Historical Dictionary of U.S.-Latin American Relations
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Neoconservatives Among Us? Astudy of Former Dissidents' Discourse
43 L 62 Neoconservatives Among Us? A Study of Former Dissidents’ Discourse* JENI SCHALLER Abstract: Neoconservative political thought has been characterized as “distinctly American”, but could there be fertile ground for its basic tenets in post-communist Europe? This paper takes an initial look at the acceptance of the ideas of American neo- conservative foreign policy among Czech elites who were dissidents under the communist regime. Open-ended, semi-structured interviews with eight former dissidents were con- ducted and then analyzed against a background of some fundamental features of neocon- servative foreign policy. Discourse analysis is the primary method of examination of the texts. Although a coherent discourse among Czech former dissidents cannot be said to ex- ist, certain aspects reminiscent of American neoconservative thought were found. Key words: neoconservatism, Czech dissidents, foreign policy, discourse analysis I. INTRODUCTION Neoconservatism, as a strain of political thought in the United States, has been represented as “distinctly American” and Irving Kristol, often considered the “godfather” of neoconservatism, emphatically states “[t]here is nothing like neoconservatism in Europe” (Kristol 2003: 33). Analyst Jeffrey Gedmin writes that the “environment for neoconservatism as such is an inhospitable one” in Europe, especially Germany (Gedmin 2004: 291). The states of Cen- tral Europe, in contrast to many of the established continental EU members, represent a rather more pro-American stance. With groups of former dissi- dents whose political leanings are in part informed by the American anti- communist, pro-democracy policies of the 1970s and 1980s, could there be a more hospitable environment for neoconservative ideas in a Central Euro- pean state such as the Czech Republic? The Czech dissident community was not as extensive or well-organised as that in Poland or even Hungary, largely due to the post-1968 “normalisation” in Czechoslovakia. -
Academic Search Complete
Academic Search Complete Pavadinimas Prenumerata nuo Prenumerata iki Metai nuo Metai iki 1 Technology times 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20140601 20210327 2 Organization Development Review 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20190101 3 PRESENCE: Virtual & Augmented Reality 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20180101 4 Television Week 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20030310 20090601 5 Virginia Declaration of Rights and Cardinal Bellarmine 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 6 U.S. News & World Report: The Report 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20200124 7 Education Journal Review 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20180101 8 BioCycle CONNECT 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20200108 9 High Power Computing 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20191001 10 Economic Review (Uzbekistan) 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20130801 11 Civil Disobedience 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 12 Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 13 IUP Journal of Environmental & Healthcare Law 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 14 View of the Revolution (Through Indian Eyes) 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 15 Narrative of Her Life: Mary Jemison 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 16 Follette's Platform of 1924 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 17 Dred Scott, Plaintiff in Error, v. John F. A. Sanford 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 18 U.S. News - The Civic Report 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20180928 20200117 19 Supreme Court Cases: The Twenty-first Century (2000 - Present) 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 20 Geophysical Report 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 21 Adult Literacy 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 2000 22 Report on In-Class Variables: Fall 1987 & Fall 1992 2021-04-01 2021-12-31 2000 23 Report of investigation : the Aldrich Ames espionage case / Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence,2021-04-01 U.S. -
The New Israel: American Exceptionalism
GO TO MASTER INDEX OF WARFARE THE NEW ISRAEL: AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM “For fifty years the inhabitants of the United States have been repeatedly and constantly told that they are the only religious, enlightened, and free people. They ... have an immensely high opinion of themselves and are not far from believing that they form a species apart from the rest of the human race.” — Alexis de Tocqueville AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM HDT WHAT? INDEX AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM GO TO MASTER INDEX OF WARFARE WHITE JACKET; OR, THE WORLD IN A MAN-OF-WAR: Escaped from the house of bondage, Israel of old did not follow after the ways of the Egyptians. To her was given an express dispensation; to her were given new things under the sun. And we Americans are the peculiar, chosen people — the Israel of our time; we bear the ark of the liberties of the world. Seventy years ago we escaped from thrall; and, besides our first birth-right —embracing one continent of earth— God has given to us, for a future inheritance, the broad domains of the political pagans, that shall yet come and lie down under the shade of our ark, without bloody hands being lifted. God has predestinated, mankind expects, great things from our race; and great things we feel in our souls. The rest of the nations must soon be in our rear. We are the pioneers of the world; the advance-guard, sent on through the wilderness of untried things, to break a new path in the New World that is ours. In our youth is our strength; in our inexperience, our wisdom. -
Of the Conventional Wisdom
M A SS A C H USE tt S I N S T I T U T E O F T EC H NOLOGY M A SS A C H USE tt S I N S T I T U T E O F T EC H NOLOGY April 2008 MI T C EN T E R F O R I N T ERN at ION A L St U D IES 08-04 of the Conventional Wisdom The Audit of Wilson, Bush, and the Conventional Wisdom Evolution of Liberal Foreign Policy In this series of essays, MIT’s Center Tony Smith for International Studies tours the Tufts University horizon of conventional wisdoms that define U.S. foreign policy, and put them to the test of data and history. By subjecting particularly well-accepted he first subject to discuss in considering the future of the liberal inter- ideas to close scrutiny, our aim is Tnationalist agenda is the importance of the democratization project to re-engage policy and opinion leaders on topics that are too easily passing to the definition of Wilsonianism. The second is the meaning of multilat- such scrutiny. We hope that this will lead to further debate and inquiries, eralism. In the first case, Thomas Knock and Anne-Marie Slaughter argue with a result we can all agree on: in a forthcoming volume that democratization was never an important part better foreign policies that lead to a more peaceful and prosperous world. of Wilsonianism; that, instead, multilateralism is the key to liberal interna- Authors in this series are available to the press and policy community. -
America's Color Coded War Plans and the Evolution of Rainbow Five
TABLE OF CONTENTS: INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I: THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND MILITARY PLANNING 8 CHAPTER II: MANIFEST DESTINY AND MILITARY PLANNING 42 CHAPTER III: THE EVOLUTION OF RAINBOW FIVE 74 CONCLUSION 119 BIBLIOGRAPHY 124 INTRODUCTION: During World War II, U.S. military forces pursued policies based in large part on the Rainbow Five war plan. Louis Morton argued in Strategy and Command: The First Two Years that “The early war plans were little more than abstract exercises and bore little relation to actual events.” 1 However, this thesis will show that the long held belief that the early war plans devised in the late 19 th and earlier 20 th centuries were exercises in futility is a mistaken one. The early color coded war plans served purposes far beyond that of just exercising the minds and intellect of the United States most gifted and talented military leaders. Rather, given the demands imposed by advances in military warfare and technology, contingency war planning was a necessary precaution required of all responsible powers at the dawn of the 20 th century. Also contrary to previous assumptions, America’s contingency war planning was a realistic response to the course of domestic and international affairs. The advanced war plan scenarios were based on actual real world alliances and developments in international relations, this truth defies previous criticisms that early war planners were not cognizant of world affairs or developments in U.S. bilateral relations with other nations. 2 This thesis reveals that the U.S. military’s color coded war plans were part of a clear, continuous evolution of American military strategy culminating in the creation of Rainbow Five, the Allied plan for victory during the Second World War. -
The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications Ann Van Wynen Thomas
Louisiana Law Review Volume 30 | Number 4 June 1970 The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications Ann Van Wynen Thomas A. J. Thomas Jr. Repository Citation Ann Van Wynen Thomas and A. J. Thomas Jr., The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications, 30 La. L. Rev. (1970) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol30/iss4/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE-LEGAL IMPLICATIONS Ann Van Wynen Thomas* A. J. Thomas, Jr.** BACKGROUND A discussion of the Monroe Doctrine today is approached with some trepidation by the wary, for the revered dogma ("I believe in the Monroe Doctrine, in our Constitution and in the laws of God") 1 often described as "the first and most fundamental" of the foreign policies of the United States and a protector of the Western Hemisphere from extracontinental aggression has,2 in recent years, been subjected to bitter attack. It has been called moribund, obsolete, verbiage,3 a name so hateful to Latin Ameri- the United States fears to mention it much less in- can ears that 4 voke it because of its abrasive effect on continental relations. Possibly the most devastating assault emanated from Mr. Khru- shchev of the Soviet Union when he proclaimed: "We consider that the Monroe Doctrine has outlived its time . -
Key Terms in US History
Key Terms in US History The Thirteen Colonies and the British Empire 1607-1750 Colonies: corporate, royal, proprietary Wampanoags Regions: South, Chesapeake, Middle, New England Metacom; King Phillip’s War Early attempts at colonization: Roanoake Restoration Colonies: Carolinas; New York; New Jersey Jamestown Rice and indigo The Starving Time Tobacco Lord Baltimore New York Act of Toleration (1649) Quakerism Virginia William Penn Sir William Berkeley “holy experiment” Bacon’s Rebellion Georgia Indentured servitude James Oglethorpe Headright system Mercantilism Slavery (rise of) Navigation Acts Rhode Island Dominion of New England Roger Williams Sir Edmund Andros Anne Hutchinson Glorious Revolution (1688) Antinomianism Triangular trade Connecticut Middle passage Fundamental Orders of Connecticut (1639) Half-way Covenant New England Confederation Salem Trials, 1692 Colonial Society in the 18th c. Immigrants: English, Germans, Scots-Irish, Africans Poor Richard’s Almanac Characteristics: English culture dominates; self-gov’t; no Phyllis Wheatley hereditary aristocracy (a meritocracy); religious toleration (to John Bartram an extent); social mobility Education: sectarian/non-sectarian Religions: Congregationalists, Anglicans, etc. Education: sectarian/non-sectarian Established church Professions: medicine, religion, law Colonial family life Newspapers Economics…varies by region/topography…cash-poor b/c of John Peter Zenger reliance on imports from England Great Awakening Colonial governors and legislatures Jonathon Edwards & George Whitefield -
Neo-Conservatism and Foreign Policy
University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository Master's Theses and Capstones Student Scholarship Fall 2009 Neo-conservatism and foreign policy Ted Boettner University of New Hampshire, Durham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/thesis Recommended Citation Boettner, Ted, "Neo-conservatism and foreign policy" (2009). Master's Theses and Capstones. 116. https://scholars.unh.edu/thesis/116 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses and Capstones by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Neo-Conservatism and Foreign Policy BY TED BOETTNER BS, West Virginia University, 2002 THESIS Submitted to the University of New Hampshire in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Science September, 2009 UMI Number: 1472051 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI" UMI Microform 1472051 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. -
Still the American Century
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1999 Still the American Century BRUCE CUMINGS At the inception of the twenty-first century—not to mention the next millennium— books on ‘the American Century’ proliferate monthly, if not daily.1 We now have The American Century Dictionary, The American Century Thesaurus, and even The American Century Cookbook; perhaps the American Century baseball cap or cologne is not far behind. With one or two exceptions, the authors celebrate the unipolar pre-eminence and comprehensive economic advantage that the United States now enjoys. Surveys of public opinion show that most people agree: the American wave appears to be surging just as the year 2000 beckons. Unemployment and inflation are both at twenty-year lows, sending economists (who say you can’t get lows for both at the same time) back to the drawing board. The stock market roars past the magic 10,000 mark, and the monster federal budget deficit of a decade ago miraculously metamorphoses into a surplus that may soon reach upwards of $1 trillion. Meanwhile President William Jefferson Clinton, not long after a humiliating impeachment, is rated in 1999 as the best of all postwar presidents in conducting foreign policy (a dizzying ascent from eighth place in 1994), according to a nationwide poll by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations. This surprising result might also, of course, bespeak inattention: when asked to name the two or three most important foreign policy issues facing the US, fully 21 per cent of the public couldn’t think of one (they answered ‘don’t know’), and a mere seven per cent thought foreign policy issues were important to the nation.2 But who cares, when all is for the best in the best of all possible worlds? If this intoxicating optimism is commonplace today, it would have seemed demented just a few short years ago: back then, the scholars and popular pundits who are supposed to know the occult science of international affairs were full of dread about American decline and Japanese and German advance. -
American Foreign Policy Toward International Law and Organizations: 1898-1917
Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review Volume 6 Number 2 Article 1 3-1-1983 American Foreign Policy toward International Law and Organizations: 1898-1917 Francis A. Boyle Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Francis A. Boyle, American Foreign Policy toward International Law and Organizations: 1898-1917, 6 Loy. L.A. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 185 (1983). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr/vol6/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LOYOLA OF LOS ANGELES INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW JOURNAL VOLUME 6 1983 NUMBER 2 American Foreign Policy Toward International Law and Organizations: 1898-1917* FRANCIS A. BOYLE** TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION .............................................. 187 A. PoliticalRealism ........................................ 187 B. Legalism-Moralism ..................................... 188 C. The Legalist Approach to InternationalRelations ......... 190 II. AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD INTERNATIONAL LAW AND ORGANIZATIONS ........................................ 198 A. American Legalism as a Reaction to the Spanish-American War .................................................... 198 B. American Legalism as a Rejection of the European Balance of Power System ........................................ 201 C The American Legalist War Prevention Programfor World P olitics .................................................. 204 1. A system for the obligatory arbitration of interna- tional disputes ....................................... 207 a. the First Hague Peace Conference ................ 207 * Copyright 1983 by Francis A. -
The League That Wasn't
stephen wertheim The League That Wasn’t: American Designs for a Legalist-Sanctionist League of Nations and the Intellectual Origins of International Organization, 1914–1920* In 1919 “isolationism” was a word not yet in circulation, much less a disposition seen as the principal antagonist of a new Wilsonian “internationalism.” One could be forgiven for assuming otherwise. So many narratives of the political fight over the League of Nations portray President Woodrow Wilson as the embodiment of a monolithic U.S. internationalism that represented the only meaningful alternative to traditional isolationism. Such books, produced even today but first written surrounding World War II—when “isolationism” entered common usage and “internationalism” came to connote nonisolationism—tell the defeat of the Versailles Treaty as a two-sided morality tale. Wilson’s retro- spective sympathizers tar League opponents for hewing to naïve nonentangle- ment, hidebound nationalism, or greedy partisanship. Realist critics, meanwhile, offer no less simple a schematization, seeing their naysaying selves in Wilson’s contemporaneous foes.1 The twilight of the Cold War illuminated some creative intellectual positions among League opponents. Ralph Stone showed that senators irreconcilable to Wilson’s Treaty of Versailles championed international engagement nonethe- *My thanks to Benjamin Coates, Matthew Connelly, John Milton Cooper, Robert David Johnson, Ernest May, Mark Mazower, Adam McKeown, Thomas Meaney, Stefano Recchia, Simon Stevens, and the anonymous reviewers -
Wilson, Bush, and the Evolution of Liberal Foreign Policy
M A SS A C H USE tt S I N S T I T U T E O F T EC H NOLOGY M A SS A C H USE tt S I N S T I T U T E O F T EC H NOLOGY April 2008 MI T C EN T E R F O R I N T ERN at ION A L St U D IES 08-04 of the Conventional Wisdom The Audit of Wilson, Bush, and the Conventional Wisdom Evolution of Liberal Foreign Policy In this series of essays, MIT’s Center Tony Smith for International Studies tours the Tufts University horizon of conventional wisdoms that define U.S. foreign policy, and put them to the test of data and history. By subjecting particularly well-accepted he first subject to discuss in considering the future of the liberal inter- ideas to close scrutiny, our aim is Tnationalist agenda is the importance of the democratization project to re-engage policy and opinion leaders on topics that are too easily passing to the definition of Wilsonianism. The second is the meaning of multilat- such scrutiny. We hope that this will lead to further debate and inquiries, eralism. In the first case, Thomas Knock and Anne-Marie Slaughter argue with a result we can all agree on: in a forthcoming volume that democratization was never an important part better foreign policies that lead to a more peaceful and prosperous world. of Wilsonianism; that, instead, multilateralism is the key to liberal interna- Authors in this series are available to the press and policy community.