http://jtlu.org . 4 . 1 [Spring 2011] pp. 45–58 doi: 10.5198/jtlu.v4i1.145 An application of the node place model to explore the spatial development dynamics of station areas in Tokyo Paul Chorus Luca Bertolini University of Amsterdam a University of Amsterdam Abstract: e high level of integration between railway and real estate development in Tokyo makes the city an interesting example for other metropolitan areas looking for ways to promote transit-oriented development. To successfully promote such a development pattern, an un- derstanding of development dynamics in station areas is crucial. In this paper, a node place model is used to determine which transport and land use factors are responsible for structuring station area redevelopments in Tokyo, and to what extent. e interaction between specic transport and land use features—most importantly, proximity by train to the central business district and the number of train connections versus workforce concentration—is a powerful force structuring developments in Tokyo. However, other factors—most notably government policies—should also be taken into account. Keywords: Transport; land use; node-place model; Tokyo 1 Introduction: Transit-oriented development that this goal can be realized through fully exploiting synergies in Tokyo between transportation, real estate, and retail-related services. In this way, the operators of private railways hope to maintain In many metropolitan areas around the world, planners are at- their services as the natural choice of travelers pursuing their tempting to give railways a central role in urban development. daily activities. In Tokyo, this is already the case; millions of people depend on the Tokyo rail system for commuting to and from work and for e structure of the private railway network in Tokyo has making use of all sorts of facilities. Besides being a dominant proven to support the formation of subcenters. e network mode of transportation with a market share of over 50 percent consists of several radial lines running from the suburbs to within the Tokyo metropolis, the railways also play a decisive the center of Tokyo. With the exception of the Chuo line, role in shaping the region’s urban structure. During the pe- all these lines terminate on the Yamanote loop, a circular line riod of enormous economic growth aer World WarII, it was that connects most of Tokyo’s urban centers (Figure 1). e largely the railways that facilitated the development of Tokyo. government did not allow private railway operators to extend As a result, large areas of land have been developed around their lines inside the Yamanote loop. e reason for this was the railway lines that radiate outwards from the city center. that the government did not want the competition from the e integrated development of railways and their surround- private railway operators as both the Yamanote loop and the ings was stimulated by the fact that private railway developers streetcar network within the loop were government-owned. owned not only the railway infrastructure but also large parts erefore, private railway operators had to establish their ter- of the areas surrounding it. is allowed them to develop res- minals along the Yamanote loop and the millions of com- idences, offices, department stores, and recreational facilities muters that needed to go to the city center had to switch trains in conjunction with the railway network. Private railway op- there. is structure created natural growth points at the in- erators in Japan consider themselves to be “lifestyle support- tersections of the main radials and the loop (Sorensen 2001), ers” with a vested interest in maintaining and increasing the and these growth points became the seeds of urban subcen- vitality of communities along their railway lines. ey believe ters. At present, the most famous subcenters are Shinjuku, Ike- bukuro and Shibuya, each of which attract millions of visitors [email protected] every day. Copyright 2011 Paul Chorus and Luca Bertolini. Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution – NonCommercial License 3.0. . Ikebukuro Yamanote line Ueno Chuo line JR East lines Shinjuku Kinshicho Tokyo Subways Shibuya Waterfront Private lines sub center Historical Central Business District Osaki Sub centers Figure 1: Structure of Tokyo’s Railway Network. Besides private railway operators, the government has also ues are considerably lower than those of similar areas in the played a direct role in supporting transit-oriented develop- city center, as they are seen as having less potential for develop- ment. Much of the success of the government’s efforts can be ment. In Japan, FAR values are designated by law but not xed. attributed to the exible planning style used by government Several instruments exist that allow for a relaxation of exist- planning agencies. e “loose” character of government plan- ing FAR values. In general, exemptions to existing FAR values ning efforts is perhaps best illustrated by the way the land use are granted when a private developer meets certain conditions zoning system is used in combination with volume controls. such as investing in public infrastructure and/or open space. e land use zoning system in Japan species 12 basic zone Developers who do so are rewarded with authorization for ad- types, which can be roughly divided into three categories: resi- ditional building volume, also referred to as the “FAR bonus.” dential, commercial, and industrial. Although the names “res- e size of the bonus depends on the proportion a developer idential” and “industrial” might seem to indicate a rigid sep- invests. In the end, this practice benets both the government aration of uses, neither zone type is limited to only residen- and the private sector; the government receives public infras- tial or industrial usages. For example, even in the most strictly tructure for which it does not have to pay, while the private zoned residential area it is possible for residents to dedicate sector receives an additional building volume which enables a part of the house to small-scale commercial activities such them to make a greater prot. Such planning incentives have as a store. Commercial zones have the fewest use restrictions. greatly inuenced development around rail stations. Virtually every kind of land use is allowed here and controls is paper attempts to understand which transport and on building activities are the weakest. In Tokyo, a commercial land use factors are responsible for structuring station area zoning designation is traditional in the areas around stations, redevelopments in Tokyo, and to what extent. For this the along major roads, and in the central business district. node-place model developed by Bertolini (1999) is used. First, e government has used the instrument of Floor Area Ra- with the help of this model, the transport and land use fac- tio (FAR) to further encourage the growth of the subcenters tors shaping the development of station areas are identied. and regional centers in Tokyo by assigning these areas higher Second, the outcomes of the model are compared with the ac- FAR values than their surroundings. e central business dis- tual investments taking place in and around station areas to trict, the central core in gure 1, has traditionally been as- nd out if stations develop according to the expectations of signed the highest FAR values, followed by the subcenters the model. ird, explanations are sought for the matches around the Yamanote loop. e regional centers also have and mismatches between the identied development poten- higher values than their suburban surroundings, but their val- tial and its actual realization, in order to illuminate the broader An application of the node place model to explore the spatial development dynamics of station areas in Tokyo complex of factors that comes into play. Eventually, a bet- further development of the transport system. e node-place ter understanding of the development dynamics in station ar- model’s emphasis on “conditions” is important, as it indicates eas in Tokyo might help those cities that are looking for ways a development potential that may or may not be realized, as to promote the integration of public transport and urban de- other factors may also affect the outcome. velopment, or “transit oriented development” (Cervero 2004; Dittmar and Ohland 2004; Dunphy et al. 2004). Node Unbalanced Stress 2 Exploring the relation between transport and node land use in station areas It is generally recognized that land use patterns and trans- Balance portation patterns are closely related to each other. It is eas- ily understood that the spatial separation of human activities creates a need for personal travel and goods transport, and thus inuences the mobility behaviour of actors such as house- holds and rms. Less widely appreciated is the converse im- Unbalanced place pact of transport on land use (Banister 1995; Giuliano 2004; Dependence Wegener and Fuerst 1999). It is obvious that the availability of infrastructure makes certain locations accessible, but exactly how developments in the transport system inuence the lo- cational behaviour of landlords, investors, rms, and house- Place holds is less clearly understood. e idea of the “land use Figure 2: e Node-Place Model (aer Bertolini 1999). transport feedback cycle” (Giuliano 2004; Meyer and Miller 2001; Wegener and Fuerst 1999) is oen used to illustrate e node-place model distinguishes ve ideal-typical situ- the complex relationship between land use and transport. In ations for a station area (Figure 2). Each situation reects a this cycle, land use and transport patterns both inuence each particular relative position of a station area on the node and other. Land use patterns partly determine the location of hu- place scale, or, in other words, its position in the node or place man activities such as living, working, shopping, education, hierarchy of an urban region.