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Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism
Book Review of Hilal Khashan's Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), The Arab World Geographer/Le Géographe du monde arabe 3(2):141-147, 2000. In the book Arabs at the Crossroads, Hilal Khashan, an associate professor of political science at the American University of Beirut, provides a vivid description of Arab political performance since the decline of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century and the subsequent formal abrogation of the Islamic Caliphate in 1924 amidst rising European colonialism and Zionism. The book is small (149 pages of text) but concise and well written. Despite raising some very controversial issues, Khashan has combined the coolness of scholarship with intellectual rigor and political concern. His dispassionate perspective is refreshing and makes the book unapologetically independent and provocative. The book consists of nine chapters mostly focused on Arab political experience during the twentieth century. Chapter 1 examines the roots of the identity crisis in the Arab world, especially the ways in which “nineteenth-century reformers disturbed the Arab mind by sowing distrust in the Ottoman empire, without securing a tenable ideological alternative to that religious state and to Islam which it embodied” (page 1). Chapter 2 discusses the birth and the universalization of the European nation-state model of secular nationalism and its many incomplete versions in non-Western cultures, particularly in Muslim countries where “the clash between ethnocentrism and religion seems to resolve itself to the detriment of the former, without the latter emerging as a clear victor” (page 24). While this is a brilliant description of how modern Arab identity seems to swing constantly from Arab nationalism to Islamic identity and back, it stops short of an in-depth theoretical analysis of what constitutes the essence of identity in the Arab world. -
The Future of US Relations with the Gulf States
The Approaching Turning Point: The Future of U.S. Relations with the Gulf States By F. Gregory Gause, III Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World Analysis Paper Number Two, May 2003 1 Executive Summary United States policy toward the Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman) is in the midst of an important change. Saudi Arabia has served as the linchpin of American military and political influence in the Gulf since Desert Storm. It can no longer play that role. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, an American military presence in the kingdom is no longer sustainable in the political system of either the United States or Saudi Arabia. Washington therefore has to rely on the smaller Gulf monarchies to provide the infrastructure for its military presence in the region. The build-up toward war with Iraq has accelerated that change, with the Saudis unwilling to cooperate openly with Washington on this issue. No matter the outcome of war with Iraq, the political and strategic logic of basing American military power in these smaller Gulf states is compelling. In turn, Saudi-American relations need to be reconstituted on a basis that serves the shared interests of both states, and can be sustained in both countries’ political systems. That requires an end to the basing of American forces in the kingdom. The fall of Saddam Hussein will facilitate this goal, allowing the removal of the American air wing in Saudi Arabia that patrols southern Iraq. The public opinion benefits for the Saudis of the departure of the American forces will permit a return to a more normal, if somewhat more distant, cooperative relationship with the United States. -
United Arab Emirates (Uae)
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: United Arab Emirates, July 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) July 2007 COUNTRY اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴّﺔ اﻟﻤﺘّﺤﺪة (Formal Name: United Arab Emirates (Al Imarat al Arabiyah al Muttahidah Dubai , أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ (The seven emirates, in order of size, are: Abu Dhabi (Abu Zaby .اﻹﻣﺎرات Al ,ﻋﺠﻤﺎن Ajman , أ مّ اﻟﻘﻴﻮﻳﻦ Umm al Qaywayn , اﻟﺸﺎرﻗﺔ (Sharjah (Ash Shariqah ,دﺑﻲّ (Dubayy) .رأس اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ and Ras al Khaymah ,اﻟﻔﺠﻴﺮة Fajayrah Short Form: UAE. اﻣﺮاﺗﻰ .(Term for Citizen(s): Emirati(s أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ .Capital: Abu Dhabi City Major Cities: Al Ayn, capital of the Eastern Region, and Madinat Zayid, capital of the Western Region, are located in Abu Dhabi Emirate, the largest and most populous emirate. Dubai City is located in Dubai Emirate, the second largest emirate. Sharjah City and Khawr Fakkan are the major cities of the third largest emirate—Sharjah. Independence: The United Kingdom announced in 1968 and reaffirmed in 1971 that it would end its treaty relationships with the seven Trucial Coast states, which had been under British protection since 1892. Following the termination of all existing treaties with Britain, on December 2, 1971, six of the seven sheikhdoms formed the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The seventh sheikhdom, Ras al Khaymah, joined the UAE in 1972. Public holidays: Public holidays other than New Year’s Day and UAE National Day are dependent on the Islamic calendar and vary from year to year. For 2007, the holidays are: New Year’s Day (January 1); Muharram, Islamic New Year (January 20); Mouloud, Birth of Muhammad (March 31); Accession of the Ruler of Abu Dhabi—observed only in Abu Dhabi (August 6); Leilat al Meiraj, Ascension of Muhammad (August 10); first day of Ramadan (September 13); Eid al Fitr, end of Ramadan (October 13); UAE National Day (December 2); Eid al Adha, Feast of the Sacrifice (December 20); and Christmas Day (December 25). -
So Close, So Far. National Identity and Political Legitimacy in UAE-Oman Border Cities
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Open Research Exeter So Close, So Far. National Identity and Political Legitimacy in UAE-Oman Border Cities Marc VALERI University of Exeter This manuscript is the version revised after peer-review and accepted for publication. This manuscript has been published and is available in Geopolitics: Date of publication: 26 December 2017 DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2017.1410794 Webpage: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14650045.2017.1410794 1 Introduction Oman-United Arab Emirates border, Thursday 5 May 2016 early morning. As it has been the case for years on long weekends and holidays, endless queues of cars from Oman are waiting to cross the border in order to flock to Dubai for Isra’ and Miraj break 1 and enjoy attractions and entertainment that their country does not seem to offer. Major traffic congestions are taking place in the Omani city of al-Buraymi separated from the contiguous United Arab Emirates city of al-Ayn by the international border. Many border cities are contiguous urban areas which have been ‘dependent on the border for [their] existence’ or even ‘came into existence because of the border’. 2 Usually once military outposts (Eilat/Aqaba, on the Israel-Jordan border 3), they developed on either side of a long established border (Niagara Falls cities, on the Canada-USA border) after a border had been drawn (Tornio, on the Sweden-Finland border; 4 cities on the Mexico-USA and China- Russia 5 borders). Furthermore, split-up cities which were partitioned after World War II, including in Central Europe (e.g. -
The Outlook for Arab Gulf Cooperation
The Outlook for Arab Gulf Cooperation Jeffrey Martini, Becca Wasser, Dalia Dassa Kaye, Daniel Egel, Cordaye Ogletree C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1429 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9307-3 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image: Mideast Saudi Arabia GCC summit, 2015 (photo by Saudi Arabian Press Agency via AP). Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report explores the factors that bind and divide the six Gulf Coop- eration Council (GCC) states and considers the implications of GCC cohesion for the region over the next ten years. -
Dollars and Decadence Making Sense of the US-UAE Relationship
Dollars and Decadence Making Sense of the US-UAE Relationship Colin Powers April 2021 Noria Research Noria Research is an independent and non-profit research organization with roots in academia. Our primary mandates are to translate data gathered on the ground into original analyses, and to leverage our research for the purpose of informing policy debates and engaging wider audiences. It is our institutional belief that political crises cannot be understood without a deep grasp for the dynamics on the ground. This is why we are doctrinally committed to field-based research. Cognizant that knowledge ought to benefit society, we also pledge to positively impact civil society organizations, policymakers, and the general public. Created in Paris in 2011, Noria’s research operations now cover the Americas, Europe, North Africa, the Middle East and South Asia. Licence Noria Research encourages the use and dissemination of this publication. Under the cc-by-nc-nd licence, you are free to share copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format. Under the following terms, you must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. You may not use the material for commercial purposes. If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you may not distribute the modified material. Disclaimer The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of Noria Research. Author: Colin Powers Program Director: Robin Beaumont Program Editor: Xavier Guignard Graphic Design: Romain Lamy & Valentin Bigel Dollars and Decadence Making Sense of the US-UAE Relationship Colin Powers April 2021 About Middle East and North Africa Program Our research efforts are oriented by the counter-revolution that swept the Middle East and North Africa in the aftermath of 2011. -
Hyper Market Industry in Dubai – an Evaluation Using Ahp Technique
50____________________________________________________________ iJAMT HYPER MARKET INDUSTRY IN DUBAI – AN EVALUATION USING AHP TECHNIQUE M. Hemalatha, National Institute of Technology, Trichy V. J. Sivakumar, National Institute of Technology, Trichy Abstract Among all retail formats hypermarket is growing very fast in UAE that is at the rate of 150 percent. The major players in this sector are Carrefour, Spinney’s, United, Choithram and Lulu. The focus of the problem is selecting a best hypermarket among the existing operators of Dubai and for which we used seven major criteria for evaluating the hypermarkets such as product availability and variety, market coverage, channel density, customer density, nationality served, facilities and services and customer spending pattern. We used Analytic hierarchy process (AHP), developed by Thomas saaty (1980) to provide a simple but theoretically sound multiple criteria methodology for evaluating the alternatives. Keywords Hyper Market, Analytic hierarchy process, Multiple Criteria Introduction about UAE Hyper Market Industry The retail sector in the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.) continues to grow and develop a process that began in earnest nearly 10 years ago. Annually, many new state of the art stores are added to the country’s retail map, creating continuous competition among the major retailers. The new stores match Western retail establishments in size and variety. The estimated annual value of the U.A.E. retail market is $2.5 billion. The estimated average annual growth in retail sales is 5-10 percent. First year retail establishments report higher growth rates than those claimed by established firms. Foods sold in retail outlets consist 75-80 percent of imported consumer-ready products, and 20-25 percent of locally processed foods. -
Gulfnews.Com Is the Most Widely Read Newspaper, Leisure Guides Opinion and Online Site in English in the Middle East
GN NETWORK RADIO CLASSIFIEDS APPS SUBSCRIBE QUICK LINKS Search Gulf News SIGN IN OR REGISTER NOW DUBAI 1 USD GOLD 3092.89 USD 68.52 INR 24K USD 1212 AVIATION February 18, 2016 | Last updated 9 minutes ago UAE NEWS BUSINESS SPORT OPINION LEISURE LIFE&STYLE CULTURE GUIDES MULTIMEDIA YOUR SAY IN FOCUS MGN DATA SECTORS 46 AVIATION 4 ECONOMY 18 PROPERTY 10 MONEY 1 VISAS ANALYSIS 3 GOLD RATE 1 Iranian aviation market FILED UNDER FOLLOW US GulfNews Business one to watch this year Aviation The lifting of sanctions on Tehran will create new competition for the major Gulf carriers TAGS MOST POPULAR Published: 15:08 January 1, 2016 By Alexander Cornwell, Staff Reporter IRAN DUBAI VIEWED COMMENTED GALLERIES VIDEOS IRAQ INDIA Add to My Gulf News SHARE Bombardier plans to cut 7,000 jobs QATAR AIRWAYS 01 Dubai: The lifting of economic sanctions on Iran this year will put pressure on 02 Flydubai chief forecasts ‘difficult year’ major Middle East carriers, creating new competition for those who have built a ALSO IN AVIATION ahead business on connecting regional and international traffic. Emirates adds sixth daily flight to Heathrow Jet Airways set to 03 Sanctions are expected to be lifted sometime in the first half of this year expand operations to Dubai Qatar Airways eyes damages for A320 neo following June’s nuclear accord between Iran and world powers, according to 04 delays previous comments by western and Iranian diplomats. New Dubai airport a hit with passengers FRAMED GALLERY 05 The removal of sanctions will mean that limitations on the country’s aviation sector dating back to the 1970s will be gone, allowing its carriers to buy new aircraft directly from America’s Boeing and Europe’s Airbus. -
You Are What You Read
You are what you read? How newspaper readership is related to views BY BOBBY DUFFY AND LAURA ROWDEN MORI's Social Research Institute works closely with national government, local public services and the not-for-profit sector to understand what works in terms of service delivery, to provide robust evidence for policy makers, and to help politicians understand public priorities. Bobby Duffy is a Research Director and Laura Rowden is a Research Executive in MORI’s Social Research Institute. Contents Summary and conclusions 1 National priorities 5 Who reads what 18 Explaining why attitudes vary 22 Trust and influence 28 Summary and conclusions There is disagreement about the extent to which the media reflect or form opinions. Some believe that they set the agenda but do not tell people what to think about any particular issue, some (often the media themselves) suggest that their power has been overplayed and they mostly just reflect the concerns of the public or other interests, while others suggest they have enormous influence. It is this last view that has gained most support recently. It is argued that as we have become more isolated from each other the media plays a more important role in informing us. At the same time the distinction between reporting and comment has been blurred, and the scope for shaping opinions is therefore greater than ever. Some believe that newspapers have also become more proactive, picking up or even instigating campaigns on single issues of public concern, such as fuel duty or Clause 28. This study aims to shed some more light on newspaper influence, by examining how responses to a key question – what people see as the most important issues facing Britain – vary between readers of different newspapers. -
Gulf Monarchies in a Changing Middle East: Is Spring Far Behind?
Gulf Monarchies in a Changing Middle East: Is Spring Far Behind? November 24, 2014 By Benedetta Berti and Yoel Guzansky Benedetta Berti is a fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies, a lecturer at Tel Aviv Univeristy, the Kreitman Fellow at Ben Gurion University, and a Young Atlanticist at the Atlantic Council. She is the author of Armed Political Organizations: From Conflict to Integration (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013). Yoel Guzansky, a doctoral candidate in international relations at Haifa University, is a former Iran coordinator at Israel’s National Security Council. He is currently a senior researcher at the Tel Aviv-based Institute for National Security Studies. He is the author of The Arab Gulf States and Reform in the Middle East Between Iran and the Arab Spring (Palgrave-Macmillan, forthcoming). The authors thank Miriam Goldman and Cecilia Rasile, both research assistants at INSS, for their assistance. Abstract: More than three after the beginning of the Arab Awakening, it appears that the upheavals have, by and large, left the Gulf monarchies intact. While several dictators have fallen— from Ben Ali in Tunisia, Mubarak in Egypt and Gaddafi in Libya to Saleh in Yemen— monarchies across the region have shown considerable survival skills. But is this purported resilience likely to last even as the Arab Awakening continues to shake the Middle East and North African (MENA) region, or are the monarchs next in line now that the “presidents for life” have met their demise? This article explores the various ways in which Gulf monarchies have experienced political and social mobilizations associated with the Arab Awakening and then analyzes the characteristics that have allowed these countries to weather the storm, focusing on both pre-existing structural and cultural factors, as well as political responses to the unfolding regional protests. -
Asia-Gulf Economic Relations in the 21St Century: the Local to Global Transformation
Asia-Gulf Economic Relations in the 21st Century: The Local to Global Transformation Edited by Tim Niblock with Monica Malik GerlachPress First published 2013 by Gerlach Press Berlin, Germany www.gerlach-press.de © Gulf Research Center Cambridge 2013 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted or reproduced, or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any other information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Cover Design: www.brandnewdesign.de Set in ACaslonPro by Dataworks, Chennai, India www.dataworks.co.in Printed and bound in Germany by Freiburger Graphische Betriebe www.fgb.de Bibliographic data available from German National Bibliography http://d-nb.info/1028505930 ISBN13: 978-3-940924-10-0 (hardcover volume) ISBN13: 978-3-940924-11-7 (eBook) Contents Introduction 1 Tim Niblock 1. Gulf-Asia Economic Relations, Pan-Gulf and Pan-Asia Perspectives 5 Tim Niblock 2. The Growing Roles of Asian Powers in the Gulf: A Saudi Perspective 35 Naser al-Tamimi 3. Iran’s Ties with Asia 63 Sara Bazoobandi 4. Turkey and the Gulf: An Evolving Economic Partnership 85 Özlem Tür 5. Russia and the Gulf: the Main Principles of the Political and Economic Dialogue 99 Nikolay Kozhanov 6. Situating the Gulf in India’s Engagement with Emerging Asia 123 Girijesh Pant 7. India and the Emerging Gulf: Between “Strategic Balancing” and “Soft Power” Options 147 K. M. Seethi Asia-Gulf Economic Relations in the 21st Century 8. The Economic Relations Between China and the GCC Countries since 2008 171 Chen Mo 9. -
Middle East Brief, the Islamic Movements Are Still Present in Vision Two Fund
Crown Family Director Professor of Politics Shai Feldman Senior Executive Director Professor of the Practice in Politics Implementing Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030: Gary Samore An Interim Balance Sheet Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Nader Habibi Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor of Middle East History Associate Director for Research Naghmeh Sohrabi n April 2016, Saudi Arabia’s then Deputy Crown Prince, Myra and Robert Kraft Professor Mohammed bin Salman, announced Saudi Vision 2030, an of Arab Politics I Eva Bellin ambitious set of initiatives whose stated aim is to diversify Henry J. Leir Professor of the the country’s economy while also implementing significant Economics of the Middle East Nader Habibi social and cultural reforms. If fully actualized, Vision 2030 would lead to a major transformation of the Kingdom. Since Renée and Lester Crown Professor of Modern Middle East Studies the plan’s rollout, however, international voices and human Pascal Menoret rights groups have protested a lengthy series of policies and Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD actions linked to Mohammed bin Salman, most notably Kanan Makiya, Professor Emeritus Saudi Arabia’s involvement in the ongoing war in Yemen and Goldman Senior Fellow the assassination of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The Khalil Shikaki, PhD conventional wisdom among journalists and analysts is that Research Fellow these crises, and the international outcry they evoked, have David Siddhartha Patel, PhD had a negative impact on the realization of Vision 2030. Sabbatical Fellows Hanan Hammad, PhD Daniel Neep, PhD This Brief assesses the progress that the Kingdom has achieved in implementing Vision 2030 in the three years since it was announced, Harold Grinspoon Junior Research Fellow Hind Ahmed Zaki, PhD amounting to more than a fifth of the plan’s fourteen-year timespan.