as his knowledge of critical social theory that inspired the conceptual framing of my analysis. Importantly, he let me run on a long leash when I wanted it, while giving me direction when I needed it. Moreover, it is not exaggerated to say that this thesis would wobble in quite some respects without his close reading of my iii often confused drafts and his extensive, critical and constructive feedback. In many ways, my own work began as the exact opposite to Jürgen’s concise and elegant style of researching and writing. Although I still feel like an apprentice in some of these regards, I hope that his influence is reflected in this thesis. Most importantly, my thesis would not exist if it was not for the incredible trust and selfless support that I received from the many people whom I met during field research in Myanmar and its borderlands, as well as from the Kachin diaspora in London. The political situation in the country is unfortunately still too unstable and unpredictable to mention the individual names of my Kachin and Karen friends and acquaintances. This notwithstanding, I want to express my utmost gratitude to the many people who helped make my field work happen, even more so as many of them struggle and continue to be affected by the ongoing armed conflict. Their support did not only include facilitating my travels, access, and interviews. The fact that I was in their caring hands also made me feel safe during my research in what sadly were and remain unstable and violent environments. Their willingness to share their own analyses on the situation in Myanmar’s borderlands and permit me into their everyday lives was vital in helping me gain an insight into the complex politics of these regions. Moreover, getting to know them was a most humbling, formative, and enjoyable experience for me as a person. With great fondness, I will always remember my journeys with the crew from KED - whom I admire for their passion for education; the karaoke nights and other parties with many of my Kachin and Karen friends; my seminar participants who challenged Western orthodoxies on Conflict and Peace in the most inspiring ways; the excursions with the “Picnician” gang of Laiza; and the long nights of critical discussions about local and world politics with my friends in Myitkyina, as well as the community in Hounslow. I will always remain eternally grateful for their friendship. They are amongst the most generous people that I have ever met and I hope that they will soon be able to live their lives in peace. Above all, I owe the greatest thanks to my family. Without their love and support I would not even have been in the position to start this thesis in the first place. My deepest gratitude goes to my parents who managed to raise me and get me through school, despite the occasional hiccups. My mother Gabi, nurtured an early interest in politics in me with her outstanding ability to communicate the complex and often tragic history of our world to children of all ages. My father Hardy, has always encouraged and supported me to pursue my interests - however odd some of them must have seemed - knowing from his own experience that this is the only way to achieve success and joy in one’s professional life.
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