Brazil: Capital Flight, Illicit Flows, and Macroeconomic Crises, 1960-2012
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Political and Social Economy of Care in a Development Context Conceptual Issues, Research Questions and Policy Options
The Political and Social Economy of Care in a Development Context Conceptual Issues, Research Questions and Policy Options Shahra Razavi Gender and Development United Nations Programme Paper Number 3 Research Institute June 2007 for Social Development This United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Programme Paper has been produced with the support of the International Development Research Centre (IDRC, Canada) and the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). UNRISD also thanks the governments of Denmark, Finland, Mexico, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom for their core funding. Copyright © UNRISD. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNRISD welcomes such applications. The designations employed in UNRISD publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNRISD con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the author(s), and publication does not constitute endorse- ment by UNRISD. ISSN 1994-8026 Contents Acronyms ii Acknowledgements ii Summary/Résumé/Resumen iii Summary iii Résumé iv Resumen vi Introduction 1 1. The “Invisible” or “Other” Economy: The Contribution of Feminist Economics 3 Making visible “the invisible” 4 From domestic labour to care 6 Accumulation, paid work and unpaid care work 8 Mixing “love” and “money”: Implications for the quality of care? 15 2. -
Degrowth Through Income and Wealth Caps?
Degrowth through Income and Wealth Caps? Introduction Ecological collapse and extreme and growing economic inequality threaten human civilization as we know it. On the one hand, a number of planetary boundaries are being transgressed. As a consequence, the preconditions for human beings and other species to thrive are rapidly being undermined. On the other hand, economic wealth has to an unprecedented level been concentrated on a few hands while a very large number of people do not have the means to satisfy even their basic human needs (Gough 2017; Raworth 2017; Robinson 2014). Comparative studies into the links between economic growth, material resource use and carbon emissions have indicated that there is no evidence for an absolute decoupling of these parameters (Fritz and Koch 2016; O’Neill et al. 2018). Yet such a decoupling would be required for the rich countries to be able to meet the CO2 emission targets they have given themselves to keep climate change within certain limits. In this situation, approaches that deprioritize economic growth in policy-making are becoming increasingly popular. Above all, ‘degrowth’ scholars call for transitions towards socio-economic systems that would function within ecological boundaries through reductions in the matter and energy throughput of production and consumption patterns while being socially equitable. The eco-social policy instruments needed for such transitions – inter alia work sharing, time-banks, job guarantees, complementary currencies and debt auditing – are intensely debated. Frequent reference has also been made to minimum income schemes and maximum limits on wealth and income as policy tools that can potentially be used to tackle issues related to social inequality during a degrowth transition (e.g., Alexander 2015; Buch-Hansen 2014). -
Capital Flight and the Hollowing out of the Philippine Economy in the Neoliberal Regime
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Capital Flight and the Hollowing Out of the Philippine Economy in the Neoliberal Regime Beja, Edsel Jr. Ateneo de Manila University May 2006 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/4830/ MPRA Paper No. 4830, posted 12 Sep 2007 UTC EDSEL L. BEJA JR. 55 Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies 2006 21 (1): 55-74 Capital Flight and the Hollowing Out of the Philippine Economy in the Neoliberal Regime EDSEL L. BEJA JR. ABSTRACT. Capital flight is the movement of capital from a resource-scarce developing country to avoid social controls, measured as net unrecorded capital outflow. Capital flight from the Philippines was USD 16 billion in the 1970s, USD 36 billion in the 1980s, and USD 43 billion in the 1990s. Indeed these figures are significant amounts of lost resources that could have been utilized to generate additional output and jobs. Capital flight from the Philippines followed a revolving-door process—that is, capital inflows were used to finance the capital outflows. This process became more pronounced with financial liberalization in the 1990s. With these results, we argue that capital flight resulted in the hollowing out of the Philippine economy and, more important, neoliberal policies underpinned the process. KEYWORDS. capital flight · external debt · revolving door · Philippine economy INTRODUCTION Proponents of neoliberalism argue that the neoliberal regime guarantees an economic environment that is stable, rapidly growing and developing, and so globalization, or even the freer reign of markets, will take care of basic human needs, including human development.1 Moreover, it is argued that a neoliberal environment benefits everyone rather than only an influential segment in society. -
Capital Flight from Africa: What Is to Be Done?
Capital Flight from Africa: What is to be Done? Statement to the Joint Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council on Illicit Financial Flows and Development Financing in Africa United Nations Headquarters, 23 October 2015 James K. Boyce Department of Economics & Political Economy Research Institute University of Massachusetts Amherst Thank you for inviting me to present this statement. I will focus my remarks this morning on capital flight from Africa and policy responses to this challenge. Capital flight and illicit financial flows The terms 'capital flight' and 'illicit financial flows' sometimes are used interchangeably, but they are distinct concepts. Capital flight is usually defined as unrecorded capital outflows and measured as the missing residual in the balance of payments, after corrections for underreported external borrowing and trade misinvoicing. All capital flight is illicit, but not all illicit financial flows are capital flight. Capital flight is illicit by virtue of illegal acquisition, transfer, holding abroad, or some combination of the three. Illicitly acquired capital is money obtained through embezzlement, bribes, extortion, tax evasion, or criminal activities. Wealth acquired by these means is often transferred abroad clandestinely in an effort to evade legal scrutiny as to its origins. Illicitly transferred funds are outflows not reported to government authorities. Mechanisms include smuggling of bank notes, clandestine wire transfers, and falsification of trade invoices. Illicitly held funds are assets whose earnings are not declared as income to national authorities of the owner's country. The concealment of foreign holdings may be 2 motivated by the desire to evade prosecution for illicit acquisition of the funds, or by taxation evasion, or both. -
Measuring Capital Flight: Estimates and Interpretations
Working Paper 194 Measuring Capital Flight: Estimates and Interpretations Benu Schneider March 2003 Overseas Development Institute 111 Westminster Bridge Road London SE1 7JD UK Acknowledgements This paper is the first part of a project on Capital Flight from Developing Countries. The project is funded by ESCOR, Department for International Development, UK and we gratefully acknowledge their financial support. The UK Department for International Development (DFID) supports policies, programmes and projects to promote international development. DFID provided funds for this study as part of that objective but the views and opinions expressed are those of the author alone. The author would like to thank Mathieu Sampson and Benno Ferrarini for their research assistance. ISBN 0 85003 633 X © Overseas Development Institute 2002 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publishers. ii Contents Acknowledgements ii Tables and Figures v Abstract vi 1 Introduction 1 2 Defining capital flight 3 2.1 Preferred definition 3 2.2 An overview of definitions of capital flight in the literature 3 2.3 The broad definition of capital flight 4 2.4 Capital flight defined as a response to discriminatory treatment of domestic capital 5 2.5 Defining capital flight as an illegal transaction 6 3 Methods to measure capital flight 8 3.1 Broad measure of capital flight -
A Stabilization Without Economic Growth?
The Legacy of the Real Plan: a stabilization without economic growth? Fernando Ferrari-Filho* “The outstanding faults of the economic society in which we live are its failure to provide for full employment and its arbitrary and inequitable distribution of wealth and incomes” John Maynard Keynes 1. Introduction After many frustrated attempts at stabilization policies in Brazil during the 1980s and 1990s1, the Real Plan is considered the most successful plan of economic stabilization that Brazilian economy had concerning its prime objective: the reduction and control of inflation rate. The figures about inflation rate show the success of the Real Plan: in June 1994, one month before the introduction of real as legal tender, the annual inflation rate was around 5,150.00%, while in December 2000 the inflation rate in the last twelve months was, approximately, 10.0%2. Although the price stabilization represents the incontestable success of the Real Plan, it fails when we look at the performance of Brazilian economic activity throughout the period of real: from 1994 to 2000, the average growth rate of GDP was only 3.0% per year, very similar to the average growth rate of GDP of Brazilian economy in the 1980s – by the way, this decade was considered the “lost decade” by Brazilian economists – that was 2.9% per year3. The poor performance of GDP during the period of real can be explained by the fact that the Real Plan was conceived as a stabilization plan without proposing any strategy for medium and long run development. For us, the stability of the currency makes sense only if it aims at developing the production, circulation and distribution of the economic activity. -
Capital Flight: Estimates, Issues, and Explanations
PRINCETON STUDIES IN INTERNATIONAL FINANCE No. M, December 1986 Capital Flight: Estimates, Issues, and Explanations John T. Cuddington INTERNATIONAL FINANCE SECTION " DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY PRINCETON STUDIES IN INTERNATIONAL FINANCE PRINCETON STUDIES IN INTERNATIONAL -FINANCE are pub- lished by the International Finance Section of the Depart- ment of Economics of Princeton University. While the Sec- tion sponsors the Studies, the authors are free to develop their topics as they wish. The Section welcomes the submis- sion of manuscripts for publication in this and its other series, • ESSAYS IN INTERNATIONAL FINANCE and' SPECIAL PAPERS IN INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS. See the Notice to Contrib- utors at the back of this Study, The author, John T. Cuddington, is Associate Professor of Economics in the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Serv- • ice at Georgetown University. He has been both a consultant and a staff economist with the World Bank and has been on the faculties of Stanfordand Simon Fraser Universities. He has written widely in the fields of international economics, macroeconomics, and economic development. PETER B. KENEN, Director • International Finance Section PRINCETON STUDIES IN INTERNATIONAL FINANCE No. 58, December 1986 Capital Flight: Estimates, Issues, and Explanations John T. Cuddington INTERNATIONAL FINANCE SECTION DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS PRINCETON UNIVERSITY. PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY INTERNATIONAL FINANCE SECTION EDITORIAL STAFF - Peter B. Kenen, Director - Ellen Seiler, Editor Carolyn Kappes, Editorial Aide Barbara Radvany, Subsci-iptions and Orders Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Cuddington, John T. Capital flight. (Princeton studies in international finance, ISSN 0081-8070; no. 58 (December 1986)) Bibliography: p. 1. Capital movements. -
Lessons from the Weimar Constitution
Markets and Constitutions: Lessons from Weimar Germany Harold James EUI and Princeton University Paper for EUI conference on “Constitutions and Markets”, June 14-15, 2007 This is a paper about failure. Bad constitutions will lead not only to political malaise but also to market collapses. In turn big economic catastrophes destroy polities and tear constitutions apart. What do I mean by bad? When a constitution departs from general and universally applicable principles, and starts to announce partial and limited laws, exemptions or privileges, that are intended to distort economic and social relations, it carries the seed of its own demise. The Weimar Republic was and also continues to be the testing place of social and legal theories: not only of constitutional design, but also of a concept of legally enforceable social rights, as well as of the question of whether a “third way” was possible between market capitalism and the planned economy. Weimar was a pioneering experiment. The makers of the constitution included Germany’s most distinguished social scientists, Max Weber and Hugo Preuss. They set out to make a framework that went well beyond traditional constitutional theory, and which included a blueprint for a better society. It was intended to be the world’s best constitution, and some of the jurists who worked with it, including makers of the Israeli constitution, held onto the conviction of its role as a universal model. But by that time, after the tragedies of the Nazi dictatorship and the Second World War, the debate about Weimar and its legacy had produced a contrasting and possibly even more influential interpretation: that Weimar was and is a model of what a constitution should not try to do. -
Inflation and Instability: Brazil's Lost Decade And
APPLIED ECONOMICS INFLATION AND INSTABILITY : B RAZIL ’S LOST DECADE AND CARDOSO ’S RESPONSE ISABELLA DI PAOLO Senior Sophister in the 1990's brazil suffered a turbulent period of hyperinflation. in this paper, is - abella di Paolo provides an intriguing explanation of the policies which led to brazil's crisis, and an evaluation of how the reforms of President Cardoso helped set brazil on its current growth path. 1. Introduction the famous joke goes: “brazil is, and always will be, the land of the future”. long strug - gling to achieve long-term, sustainable growth - despite its abundant resources and im - mense potential - brazil has recently seen considerable improvements in both its economic performance and poverty-reduction strategies. the recent consumer boom, experienced as millions filled middle-class ranks, makes it difficult to imagine that just two decades ago inflation was taking over everyday life.1 it was the centre of all policy concerns, caused hour-long queues in front of supermarkets and crushed innumerable hopes and dreams. today, a decade-long struggle for macroeconomic stability has rendered the daily reality of twenty years ago completely unimaginable to those who have only known recent pros - perity (leitão, 2011). after an initial taming of the ‘inflation monster’ via the Plano real, brazilian policy-makers have demonstrated continuity in their will to reform, as exemplified by the continued adoption of the inflation targeting mechanism and law of fiscal respon - sibility introduced at the end of the cardoso administration. as brazil begins to display difficulties in continuing down the path of rapid growth, (financial times, 2013) it is more important than ever to remember the recent past, and to consider the long way the coun - try has come. -
No. 647 What If Brazil Hadn't Floated the Real in 1999?
TEXTO PARA DISCUSSÃO No. 647 What if Brazil Hadn't Floated the Real in 1999? Carlos Viana de Carvalho André D. Vilela DEPARTAMENTO DE ECONOMIA www.econ.puc-rio.br What if Brazil Hadn't Floated the Real in 1999?∗ Carlos Viana de Carvalho André D. Vilela PUC-Rio Banco Central do Brasil November, 2015 Abstract We estimate a dynamic, stochastic, general equilibrium model of the Brazilian economy taking into account the transition from a currency peg to ination targeting that took place in 1999. The estimated model exhibits quite dierent dynamics under the two monetary regimes. We use it to produce counterfactual histories of the transition from one regime to another, given the estimated history of structural shocks. Our results suggest that maintaining the currency peg would have been too costly, as interest rates would have had to remain at extremely high levels for several quarters, and GDP would have collapsed. Accelerating the pace of nominal exchange rate devaluations after the Asian Crisis would have lead to higher ination and interest rates, and slightly lower GDP. Finally, the rst half of 1998 arguably provided a window of opportunity for a smooth transition between monetary regimes. JEL classication codes: E52, F41 Keywords: monetary policy, regime shift, currency peg, ination targeting, Brazil ∗This paper is based on Vilela (2014). For comments and suggestions, we thank Tiago Berriel, Diogo Guillén, and seminar participants at the Central Bank of Brazil, IPEA, and the Conference DSGE models for Brazil: SAMBA and beyond, held at EESP in August 2014. The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reect the position of the Central Bank of Brazil. -
CRYPTOCURRENCIES and the FUTURE of MONEY Money and Trust in Brazil
CRYPTOCURRENCIES AND THE FUTURE OF MONEY Money and Trust in Brazil December 2019 Content I. Background 3 II. Current Usage of Types of Money in Brazil 4 III. Knowledge and Trust in Money in Brazil 5 IV. Attitudes toward Cryptocurrencies in Brazil 8 V. The Future of Cryptocurrency in Brazil 11 VI. A Conjoint Analysis of Preferences for Money in Brazil 14 2 I. BACKGROUND Fiat money has had a complicated history in Latin America. Still, Brazil can be considered one of the success stories of the region. Because of mismanagement of government finances, Brazil faced a period of hyperinflation in the late 80s and early 90s. Different orthodox and unorthodox plans were attempted from 1986 to 1991, with no success in tackling inflation. Finally, in 1994 when inflation was hitting 5000 % a year, a group of economists working in the ministry of finance managed to implement the ‘Plano Real’ and give credibility to its currency, the Brazilian Real. Since 1994, Brazil has lived a period of stability from a currency perspective and trust in the central bank. The country has now lived for more than 25 years of fairly stable inflation and the Brazilian Real still maintains the same denomination that it had in 1994, making the it the longest living currency the country has had since its imperial money. Money Supply in Brazil 6000 5500 M3 5000 4500 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 M1 500 BN Real 0 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 year Consumer Prices in Brazil 5.00e+13 4.00e+13 3.00e+13 2.00e+13 - Forecast - % change=9766.5 1.00e+13 between 1989-1994 0 Inflation (CPI) 2010=100 DATA SOURCE: IMF International Finance Statistics (top) and IMF 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 200020022004200620082010 2012 2014 2016 2018 20202022 2024 World Economic Outlook (bottom) year 3 II. -
1. Capital Flight and Capital Controls in Developing Countries: an Introduction
1. Capital Flight and Capital Controls in Developing Countries: an Introduction Gerald Epstein ______________________________________________________________ WHY CAPITAL FLIGHT? This book concerns capital flight in developing countries: How big is it? What causes it? How are we to interpret it? What are its effects? What can be done about it? The core of the book consists of seven case studies of capital flight from developing countries (Brazil, Chile, China, South Africa, Thailand, Turkey and a set of Middle Eastern and North African countries) connected by a common methodology used to estimate capital flight. These case studies are sandwiched between several chapters, including one debunking the myth that capital account liberalization is necessarily good for economic growth and income distribution, and several chapters at the end that offer some solutions to the problem of capital flight that affects so much of the developing world. This chapter briefly introduces the book. First, however, is the matter of definition. When people hear the term ‘capital flight’ they think of money running away from one country to a money ‘haven’ abroad, in the process doing harm to the home economy and society. People probably have the idea that money runs away for any of a number of reasons: to avoid taxation; to avoid confiscation; in search of better treatment, or of higher returns somewhere else. In any event, people have a sense that capital flight is in someway illicit, in someway bad for the home country, unless, of course, capital is fleeing unfair discrimination, as in the case of the Nazi persecution. These commonsense ideas are also roughly what we mean by capital flight.