Death is Only the Beginning
Egyptian funerary customs at the Macquarie Museum of Ancient Cultures
Edited by Yann Tristant and Ellen M. Ryan The Australian Centre for Egyptology A Division of the Macquarie University Ancient Cultures Research Centre
Studies 11 Death is Only the Beginning
Egyptian funerary customs at the Macquarie Museum of Ancient Cultures
Edited by Yann Tristant and Ellen M. Ryan
Photographs by Effy Alexakis
With contributions by Susanne Binder, Jacinta Carruthers, Malcolm Choat, Julien Cooper, Victoria Cottle, Mia Dardengo, Aaron de Souza, Leonie Donovan, Christopher J. Davey, Linda Evans, Adam Fazzolari, Eleonora Ferretti, Eve Guerry, Coral Hardwick, Mary Hartley, Rebecca Hibberd, Eva Hoek, Naguib Kanawati, Nicolle Leary, Conni Lord, James Mclellan, Boyo Ockinga, Michael Rampe, Ellen M. Ryan, Olivier P. Rochecouste, Katie Shead, Meredith C. Stewart, Yann Tristant, Mikaila Walker and Alexandra Woods
Concept and project development by Yann Tristant and Ellen M. Ryan
Graphic conception and design by Leonie Donovan © Y. Tristant and E.M. Ryan 2017. All rights reserved
ISBN: 978-0-85668-852-2
Published in England by: Aris and Phillips Ltd. Park End Place, Oxford OX1 1HN Foreword
Founded in 1973, the Museum of Ancient Cultures (originally the History Teaching Collection) is now a leading museum at Macquarie University. Since its conception, the museum’s stated vision and continued purpose has been to open the ancient world to the modern mind. Archaeological materials are key to this mission, transcending temporal and socio-cultural bounds through the rich insights they offer into the complexities of ancient societies and those who lived within them. Sharing the knowledge these materials contain and encouraging the academic curiosity in students and the wider public has also formed a central tenet of the museum’s philosophy. The project, Death is Only the Beginning, and this resultant catalogue could not be a more fi tting representation of this vision. It is testament to the ongoing legacy of the museum’s founding members and Macquarie University’s expertise in Egyptian Archaeology, due in no small part to Prof. Naguib Kanawati, founder of both the Australian Centre for Egyptology and the Rundle Foundation for Egyptian Archaeology. The project, led by Dr Yann Tristant, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Ancient History and a member of the Ancient Cultures Research Centre, and Ellen Ryan, a doctoral candidate in the Department of Ancient History, details 72 Ancient Egyptian artefacts from the museum’s approximated 4700 genuine and replicated artefacts with the use of pioneering technologies such as 3D scanning and online platforms. The catalogue is authored by academic staff and students, showcasing both the expertise of Faculty of Arts academics and burgeoning student scholarship, in an original and innovative approach to creating meaningful learning experiences. More than a mere cataloguing of items, this project is one of exploration that gives extraordinary insight to the practices of Ancient Egyptians and into their inner lives, including their theological and metaphysical conceptions about existence and mortality. The stories told therein are at times individual, at times cultural, but always enthralling in their revelation of foreign and far yet increasingly familiar lives. This catalogue coincides with a new venture for the Faculty of Arts, the building of a new Arts Precinct and the merging of the Museum of Ancient Cultures and the Australian History Museum into one state-of- the-art museum facility. This new facility will see all collections digitized into the EMu collection management system, interactive displays created through digital technologies and online external access to the collections, creating a source of knowledge, ideas, stories and memories to inspire, educate and inform the Macquarie University community, visitors and the wider community alike. Death is Only the Beginning is an exciting preview of the possibilities this new venture will bring through its combination of innovative technology, passionate scholarship and student skill, serving to bring the ancient past ever closer to the modern world. Prof. Martina Möllering Executive Dean Faculty of Arts
v Contents
Preface The origins of the tomb in Egypt Prof. Martina Möllering, Yann Tristant 40 Executive Dean, Faculty of Arts v ABU RAWASH PROJECT Contents vi Yann Tristant 46
Photographic credits viii DENDARA NECROPOLIS PROJECT Yann Tristant 52 Foreword Dr Ian Plant, Mortuary culture in the provinces: Head of the Department of Ancient History ix the example of Beni Hassan Naguib Kanawati 56 Acknowledgements Yann Tristant and Ellen M. Ryan x BENI HASSAN Naguib Kanawati 66 Introduction Yann Tristant and Ellen M. Ryan 1 MEIR PROJECT Naguib Kanawati 67 PART ONE The tomb of Memi An insight into the use of three-dimensional Naguib Kanawati 68 scanning for the Death is Only the beginning catalogue ‘Art’, aesthetics and the functioning image Jacinta Carruthers, Adam Fazzolari, in ancient Egyptian elite tombs Coral Hardwick and Olivier P. Rochecouste 6 Alexandra Woods and Nicolle Leary 74
PEDESTAL Thebes in the New Kingdom Michael Rampe 9 Boyo Ockinga 84
The Egyptian collection in MACQUARIE THEBAN TOMBS PROJECT the Museum of Ancient Cultures at Boyo Ockinga 87 Macquarie University Yann Tristant and Ellen M. Ryan 12 Unwrapping mummifi cation techniques in Ancient Egypt The origin of the Egyptian collection of the Jacinta Carruthers 88 Australian Institute of Archaeology Christopher J. Davey 18 STRANGERS IN A STRANGE LAND Yann Tristant 98 Ancient Egyptian concepts of death and the afterlife Animals in Ancient Egypt: roles in life and death Boyo Ockinga 22 Mary Hartley, Conni Lord and Linda Evans 100
The Osiris myth Funerary texts Boyo Ockinga 34 Julien Cooper 110
THE PRINCIPAL GODS OF ANCIENT EGYPT 39 vi PART TWO: CATALOGUE Cat. 38. Stela of the scribe Kaemwaset Pottery Cat. 39. Limestone fragment with a Aaron de Souza 124 Hymn to Amun Cat. 40. Fragment of a stela Cat. 1. Ovoid Black-Topped jar Cat. 41. Relief of Anubis Cat. 2. Black-Topped beaker Cat. 42. Stela of Ta-Aru Cat. 3. White Cross-Lined bowl Cat. 43. Stela of a priest in the temple of Amun Cat. 4. Decorated jar at Karnak, Nefertem Cat. 5. Globular vessel Cat. 44. Fragment of a stela Cat. 6. Decorated Wavy Handle jar Cat. 45 and 46. Funerary cones Cat. 7, 8 and 9. Cylindrical jars Cat. 47. Funerary cone of Merymose Cat. 10. Wine jar Cat. 48. Inscribed panel of a wooden shabti box Cat. 11. Beer jar Cat. 49. Sarcophagus panel Cat. 12. Beer jar Cat. 50. Statue of Osiris Cat. 13. Elongated jar Cat. 51. Lid of a coffi n Cat. 14. Flaring neck jar Cat. 52. Lid of an ibis coffi n Cat. 15. Piriform bottle Cat. 53. Heart scarab amulet Cat. 16. Rough ware cup Cat. 54. Papyrus fragment section of Cat. 17. Squat jar Chapter 125, Book of the Dead Cat. 18. Squat jug with loop handle Religion and magic Funerary equipment Eve Guerry 250 Susanne Binder 162 Cat. 55. Amulet of Anubis Cat. 19. Head of Memi, governor of Akhmim province Cat. 56. Amulet of Thoth Cat. 20. Statue of Memi, Cat. 57. Amulet of Sobek governor of Akhmim province Cat. 58. Amulet of Nephthys Cat. 21. Face fragment from a statue of Memi, Cat. 59. Amulet of a cat governor of Akhmim province Cat. 60. Necklace with Amulets Cat. 22. Figurine Cat. 61. Amulet of a Pataikos Cat. 23. Ceremonial scepter (Sekhem) Cat. 62. Amulet of Bes Cat. 24. Wooden shabti Cat. 63. Mould for the production Cat. 25. Apis-bull headed shabti of a faience amulet Cat. 26. Shabti Cat. 64. Taweret fi gurine Cat. 27 and 28. Shabtis Cat. 65. Apis bull Cat. 29. Fragment of a stone coffi n Cat. 66. Votive statuette Cat. 30. Necklace of faience beads Cat. 67. Bronze bust of Isis Cat. 31. Necklace Cat. 68. Inscribed plate Cat. 32. Necklace of Faience tubular beads Cat. 69. Frog oil lamp Cat. 33. Cartonnage fragment Cat. 70 and 71. Papyri from mummy cartonnage Cat. 34. Hand cartonnage Cat. 72. Coptic ritual codex Cat. 35. Textile Chronology and Map of Ancient Egypt 292 Funerary texts Ellen M. Ryan 200 Bibliography 294 Cat. 36. False-door jamb of Niankhre Cat. 37. Stela of a family of potters
vii Unwrapping mummification techniques in Ancient Egypt
Preserving the physical body for the afterlife is one of the most fundamental aspects of ancient Egyptian ideology. Despite the relative wealth of bioarchaeological evidence, there are relatively few textual and pictorial sources that explicitly document the post-mortem physical and chemical alterations made to the human body during the mummifi cation process. Recent scientifi c analysis of bioarchaeological material, experimentation on modern specimens, and the application of computerised tomography (CT) technology, have provided valuable insights into the principal preservation techniques of excerebration,1 evisceration2 and desiccation of the body. The study of mummifi cation techniques reveals a development of methods over time, often with multiple processes being practiced simultaneously. Furthermore, advancements in artifi cial mummifi cation techniques are accompanied by increasing ideological complexity surrounding the preservation of the body, the afterlife, and the funerary assemblage required to transport the individual to the afterlife. Sources and Limitations of Evidence Mummifi cation is thought to have been practiced in Egypt for a period of nearly 5000 years, yet surprisingly, no contemporary textual or pictorial evidence detailing the post-mortem surgical procedures involved in the mummifi cation process have been found.3 Textual sources dating from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, however, do provide some insight into the mummifi cation process. The Rhind Magical Papyrus and two Theban hieratic papyri commonly referred to as the ‘Ritual of Embalming’ provide a number of details about rituals performed during the mummifi cation process.4 Rare scenes of mummifi cation can be found on the wooden coffi ns of Djedbasteriufankh from el-Hibeh dating to approximately 500 BCE (Fig. 1). These scenes portray the corpse as a silhouette being anointed, purifi ed, and awaiting the embalming Fig. 1. Scenes of mummifi cation
1 on the wooden coffi n of Removal of the brain. Djedbasteriufankh, el-Hibeh. 2 Removal of internal organs. 3 Jones et al. 2014: 12. 4 Papyrus Boulaq III and Louvre 5.158; Birch 1863; Goyon 1972; Sternberg-el Hotabi 1998 See also David 2008: 11; Shaw 2012: 79.
88 procedure.5 However, the textual and pictorial sources remain largely silent on the methods and techniques employed by the ancient Egyptian embalmer. It is not until the works of classical authors Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, writing in the 5th and 1st centuries BCE, that the fi rst detailed description of the mummifi cation process emerges, though still lacking in regards to the surgical procedures involved.6 The limitations of the textual and pictorial evidence highlight the critical importance of bioarchaeological remains for reconstructing the embalming and mummifi cation process.7 Earliest Evidence of Mummifi cation During the Predynastic and the Early Dynastic periods Traditionally, scholarship has tended to either sensationalise or oversimplify the burial practices of the Predynastic and Early Dynastic periods. They are often viewed as pre-cursors to the development of more elaborate and sophisticated methods of artifi cial preservation typical of later periods of Egyptian history. However, recent excavations and studies have revealed the existence of an exceedingly complex set of burial rituals being practiced throughout the Predynastic and Early Dynastic periods, including some of the earliest known attempts at artifi cial mummifi cation. Burials dating from the early Predynastic period typically consist of simple shallow pits dug directly into the ground, the body was then placed in the foetal position lying on the left side with the head positioned south, the face orientated to the west and the contracted body often wrapped in reed or textile matting.8 These burials often resulted in complete skeletonisation due to their direct exposure to the desert sand and the arid Egyptian climate. However, a large number of Predynastic human remains have been found in which the soft tissues–including hair, fi ngernails, and internal organs–remain remarkably well preserved, possibly indicating post-mortem physical or chemical alteration.9 Whilst, ‘true’ artifi cial preservation is thought to begin in the Old Kingdom, recent analysis of data from Predynastic sites calls for a revision of the ‘origins’ of artifi cial mummifi cation in ancient Egypt.10
5 Taylor 2010b: 27. The majority of coffi ns are now housed in the Roemer-und Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim. 6 Herodotus, Histories II, 86-89; Diodorus Siculus Histories I, 91. 7 For studies and experimentation in mummifi cation techniques see Sudhoff 1911; Leek 1969, see Patterson’s Appendix II in Leek 1969; see also Ikram and López Grande 2011 for details of a Middle Kingdom embalming cache. 8 Many variants occurred during this period, especially regional differences between Upper and Lower Egypt, and the positioning and orientation of the body. Unfortunately, the shallow and simple nature of many poorer Predynastic burials means they are attested less frequently. See Adams 1998: 7. 9 Adams 1998: 7; Ikram and Dodson 1998: 108; Aufderheide 2003: 219–220. 10 Jones et al. 2014.
89 Excavations at the Predynastic cemetery HK43 at Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt have shed new light on the complex nature of Predynastic burial practices. A number of intact burials dating to the Naqada IIA–C period were discovered displaying evidence of post-mortem physico- chemical alterations, specifi cally the practice of ritual wrapping, the application of preservative resins and the manipulation of internal organs.11 The burials from HK43 are typical of the Predynastic period, as the bodies were wrapped in a textile shroud and placed in a fl exed position within shallow pit graves lined with textile matting.12 But in three of these burials, nos 16, 71 and 85, 8–10 layers of rectangular pieces of resin-soaked textile were systematically layered and moulded to the base of the skull, the jaw, the chin and the hands, to a thickness of approximately 10 cm (Fig. 2).13 An additional three burials, nos 71, 44 and 28, display evidence of the manipulation, and possibly, early attempts at the preservation of internal organs through the careful wrapping of the organs in resin soaked textiles.14 Prior to this discovery, the deliberate wrapping and re-insertion of internal organs was only attested in the archaeological record in the 20th Dynasty.15 Excavations at Badari and Mostagedda revealed similar evidence of the use of resin-impregnated textiles for the wrapping of the heads of 7 individuals and the application of textile padding to mould the hands of 1 individual, all of which date from the Late Predynastic period.16 This confi rms Fig. 2. that the wrapping of bodies in resin-soaked linen was not an isolated HK 43 burial 85: note the bundle occurrence, but rather, appears to have been practiced at a number of of linen at the base of the head, sites.17 Microscopical and chemical analysis was conducted on the resin- linen wrapping around the neck impregnated textile revealed relative consistency in terms of both type and jaw, below the reed matting and quantity of components.18 These ingredients contained antibacterial the hands have been wrapped in agents used in similar proportions to those used at the height of artifi cial linen (Friedman et al. 1999).
11 Burials 16, 71 and 85 are all burials of females. See Friedman et al. 2002: 55, 64–64; Jones 2004: 980–981. 12 Friedman et al. 2002: 65; Jones 2004: 982. 13 Friedman et al. 2002: 65; Jones 2004: 982. 14 Friedman 2002: 66. 15 Jones 2004: 984. 16 Brunton and Caton-Thompson 1924: 19; Jones 2004: 982; Jones et al. 2014: 1. 17 Jones 2004: 983. 18 The typical constituents of the resins consisted of a plant oil or animal fat ‘base’ with the inclusion of a conifer resin, aromatic plant extract, wax, and a plant gum/sugar. For a more detailed discussion of chemical compounds/ ingredients refer to Jones 2014: 12.
90 mummifi cation in later dynastic periods.19 As such, these examples of selective resin-soaked textile application, localised soft-tissue preservation, and manipulation of internal organs reveal early attempts at artifi cial preservation or ‘proto-mummifi cation’, thus pushing back the origins of mummifi cation in ancient Egypt by approximately 1500 years.20 Evidence for the post-mortem alteration of the body during the Early Dynastic period is limited–very few bodies have survived, and early reports and studies are substantially lacking in terms of methods of scientifi c enquiry.21 Evidence of attempts at artifi cial mummifi cation from this period was previously limited to the sites of Tarkhan and Saqqara. These sites contained bodies dating from the 1st and 2nd Dynasties that were found wrapped in textile bandaging, and suggest the application of resin and natron.22 However, a recent microscopic examination of textiles from the tomb of Djer at Umm el-Qaab, Abydos, revealed the presence of a resinous substance on the bandages.23 This provides the fi rst tangible evidence that bandaging of elite individuals with resin-impregnated textiles was occurring during this period, and may possibly have been standardised practice.24 The Development of Mummifi cation Techniques During the Old Kingdom Unfortunately, few mummies survive from the Old Kingdom, thus evidence of artifi cial preservation is relatively scant.25 However, analysis of the surviving bodies reveals that several methods of artifi cial preservation were used in this period. Methods range from the simple wrapping and bandaging of the body in multiple layers of linen, to the application of gypsum plaster and resin soaked linen for the modelling of the exterior features, particularly the face, limbs and genitalia.26 These techniques reveal that great emphasis was placed on preserving the exterior form and appearance of the body in the Old Kingdom, as seen in the mummy of Nefer from Saqqara, and the mummy of Ranefer from Meidum (4th– 5th Dynasty) (Fig. 3).27 Yet these methods proved unsatisfactory, as under the elaborate exterior of the mummy, the soft tissues continued Fig. 3. Mummy of Ranefer to decompose. A successful method of artifi cial preservation thus still (Smith 1906: pl. III, fi g. 1). needed to be developed. A major step in this process was the introduction of the evisceration of the abdominal and thoracic cavities, which reduced the body’s susceptibility to putrefaction. Antecedents to the preservation
19 Jones 2014: 12. 20 Jones 2014: 12; David 2008: 12; Taylor 2010: 29. 21 Ikram and Dodson 2009: 109; Jones 2004: 985; Adams 1998: 10. 22 Petrie 1914b: 6–10; Quibell 1923: 11; 19, 28, 32, pl. XXIX.3. 23 The forearm is now housed at the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, University College, L.ondon 24 Jones 2004: 987; Adams 1998: 10; David 2008: 12–13. 25 David 2009: 13; Taylor 2010: 32. 26 Taylor 2010b: 32. 27 Moussa and Altenmüller 1971; Ikram and Dodson 1998: 111.
91 and manipulation of internal organs are evident from the Predynastic period.28 However, the evisceration of the corpse and the external preservation of the viscera in canopic equipment is the principal development of artifi cial mummifi cation during the Old Kingdom.29 The exact method by which the organs were removed still remains a mystery, as no textual or pictorial evidence has been found which provides details of the evisceration process.30 As such, information regarding this procedure has been reconstructed from bioarchaeological evidence and modern medical experimentation.31 Typically, an incision was made in the lower left abdomen, as this provided greater access to the descending colon and aided in the removal of the internal organs.32 The embalmer removed all of the internal organs excluding the heart and occasionally the kidneys. The heart Fig. 4. was left in the body for ritual and religious purposes, whilst scholars have Calcite canopic box of Hetepheres I, Tomb G7000X suggested that due to the kidney’s positioning behind the peritoneum (Reisner 1928: 80). they were often overlooked by the embalmer and thus were accidently left in the abdominal cavity. Traditionally, the lungs, liver, stomach and small intestines were removed, preserved separately and placed in canopic chests (or in later periods canopic jars), with the remaining organs either being left in the body or discarded.33 During this period the body is no longer buried in a contracted position, but rather in an extended position. This shift in positioning is believed to have directly coincided with the evisceration of the corpse, as placing the body in the extended position would have assisted in the removal of the internal organs.34 The earliest known example of evisceration and the separate preservation of the viscera in canopic equipment, dates from the 4th Dynasty Tomb of Queen Hetepheres I (G7000X).35 The tomb contained a sealed calcite box with four compartments, each of which accommodated a fl at linen package that held traces of organic material, probably viscera (Fig. 4).36 Three of the four compartments contained traces of liquefi ed natron, a natural salt which would function as the principal dehydration
28 See HK43 above. 29 Adams 1998: 13; David 2009: 14; Taylor 2010: 31. 30 Textual sources which discuss the evisceration process are limited to the brief account provided by Diodorus Siculus in its Histories I, 91. See also Brier and Wade 2001: 120. 31 The most notable study in the process of evisceration and excerebration is that of Brier and Wade 2001. 32 Brier and Wade 2001: 119–120. 33 Rühli et al. 2015: 105. See Dodson 1994 and Rühli 2015 for descriptions of the use of canopic equipment 34 David 2009: 14. 35 Reisner 1928: 80–81. 36 Lucas 1932: 127; Reisner and Smith 1955: 22–23; Taylor 2010: 31.
92 agent in the mummifi cation process of later periods.37 This practice is paralleled at the sites of Giza, Saqqara and Meidum and appears to have become a standardised feature in the mummifi cation process from the Old Kingdom onwards.38 The Establishment of Excerebration during the First Intermediate period and the Middle Kingdom Mummifi ed remains from the First Intermediate period are relatively scarce, however, the majority of those that have survived typically show evidence of evisceration, excerebration, desiccation of the body through the use of natron and the application of a thin layer of resin to the surface of the skin.39 The process of dehydration during this period still often remained minimal and the application of resin to the skin only assisted in partial preservation, which frequently resulted in the continued decomposition of the soft tissues.40 From the 6th–7th Dynasties individual bandaging of the extremities and the modelling of facial features in resin- soaked linen ceased to be practiced.41 Instead, mummies from the First Intermediate period and the Middle Kingdom are typically wrapped as a single bundle with only the head protruding, frequently covered by a cartonnage mask.42 It is from this period that the ‘classic’ mummiform fi gure emerges in the archaeological record. Middle Kingdom mummifi ed remains display a variety of artifi cial preservation methods. The majority of bodies show evidence of evisceration through an incision made in the lower left abdomen, however, several mummies excavated at Deir el Bahri—specifi cally those of Princess Henhenet and Queen Ashayet (DBXI.24 and 26)—suggest that evisceration could also be achieved via the rectum.43 It has been proposed that a form of oleo-resin may have been injected into the anus so as to dissolve the internal organs, a technique very similar to that which is described by Herodotus.44 However, this theory is controversial, as evidence of protrusion of viscera through the recta could in fact be the consequence of the partial decomposition of the body.45
37 See Reisner and Smith 1955: 22–23 for the discussion of the placement of viscera in mastaba-tomb wall niches of high offi cials from Meidum, either earlier than or contemporary to the calcite box in the tomb of Hetepheres I. 38 Parallel use of canopic equipment include: Queen Meresankh III G7530A displayed in the Museum of Fine Arts Boston (MFA 27.1551.1); King Pepi I from the Pyramid at Saqqara currently displayed in the Imhotep Museum in Saqqara; and Ranefer excavated at Meidum. 39 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 113. 40 David 2009: 14. 41 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 113. 42 Taylor 2010b: 33. 43 Winlock 1921: 37–52; Ikram and Dodson 1998:114. 44 Herodotus, Histories II, 88; Diodorus Siculus Histories I, 91; Ikram and Dodson 1998: 115. 45 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 115; David 2009: 14.
93 The greatest advancement in artifi cial preservation techniques during this period is the establishment of the practice of excerebration–the removal of the brain. It was previously thought that excerebration was not practiced until the New Kingdom, in the mid to late 18th Dynasty. However, two Middle Kingdom skull specimens from Lisht and two from Dashur display clear evidence of the practice of excerebration.46 All four specimens have sustained substantial damage to the nasal passage and septum whilst the ethmoid bone and cribriform plate have clearly been perforated.47 Small remnants of brain tissue remain in the cranial cavity of all four specimens, whilst the cranial cavities of the two specimens from Dashur contain the remains of resin-soaked linen packing. From these examples it is clear that excerebration was being practiced during the Middle Kingdom, even if the techniques of brain removal were not perfected until the New Kingdom.48 Second Intermediate period and the New Kingdom––The ‘Classic Phase’ of Mummifi cation Mummifi ed remains dating from the Second Intermediate period are limited, however, of the few examples that have survived, excerebration, individual bandaging of the limbs and the application of excessive amounts of resin and oils appear to have been the principal post-mortem preservative techniques employed.49 The beginning of the New Kingdom marked what scholars term the ‘classic phase’ of mummifi cation–– techniques and procedures employed by the ancient Egyptian embalmer achieved some of the greatest results in terms of soft tissue preservation.50 As a result, the New Kingdom provides a wealth of bioarchaeological evidence for analysis. It is during this period that mummifi cation became highly monopolised, and a number of varying forms appear to have been simultaneously practiced on both royal and non-royal individuals. Bioarchaeological evidence from this period largely corresponds to Fig. 5. the three forms of mummifi cation described by both Herodotus and Three long-handled bronze tools Diodorus Siculus, with principal differences being the quality and level of with hook shaped ends used in expenditure associated with preservation techniques.51 the excerebration process, In the New Kingdom, the practice of excerebration was widely Late Period, National Museum of Antiquities, Leiden, AB 140d. established. Herodotus specifi es the use of an “iron hook” (Fig. 5) and the injection of some form of drugs via the nasal passage to aid in the
46 The specimens excavated from Lisht are currently housed in the Department of Anthropology at the Smithsonian Institution, whilst the specimens from Dashur were excavated by the German Archaeological Institute in Cairo (Strouhal 1986: 142–144). 47 Strouhal 1986: 143–144. 48 See Leek’s discussion of skulls from Giza (4th Dynasty) that may show evidence of experimentation with excerebration (Leek 1980: 37, 44). Note that there is some question about their provenance. See also Strouhal 1986: 146. 49 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 117. 50 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 118; Papageorgopoulou et al. 2015: 982. 51 Herodotus, Histories II, 87; Adams 1998: 30.
94 removal of brain tissue.52 Both bioarchaeological evidence and medical studies conducted on modern specimens largely confi rm Herodotus’ description.53 Access to the cranial cavity is thought to have been achieved via the nasal passage through the perforation of the ethmoid bone. The brain was then macerated using a form of wire hook and the cranial cavity was irrigated to facilitate the drainage of the brain tissue via the frontal lobe and the openings created in the nasal cavity. Once drained, the cranial cavity was then swabbed clean with linen.54 This method of excerebration became standard practice from the 18th Dynasty onwards.55 The location of the evisceration incision gradually changed during the New Kingdom whilst suturing (the stitching together of a surgical incision), the application of resin, and the use of incision plates to seal the abdominal opening, became increasingly common (Fig. 6).56 Typically, the internal organs were removed and treated with natron, spices and resin before being individually wrapped and placed in canopic vessels. However, from the 20th Dynasty onwards, the preserved viscera began to be returned to the body cavity. The body was then washed with water and palm wine, and fi lled with a combination of: natron for desiccation, Fig. 6. ground myrrh and cassia to mask the smell of putrefaction, Evisceration incision on the lower linen for the absorption of bodily fl uids, and resin for its antibacterial left abdomen which has been properties.57 Following this, the body was then embalmed in natron for a sutured closed period of 70 days.58 (Smith 1906: pl. XI, fi g.1). Modern studies and experimentation of ancient Egyptian techniques of soft tissue preservation have revealed that although the body would be far from desiccated at day 30 of the dehydration process, the most signifi cant changes to the soft tissues occurred within the fi rst 25–38 days of their exposure to natron.59 Histological and biomolecular analysis of the soft tissues of a lower limb artifi cially preserved in natron demonstrated that fl uid was gradually removed from the soft tissues by the surrounding natron. This process of artifi cial dehydration prevented the post-mortem decay of the body, and the biological deterioration of the skin and soft tissues through fungal and bacterial attack.60 This supports the procedure described by Diodorus: in that the body would
52 Herodotus, Histories II, 87. 53 For experimentation in methods and techniques of excerebration, see Brier and Wade 2001. 54 Brier and Wade 2001: 120–121. 55 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 118. 56 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 118–119. 57 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 119. 58 Herodotus, Histories II, 87. This period of embalming of 70 days is also stated in the The King’s Tale, pBerlin 13588; Ikram and Dodson 1998: 119. 59 Papageorgopoulou et al. 2015: 982. 60 Papageorgopoulou et al. 2015: 986.
95 be placed in natron for approximately 35 days, and was then washed and rubbed with cedar oil, natron, wax and gum and dusted with spices.61 The nose was often plugged with resin, pieces of linen were often placed under the eyelids, and the body was coated with a fi nal layer of resin, bandaged with linen and left for another 40 days, allowing the stabilisation of the soft tissues This meticulous treatment of the skin resulted in a superior level of tissue preservation which is characteristic of New Kingdom royal mummies. The most signifi cant innovation during this period was the subcutaneous packing of the body. This process involved making a number of minor incisions over the body, facilitating the dissection of the plane between the skin and the underlying muscles (Fig. 7). This would create a space between the two which could then be fi lled with foreign material, giving the corpse a full and lifelike appearance.62 It was previously thought that this practice fi rst began in the 21st Dynasty.63 However, recent studies have confi rmed evidence of subcutaneous packing in royal mummies dating from the 18th to the early 20th Dynasty.64 The Rhind Magical Papyrus lists 17 incisions65 which were to be made in the body to facilitate the subcutaneous fi lling, although the majority of mummies examined only display fi ve.66 The CT scan Fig. 7. analysis of 13 New Kingdom royal mummies revealed that subcutaneous Diagram illustrating places of packing frequently varied in terms of homogeneity and CT density, which incision used for the subcutaneous suggests that the fi lling consisted of a combination of materials including packing of the body resin, linen, sawdust, and a form of semi-liquid mud. These mummies (Smith 1914: 194, fi gs 1–3). showed no evidence that the soft tissues sustained any damage from the subcutaneous packing, which strongly suggests that the fi lling of the corpse was done whist the skin was relatively supple, prior to desiccation.67 The Technical Peak of Mummifi cation and its Subsequent Decline from the Third Intermediate Period to the Graeco-Roman Period The Third Intermediate period is often regarded as the period in which artifi cial mummifi cation reached its technical peak. This period
61 Adams 1998: 30. 62 Saleem and Hawass 2015: 301. 63 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 124–125. 64 Saleem and Hawass 2015. 301. Including Amenhotep III, Tutankhamun, Seti I and Ramesses II. 65 The 17 incisions are to be placed as follows: 7 in the face and head, 4 in the chest, 2 in the legs, 2 in the arms, 1 in the abdomen and 1 in the back. 66 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 124–125; Saleem and Hawass 2015: 301. 67 Saleem and Hawass 2015: 305.
96 sees a continuation of New Kingdom practices of excerebration, evisceration, subcutaneous packing and desiccation of the corpse, which resulted in an exceptional level of soft tissue preservation and a strikingly lifelike appearance of the corpse. It is thought that the restoration of royal mummies which occurred during the 21st Dynasty sparked greater innovation in preservation techniques. The Third Intermediate period thus saw further steps being taken to cosmetically enhance the corpse. These include: the addition of artifi cial eyes, hair extensions, detailed painting of facial features, the painting and dying of the skin, and the tying of fi nger and toe nails onto the digits so as to secure them during the desiccation process––all of which further heightened the lifelike appearance and natural bodily form of the corpse.68 After the Third Intermediate period, there is a general decline in mummifi cation techniques. Although packing of the body cavity continued to be practiced, the subcutaneous packing of the face and extremities gradually became less common.69 Excerebration and evisceration largely continued, however, the brain was frequently left in the cranial cavity, whilst the viscera were placed on top of the thighs rather than being returned to the body.70 Furthermore, from the Late period onwards mummies are frequently found with no abdominal evisceration incision, rather, the removal of the viscera via the anus began to become increasingly common.71 Overall, Fig. 8. the Late period can be characterised by a general Male mummy dating from the decline in techniques, with mummifi cation being increasingly performed Graeco-Roman period. The body in a somewhat hasty and careless manner. is now fairly decayed however, The Graeco-Roman period saw further decline in techniques of the elaborately painted shroud is preservation specifi cally in relation to the preservation of the underlying clearly visible (National Museum body. Instead, emphasis was placed on the exterior presentation of of Antiquities, Leiden, AMM 9). the mummy through the practice of elaborate and stylised bandaging patterns, gilding, the use of painted mummy portraits, and the heavy application of resin in an attempt to prevent the putrefaction of the underlying corpse (Fig. 8).72 In the 3rd– 4th centuries CE, excerebration and evisceration ceased completely; instead the body was simply coated
68 David 2008: 16; Taylor 2010: 33–34. 69 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 128; David 2008: 16. 70 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 128; David 2000: 374. 71 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 128. 72 Taylor 2010b: 35–36.
97 STRANGERS IN A STRANGE LAND
Th e aim of the project is to undertake scientifi c investigation age at death, morphological affi nity, stature and body mass, but of the Australian Museum’s Egyptian human remains housed also the post-mortem history of the individuals, in an attempt in the Museum of Ancient Cultures at Macquarie University, to assess the lives and deaths of these ancient Egyptians, and using non-invasive techniques, especially high resolution CT how their bodies were treated aft er death for eternity. Th e scanning. Designed to be an interdisciplinary project, it aims project also contributes to a broader discussion on the ‘modern to enhance the research partnership between the Department history’ of ancient Egyptian artefacts in museum collections, of Ancient History at Macquarie University, Macquarie specifi cally the journey of these ancient individuals from Egypt Medical Imaging and the Australian Museum. Th e project to Australia. has already yielded some important observations concerning a single mummifi ed human head and a mummifi ed human For more information: body. Gross morphological and radiological analyses of the Tristant et al 2014 specimens have yielded new information regarding gender, —YT
Fig. 9. CT scan analysis of a mummy from the Australian Museum at Macquarie Medical Imaging, Macquarie Hospital, for the Strangers in a Strange Land project. in a thick layer of resin.73 Mummifi cation continued in this simplifi ed fashion throughout the Coptic period until the Arab invasion in 64 CE. This saw the introduction of Islam to Egypt, the political and religious shift that this brought about, saw 5000 years of experimentation and practice of techniques of artifi cial mummifi cation gradually disappear from the archaeological record.74 Egyptian mummies continue to be a source of public fascination and scientifi c enquiry. The curiosity as to what lies beneath the wrappings has driven mummy studies for nearly 200 years. Through
73 David 2008: 17. 74 David 2008: 17; Taylor 2010: 36.
98 these studies, the complex origins and the gradual development of techniques of mummifi cation have been revealed. CT scan technology has revolutionised the study of Egyptian mummies, facilitating non- invasive methods of investigation (Fig. 9). With continued advancements in methods of scientifi c analysis, the nature of mummy studies continues to evolve whilst greater insights into the techniques employed by the ancient Egyptian embalmer continue to be brought to light. Jacinta Carruthers
99 Chronology and Map of ancient Egypt
PALAEOLITHIC PERIOD 700,000-10,000 BCE
NEOLITHIC PERIOD Early Neolithic, c. 8500-6100 BCE c. 8500-3350 BCE Middle Neolithic, c. 6100-5400 BCE Late Neolithic, c. 5400-4500 BCE Final Neolithic, c. 4500-3550 BCE
PREDYNASTIC PERIOD Badarian, c. 4400-3800 BCE C. 4400-3085 BCE Naqada IA-IIB, c. 3800/3750(?)-3450 BCE Naqada IIC-D, c. 3450-3325 BCE Naqada IIIA-B, c. 3325-3085 BCE (= Dynasty 0)
EARLY DYNASTIC PERIOD 1st Dynasty, c. 3085-2867 BCE (= Naqada IIIC) C. 3085-2686 BCE 2nd Dynasty, c. 2867-2686 BCE (=Naqada IIID)
OLD KINGDOM 3rd Dynasty, 2686-2613 BCE 2686-2160 BCE 4th Dynasty, 2613-2494 BCE 5th Dynasty, 2494-2345 BCE 6th Dynasty, 2345-2181 BCE 7th and 8th Dynasties, 2181-2160 BCE
FIRST INTERMEDIATE PERIOD 9th and 10th Dynasties, 2160-2025 BCE 2160-2055 BCE 11th Dynasty (Thebes only), 2125-2055 BCE
MIDDLE KINGDOM 11th Dynasty (all Egypt), 2055-1985 BCE 2055-1650 BCE 12th Dynasty, 1985-1773 BCE 13th Dynasty, 1773-1650 BCE 14th Dynasty?, 1773-1650 BCE
SECOND INTERMEDIATE PERIOD 15th Dynasty (Hyksos), 1650-1550 BCE 1650-1550 BCE 16th and 17th Dynasty, 1650-1550 BCE
NEW KINGDOM 18th Dynasty, 1550-1295 BCE 1550-1069 BCE 19th Dynasty, 1295-1186 BCE 20th Dynasty, 1186-1069 BCE
THIRD INTERMEDIATE PERIOD 21st Dynasty, 1069-945 BCE 1069-664 BCE 22nd Dynasty, 945-715 BCE 23rd Dynasty, 818-715 BCE 24th Dynasty, 727-715 BCE 25th Dynasty, 747-656 BCE
LATE PERIOD 26th Dynasty, 664-525 BCE 664-332 BCE 27th Dynasty (First Persian Period), 525-404 BCE 28th Dynasty, 404-399 BCE 29th Dynasty, 399-380 BCE 30th Dynasty, 380-343 BCE Second Persian Period, 343-332 BCE
PTOLEMAIC PERIOD Macedonian Dynasty, 332-305 BCE 332-30 BCE Ptolemaic Dynasty, 305-30 BCE
ROMAN PERIOD 30 BCE-CE 395
BYZANTINE PERIOD CE 395-CE 642
Chronology adapted from Shaw 2000; Dee et al. 2013; Hendrickx 2014; Stevenson 2016
292 MEDITERRANEAN SEA
Buto Mendes Busiris Avaris
Abu Rawash Giza Sinai Abusir Helwan Saqqara Dahshur el-Lisht Meidum Tarkhan Fayum
el-Hibeh
Bahariya
Beni Hassan el-Bersha Tell el-Amarna
Meir RED SEA
Assyut Badari
el-Hawawish
el-Mahasna Abydos Dendara Coptos Naqada
Dakhla Thebes Kharga Esna Adaima Hierakonpolis Edfu
Aswan
After D. Laisney © Institut français d’archéologie orientale, Cairo 0 100 km
293 Bibliography
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310 Online museum catalogues
California Ac ademy of Sciences, San Francisco The British Museum, London (United Kingdom) (United States of America) http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/search. http://www.calacademy.org/scientists/anthropology aspx
Egypt Centre Museum of Egyptian Antiquities, The Brooklyn Museum, New York (United States of America) Swansea University (United Kingdom) https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/collections/5 http://www.egyptcentre.org.uk The Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago The Fitzwiliam Museum, Cambridge (United Kingdom) (United States of America) http://www.fi tzmuseum.cam.ac.uk https://www.fi eldmuseum.org
Musée du Louvre, Paris (France) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York http://cartelen.louvre.fr (United States of America) http://metmuseum.org/art/collection/search Museo Arquelógico Nacional, Madrid (Spain) http://ceres.mcu.es The Virtual Egyptian Museum, California Institute of World Archaeology (United States of America) Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (United States of America) http://virtualegyptianmuseum.com http://www.mfa.org/collections/ancient-world
Petrie Museum, University College London (United Kingdom) http://petriecat.museums.ucl.ac.uk
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