Flight from Terror
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D'antonio, Michael Senior Thesis.Pdf
Before the Storm German Big Business and the Rise of the NSDAP by Michael D’Antonio A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Honors Degree in History with Distinction Spring 2016 © 2016 Michael D’Antonio All Rights Reserved Before the Storm German Big Business and the Rise of the NSDAP by Michael D’Antonio Approved: ____________________________________________________________ Dr. James Brophy Professor in charge of thesis on behalf of the Advisory Committee Approved: ____________________________________________________________ Dr. David Shearer Committee member from the Department of History Approved: ____________________________________________________________ Dr. Barbara Settles Committee member from the Board of Senior Thesis Readers Approved: ____________________________________________________________ Michael Arnold, Ph.D. Director, University Honors Program ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This senior thesis would not have been possible without the assistance of Dr. James Brophy of the University of Delaware history department. His guidance in research, focused critique, and continued encouragement were instrumental in the project’s formation and completion. The University of Delaware Office of Undergraduate Research also deserves a special thanks, for its continued support of both this work and the work of countless other students. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................. -
Chapter 5. Between Gleichschaltung and Revolution
Chapter 5 BETWEEN GLEICHSCHALTUNG AND REVOLUTION In the summer of 1935, as part of the Germany-wide “Reich Athletic Com- petition,” citizens in the state of Schleswig-Holstein witnessed the following spectacle: On the fi rst Sunday of August propaganda performances and maneuvers took place in a number of cities. Th ey are supposed to reawaken the old mood of the “time of struggle.” In Kiel, SA men drove through the streets in trucks bearing … inscriptions against the Jews … and the Reaction. One [truck] carried a straw puppet hanging on a gallows, accompanied by a placard with the motto: “Th e gallows for Jews and the Reaction, wherever you hide we’ll soon fi nd you.”607 Other trucks bore slogans such as “Whether black or red, death to all enemies,” and “We are fi ghting against Jewry and Rome.”608 Bizarre tableau were enacted in the streets of towns around Germany. “In Schmiedeberg (in Silesia),” reported informants of the Social Democratic exile organization, the Sopade, “something completely out of the ordinary was presented on Sunday, 18 August.” A no- tice appeared in the town paper a week earlier with the announcement: “Reich competition of the SA. On Sunday at 11 a.m. in front of the Rathaus, Sturm 4 R 48 Schmiedeberg passes judgment on a criminal against the state.” On the appointed day, a large crowd gathered to watch the spectacle. Th e Sopade agent gave the setup: “A Nazi newspaper seller has been attacked by a Marxist mob. In the ensuing melee, the Marxists set up a barricade. -
Intentions of Right-Wing Extremists in Germany
IOWA STATE UNIVERSITY Intentions of Right-wing Extremists in Germany Weiss, Alex 5/7/2011 Since the fall of the Nazi regime, Germany has undergone extreme changes socially, economically, and politically. Almost immediately after the Second World War, it became illegal, or at least socially unacceptable, for Germans to promote the Nazi party or any of its ideologies. A strong international presence from the allies effectively suppressed the patriotic and nationalistic views formerly present in Germany after the allied occupation. The suppression of such beliefs has not eradicated them from contemporary Germany, and increasing numbers of primarily young males now identify themselves as neo-Nazis (1). This group of neo-Nazis hold many of the same beliefs as the Nazi party from the 1930’s and 40’s, which some may argue is a cause for concern. This essay will identify the intentions of right-wing extremists in contemporary Germany, and address how they might fit into Germany’s future. In order to fully analyze the intentions of right-wing extremists today, it is critical to know where and how these beliefs came about. Many of the practices and ideologies of the former Nazi party are held today amongst contemporary extreme-right groups, often referred to as Neo-Nazis. A few of the behaviors of the Neo-Nazis that have been preserved from the former Nazi party are anti-Semitism, xenophobia and violence towards “non-Germans”, and ultra- conservatism (1). The spectrum of the right varies greatly from primarily young, uneducated, violent extremists who ruthlessly attack members of minority groups in Germany to intellectuals and journalists that are members of the New Right with influence in conservative politics. -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
The Development and Character of the Nazi Political Machine, 1928-1930, and the Isdap Electoral Breakthrough
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1976 The evelopmeD nt and Character of the Nazi Political Machine, 1928-1930, and the Nsdap Electoral Breakthrough. Thomas Wiles Arafe Jr Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Arafe, Thomas Wiles Jr, "The eD velopment and Character of the Nazi Political Machine, 1928-1930, and the Nsdap Electoral Breakthrough." (1976). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 2909. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/2909 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. « The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing pega(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. -
La Dialectique Néo-Fasciste, De L'entre-Deux-Guerres À L'entre-Soi
La Dialectique néo-fasciste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à l’entre-soi. Nicolas Lebourg To cite this version: Nicolas Lebourg. La Dialectique néo-fasciste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à l’entre-soi.. Vocabulaire du Politique : Fascisme, néo-fascisme, Cahiers pour l’Analyse concrète, Inclinaison-Centre de Sociologie Historique, 2006, pp.39-57. halshs-00103208 HAL Id: halshs-00103208 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00103208 Submitted on 3 Oct 2006 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 1 La Dialectique néo-fasciste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à l’entre-soi. Le siècle des nations s’achève en 1914. La Première Guerre mondiale produit d’une part une volonté de dépassement des antagonismes nationalistes, qui s’exprime par la création de la Société des Nations ou le vœu de construction européenne, d’autre part une réaction ultra-nationaliste. Au sein des fascismes se crée, en chaque pays, un courant marginal européiste et sinistriste1. Dans les discours de Mussolini, l’ultra-nationalisme impérialiste cohabite avec l’appel à l’union des « nations prolétaires » contre « l’impérialisme » et le « colonialisme » de « l’Occident ploutocratique » – un discours qui, après la naissance du Tiers-monde, paraît généralement relever de l’extrémisme de gauche. -
Brigitte Bailer-Galanda “Revisionism”1 in Germany and Austria: the Evolution of a Doctrine
www.doew.at Brigitte Bailer-Galanda “Revisionism”1 in Germany and Austria: The Evolution of a Doctrine Published in: Hermann Kurthen/Rainer Erb/Werner Bergmann (ed.), Anti-Sem- itism and Xenophobia in Germany after Unification, New York–Oxford 1997 Development of “revisionism” since 1945 Most people understand so called „revisionism“ as just another word for the movement of holocaust denial (Benz 1994; Lipstadt 1993; Shapiro 1990). Therefore it was suggested lately to use the word „negationism“ instead. How- ever in the author‘s point of view „revisionism“ covers some more topics than just the denying of the National Socialist mass murders. Especially in Germany and Austria there are some more points of National Socialist politics some people have tried to minimize or apologize since 1945, e. g. the responsibility for World War II, the attack on the Soviet Union in 1941 (quite a modern topic), (the discussion) about the number of the victims of the holocaust a. s. o.. In the seventies the late historian Martin Broszat already called that movement „run- ning amok against reality“ (Broszat 1976). These pseudo-historical writers, many of them just right wing extremist publishers or people who quite rapidly turned to right wing extremists, really try to prove that history has not taken place, just as if they were able to make events undone by denying them. A conception of “negationism” (Auerbach 1993a; Fromm and Kernbach 1994, p. 9; Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz 1994) or “holocaust denial” (Lipstadt 1993, p. 20) would neglect the additional components of “revision- ism”, which are logically connected with the denying of the holocaust, this being the extreme variant. -
ETE Road Map
ETE Road Map According to Chapter IV and V of the “Conclusions of the Melk Process and Follow-Up” Item 6 Site Seismicity Preliminary Monitoring Report Report to the Federal Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, Environment and Water Management of Austria Vienna, August 2004 Project Coordination Katja Lamprecht (Umweltbundesamt – Federal Environment Agency Ltd. – Austria) Layout Manuela Kaitna/Claudia Kubelka (Umweltbundesamt – Federal Environment Agency Ltd. – Austria) Technical Project Management Helmut Wenzel (VCE Holding GmbH – Vienna, Austria) Wolfgang Kromp (Institute of Risk Research – University of Vienna, Austria) Contributions by Kurt Decker (Institute of Geology – University of Vienna, Austria) Ralph Hinsch (Institute of Geology – University of Vienna, Austria) Helmut Hirsch (Working Group CERVUS – Germany) Gerhard Jentzsch (Working Group CERVUS, Institute of Applied Geophysics – University of Jena, Germany) Franz Kohlbeck (Institute of Geodesy and Geophysics – Vienna University of Technology, Austria) Roman Lahodynsky (Institute of Risk Research – University of Vienna, Austria) Mustapha Meghraoui (Ecole et Observatoire des Sciences de la Terre (EOST) – Strasbourg, France) Roger M.W. Musson (British Geological Survey – Edinburgh, UK) Barbara Theilen-Willige (Büro für Angewandte Geowissenschaftliche Fernerkundung (BAGF) – Stockach, Germany) The present report is financed by the Federal Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, Environment and Water Management of Austria. Masthead Editor: Federal Environment Agency Ltd. Spittelauer Lände 5, 1090 Vienna, Austria In-house reproduction © Federal Environment Agency Ltd., Vienna, August 2004 All rights reserved ISBN 3-85457-744-3 Note to the Reader The report is published on the Temelín homepage provided by the Federal Environment Agency at http://www.umweltbundesamt.at. Should you encounter technical problems, please do not hesitate to contact mailto: [email protected]. -
Hitler's Personal Security: Gaps and Contradictions by Peter Hoffman*
Summer 1984 Hitler's Personal Security: Gaps and Contradictions by Peter Hoffman* INTRODUCTION The world, certainly Europe, would look very different if in No vember 1938 the Führer and Reich Chancellor of Nazi Germany had been killed. Perhaps people would have regarded him as a "Great German," as a noted colleague has speculated; more important, the suffering, destruction and division resulting from the Second World War might have been avoided. It is well known that attempts to as sassinate Hitler were made repeatedly, though it is probably less well known how many such attacks there were. At last count, no fewer than fourteen individuals made at least thirty separate, documented attempts to murder Hitler during the years 1933 to 1945. In the light of so much anti-Hitler energy, it seems reasonable and interesting to look at the circumstances in which Hitler survived all this hostility for so long. The author's interest in those circumstances grew out of a study of anti-Hitler activities, of the German Resistance and their efforts to do away with the Dictator. It soon became clear that the problems of Hitler's personal protection went far beyond those with which modern leaders ordinarily have to live, and that they had far greater implications, for they affected the lives of literally millions of people. The obvious question was how Hitler survived the many attempts on his life. There were conflicting claims as to how easy or difficult it was for a would-be assassin to get close enough to Hitler for a chance to kill him. -
What Is Folksocialism? (A Critical Analysis)
001043 What is Folksocialism? (A Critical Analysis) By PAUL SERING • WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY SIDNEY HOOK . f' SPAIN flORIDA ATLANTIC UNIVERSITY LIBRARY SOCIALIST· LABOR COLLECTION L.LD. PAMPHLET SERIES LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 112 East 19th Street, New York City 25c I HE LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY is a membership society en· T gaged in education toward a social order based on production for use and not for profit. To this end the League conducts research, lecture and information services, suggests practical plans for increasing social con· trol, organizes city chapters, publishes books and pamphlets on problems of industrial democracy, and sponsors conferences, forums, luncheon dis cussions and radio talks in leading cities where it has chapters. r-------.lTs OFFICERS FOR 1936-1937 ARE:--------, PRESIDENT ROBERT MORSS LOVETT VICE-PRESIDENTS JOHN DEWEY ALEXANDER MEIKLEJOHN JOHN HAYNES HOLMES MARY R. SANFORD JAMES H. MAURER VIDA D. SCUDDER FRANCIS J. McCONNELL HELEN PHELPS STOKES TB.EASUJlEB STUART CHASE • EXECUTIYE DIBECTORS NORMAN THOMAS HARRY W. LAIDLER EXJ:Cl7TIVB UCBIITAIlY ORGANIZATION SIlCIIETABY MARY FOX MARY W. HILLYER • ..hrinant SecretaTJI Chapter Secretariu CHARLES ENOVALL BERNARD KIRBY. Chlcago SIDNEY SCHULMAN. Phlla. ETHAN EDLOFF. Detroit Emerge1lCV Committee for Striker" Relief ROBERT O. MENAKER 000 LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 112 East 19th Street New York City, N. Y. COPYRIGHT 1937 by the LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL......... DEMOCRACY WHAT IS FOLKsOCIALlsM? (A Critical Analysis) BY PAUL SERING WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY SIDNEY HOOK • TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY HARRIET YOUNG AND MARY Fox • Published by LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 112 East 19th Street, New York City February, 1937 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION " 7 WHAT Is FOLKSOCIALISM? (A Critical Analysis) ~ 12 I. -
Shirt Movements in Interwar Europe: a Totalitarian Fashion
Ler História | 72 | 2018 | pp. 151-173 SHIRT MOVEMENTS IN INTERWAR EUROPE: A TOTALITARIAN FASHION Juan Francisco Fuentes 151 Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain [email protected] The article deals with a typical phenomenon of the interwar period: the proliferation of socio-political movements expressing their “mood” and identity via a paramilitary uniform mainly composed of a coloured shirt. The analysis of 34 European shirt movements reveals some common features in terms of colour, ideology and chronology. Most of them were consistent with the logic and imagery of interwar totalitarianisms, which emerged as an alleged alternative to the decaying bourgeois society and its main political creation: the Parliamentary system. Unlike liBeral pluralism and its institutional expression, shirt move- ments embody the idea of a homogeneous community, based on a racial, social or cultural identity, and defend the streets, not the Ballot Boxes, as a new source of legitimacy. They perfectly mirror the overwhelming presence of the “brutalization of politics” (Mosse) and “senso-propaganda” (Chakhotin) in interwar Europe. Keywords: fascism, Nazism, totalitarianism, shirt movements, interwar period. Resumo (PT) no final do artigo. Résumé (FR) en fin d’article. “Of all items of clothing, shirts are the most important from a politi- cal point of view”, Eugenio Xammar, Berlin correspondent of the Spanish newspaper Ahora, wrote in 1932 (2005b, 74). The ability of the body and clothing to sublimate, to conceal or to express the intentions of a political actor was by no means a discovery of interwar totalitarianisms. Antoine de Baecque studied the political dimension of the body as metaphor in eighteenth-century France, paying special attention to the three specific func- tions that it played in the transition from the Ancien Régime to revolutionary France: embodying the state, narrating history and peopling ceremonies.