Ideology and Superstructure in Historical Materialism Franz
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On Althusser on Science, Ideology, and the New, Or Why We Should Continue to Read Reading Capital Geoff Pfeifer
C Abstract: C R R I It is no secret that much of the criticism of Althusser’s work during the- I S period within which Reading Capital was written centers on his alleged S I I On Althusser S ‘theoreticism’, or the view that revolutionary practice needs theory (or S theoretical practice) if it is to be truly revolutionary and thus theory is pri- & & mary and autonomous whereas other forms of practice are secondary and C C R must be tied to theory insofar as it is only theory that can liberate practice R I from its entrapment in ideology (this is of course, in a very general sense, I on Science, T T I the foundation of the science/ideology split in Althusser’s work from this I Q period). As Jacques Rancière has put this criticism in his assessment of Q U U E Reading Capital, “this reading of Marx via Althusser and Lacan does little E more than give a new sheen to the thesis Kautsky had already defended: Ideology, and the / / science belongs to the intellectuals and it is up to them to bring it to Volume 2 / 1 Volume 2 / Issue 2 producers necessarily cut off from knowledge” Criticisms such as Ran- Issue 2 cière’s are what, in part, led Althusser himself to work to clarify his posi- tion during what we know as his ‘critical period’ wherein he argues that New, or Why We theory itself is a form a political intervention. This essay returns to these debates in order to point to the relevance of the central thesis of Reading Capital for our time arguing that ultimately, Althusser’s project is not one in which theory trumps other forms of practice, but rather one in which Should Continue Marxist theory (or science in the parlance of Reading Capital) is what can help us make sense of those moments in other forms of revolutionary practice that are distinct from the ideological field in which we find our- selves, and hence can aid us in marking the border between ideology and to Read Reading the new, the non-ideological, and the revolutionary. -
Marxist Paradigm // and Academic Freedom * by DMITRI N
Marxist Paradigm // and Academic Freedom * BY DMITRI N. SHALIN /' THERussian October Revolution dealt a devastating blow to Marxism from which Marxist sociology did not begin to recover until recently. Stalin's "contributions" to Marxist theory and practice had a particularly adverse effect on the fate of Marxism in the West. Whatever hopes were generated by the de-Stalinization campaign in the Soviet Union proved short-lived. By the time Soviet tanks entered Prague and Soviet authorities resumed show trials, few intellectuals in the capitalist West could speak of Soviet Marxism without acute resentment or at least tacit embarrassment. In Mills's words, ". marxism-leninism has become an offi- cial rhetoric with which the authority of a one-party state has been defended, its expedient brutalities obscured, its achievements proclaimed."' Any attempt to revive the Marxist creed under these circumstances must have entailed a denun- ciation of what has come to pass for Marxism in the Soviet Union. Not surprisingly, the Marxist renaissance in the West was marked by the virtually unanimous rejection of Soviet Marxism. The neo-Marxist movement in the West is no monolith. It is supported by social scientists of various denominations who may refer to themselves as radical, humanist, or critical sociologists. What draws them together is: (I) a Marxist-activist image of sociology as a practical enterprise and an explicit commitment to rational remodeling of society and human C. W. Mills, The Marxists (New York: Dell, 1962). p. 22. 362 SOCIAL RESEARCH emancipation; (2) readiness to move beyond Marx and to dispense with those of his propositions that failed the histori- cal test; and (3) a critical attitude toward "official Marxism" as practiced by Soviet-style communists. -
Base, Superstructure, and Dialectical Totality 43 Seán Mitchell
Base, superstructure, and dialectical totality 43 Seán Mitchell n recent years it became something of a custom to a prognosis that capitalism no longer faced a viable sys- begin any contemporary discussion of historical temic alternative. materialism with a nod to the briefly dominant ax- Much of this pessimism was in fact shared by Fuku- iom that humanity had reached its veritable termi- yama himself, who was ambivalent if not altogether Inus. Capitalism had triumphed over socialism, Francis gloomy about the new world order he heralded, warn- Fukuyama insisted, and the ‘end of history’ was upon ing that ‘the end of history will be a very sad time’ when us. Fukuyama’s bold declaration of historical finality ‘worldwide ideological struggle…will be replaced by could be read in hindsight as little more than neoliberal economic calculation, the endless solving of technical triumphalism, proffered in 1989 as philosophical sus- problems, environmental concerns, and the satisfac- tenance to a U.S. elite then looking forward to carving tion of sophisticated consumer demands.’4 Few on the out a ‘new American century’ in the years ahead. The left were moved by this morose vision of the future, but political trajectory of the author of The End of History too many adopted a kind of inverted pessimism from and the Last Man would arguably confirm that apprais- Fukuyama: if the ‘history of all hitherto existing society al, with Fukuyama collaborating for much of the 1990s is the history of class struggle’, and the working class with an assortment of neo-cons who rose to prominence had been definitively defeated in that epic battle, then around the presidency of George W. -
7: MARX's THEORY of ETHICS Svetozar Stojanovic
7: MARX'S THEORY OF ETHICS Svetozar Stojanovic I In the history of Marxism and Marxology two kinds of interpretation of Marx can be easily distinguished. One might be called nonethical and the other ethical. I shall argue in the spirit of the latter, namely that Marx's writings have considerable ethical content that could be used as a starting point to work out a Marxist normative ethics. How ever at present there exists no such ethics, at least none satisfactory and worthy of Marx's name. Why? Several reasons are usually cited and from them I can accept a poli tical one, namely Stalinism which prevented work on the develop ment of the true Marxist ethics. However the root, in my opinion, goes much deeper and can be found within Marx's own writings. I shall try to show that unless some theoretical obstacles contained in these writings are removed, the efforts to create a Marxist evaluative ethics will not succeed. II In attempting to develop this thesis it is necessary to consider two questions: what has served as a basis for a completely nonethical interpretation of Marx and what are the reasons usually given by those who claim that Marx's writings have no ethical content, indeed that they could not have such content? First of all it is a fact that Marx himself wrote that he had tran scended the domain of philosophy and entered the field of a “ real, positive science." Consequently he thought that he was the founder of scientific socialism in contrast to a utopian one. -
Political Space in the Work of Henri Lefebvre: Ideology and Utopia
5/2012-13 Political Space in the Work of Henri Lefebvre: Ideology and Utopia Grégory BUSQUET, UMR LAVUE (Mosaïques), Université Paris Ouest Nanterre The ideas of philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre (1901-1991) are currently experiencing a revival in urban studies in France, while his theories on the city and urban society have been discussed and modified for many years in Anglophone social science literature. This new interest, which moreover extends to Europe, demonstrates however various uses of his philosophy: while some attempt to draw practical applications and to identify the influences of his theories on the practices of The Production of Space and on the usual uses of The Right to the City (Stanek, 2011), some philosophical or biographical exegeses ignore the concrete purpose of his reflections, namely, the socio-spatial processes of alienation, and occasionally at the same time turn up their noses at the setting in which they are expressed (social, political, urbanistic, etc.) and the conditions of their development. While some depoliticize his philosophy, giving it the currently popular slant (post-marxist) and emptying it of its subversive content and emancipating aim, as well as all references to conflict and the class struggle, others, conversely, especially abroad in the work of the supporters of Anglo-Saxon “radical geography”, take their inspiration from Lefebvre and do not allow their thoughts on space to be disassociated from an analysis of class or an analysis in terms of politics1. This article would be in alignment with the latter perspective, resituating Lefebvre’s thought on space and all its criticism, theoretical and practical alike, at the heart of that which in our opinion makes it unique, namely, it’s relationship with the political. -
1 Jerry Shang 5/9/2018 History 310 Austro-Marxism: Finding
1 Jerry Shang 5/9/2018 History 310 Austro-Marxism: Finding Socialism in Modernity Introduction In Otto Bauer’s What is Austro-Marxism? (1927), he stated that Austro-Marxism was first coined by an American socialist, L. Boudin, to describe a collection of Marxist thinkers including Max Adler, Karl Renner, Rudolf Hilferding, Otto Bauer and others who grew up in the socialist student movement of fin-de-siècle Vienna. Despite these thinkers’ common background, Austro- Marxism as a school of thought lacked the unity L. Boudin conferred to it through its name. Even Otto Bauer himself noted that this group of scholars “were united not so much by a specific political orientation.”1 These thinkers cited above all had interests in different areas, for example, Max Adler took on a theoretical approach and tried to apply a neo-Kantian emphasis on subjectivity and human volitions to the Marxist concept of historical progression; Karl Renner focused more on the law and its ability to support the capitalist system; Rudolf Hilferding was known for his discussion on finance capital and his extension upon Marxist economic theories; Otto Bauer focused on the question of nationality and its incorporation into Marxist thoughts. Though this was not to say that there were no communications and references between these thinkers, the various focuses and interests made it hard to characterize Austro-Marxism as a unified movement. In a sense, Otto Bauer’s question posed by his title remained unanswered. Current historiography on Austro-Marxism has also shied away from this question by focusing on individual thinkers. -
Marxist Sociology Michael A
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Social and Cultural Sciences Faculty Research and Social and Cultural Sciences, Department of Publications 1-1-2011 Marxist Sociology Michael A. McCarthy Marquette University, [email protected] Jeff aM nza New York University Published version. "Marxist Sociology," in Oxford Bibliographies Online: Sociology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. DOI. © 2011 Oxford University Press. Used with permission. Michael McCarthy was affiliated with the New York University at the time of publication. Marxist Sociology By: Michael McCarthy and Jeff Manza Introduction Karl Marx (b. 1818–d. 1883) and his lifelong collaborator Friedrich Engels (b. 1820–d. 1895) developed a body of thought that would inspire major social movements, initiate revolutionary social change across the globe, and provide the foundation for many socialist or communist governments. More recently, Marxism’s political influence has waned, with most of the formerly communist regimes undergoing significant change. It is important, however, to separate out Marxism as a system of ideas in the social sciences from Marxism as a political ideology and the foundation for revolutionary social movements and as a governing philosophy. Marxist ideas have influenced many fields of thought and indeed have played a particularly important role in the development of the discipline of sociology. Classical sociological theorists such as Émile Durkheim (b. 1858–d. 1917) and Max Weber (b. 1864–d. 1920), for example, developed their theories of society in conversation with the works of Karl Marx. However, as it evolved in the United States and western Europe in the middle parts of the 20th century, sociology’s dialogue with Marxian propositions declined. -
Vygotsky and Marxism
10 Vygotsky and Marxism Danling Fu There has been great interest in Vygotsky and in how his mathematical formula or recipe which guided him rigidly in views affect the understanding of learning and teaching since his psychological analysis. Instead, he digested it, in his word, the early 80's in the United States. Today, this interest con- "internalized" it and transformed it into his own principle tinues to grow and Vygotsky's views continue to affect the which dominated his way of thinking and directed his study improvement and reform of contemporary education in the of human psychological development. As he said "I don't United States. New interest in his theories has been sparked want to discover the nature of mind by patching together a too in Russia after his work has been decreed as reactionary lot of quotations. I want to find out how science has to be bourgeois pseudoscience for sixty years. Also after Vygotsky built, to approach the study of the mind having learned the has been labeled as an anti-Marxist bourgeois psychologist whole of Marx's method" (Mind in Society, p. 8). Vygotsky's for decades in his country, he is recognized as a devout Marx- thinking and approach are Marxist, as claimed by Wertsch, ist. Russian Vygotskian expert, Toulmin (1981) wrote: "in more subtle but no less fundamental ways," and his debt to Marx "runs deeper than is commonly recognized" (1985, Vygotsky was happy to call himself a Marxist. The historical- p. 5). materialist approach ensured the success of his scientific To cut off Vygotsky from Marx is to look at him frag- investigations; this was the philosophy that armed him, gave mentally and to separate his work from its theoretical basis. -
'Intersectionality, Simmel and the Dialectical Critique of Society'
From interacting systems to a system of divisions ANGOR UNIVERSITY Stoetzler, Marcel European Journal of Social Theory DOI: 10.1177/1368431016647970 PRIFYSGOL BANGOR / B Published: 01/11/2017 Peer reviewed version Cyswllt i'r cyhoeddiad / Link to publication Dyfyniad o'r fersiwn a gyhoeddwyd / Citation for published version (APA): Stoetzler, M. (2017). From interacting systems to a system of divisions: The concept of society and the ‘mutual constitution’ of intersecting social divisions. European Journal of Social Theory, 20(4), 455-472. https://doi.org/10.1177/1368431016647970 Hawliau Cyffredinol / General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. 30. Sep. 2021 From interacting systems to a system of divisions: the concept of society and the ‘mutual constitution’ of intersecting social divisions Abstract: This article examines a fundamental theoretical aspect of the discourse on ‘intersectionality’ in feminist and anti-racist social theory, namely the question whether intersecting social divisions including those of sex, gender, race, class and sexuality are interacting but independent entities with autonomous ontological bases or whether they are different dimensions of the same social system that lack separate social ontologies and constitute each other. -
The Nationalist Message in Socialist Code: on the Court Historiography in People's Poland and North Korea
The Nationalist Message in Socialist Code: On the Court Historiography in People’s Poland and North Korea* Jie-Hyun Lim (Seoul, Republic of Korea) I. Introduction The fall of the really existing socialist system shed fresh light on the ideological topology in the twentieth century. It is generally argued that after the Fall, nationalism, an ideology of the right, took over from the bankrupt socialist utopias of the left. It is assumed that the Fall triggered the eruption of many different kinds of old-fashioned patriotism, revivalist messianism, conservative nationalism, xenophobia and so on. The dichotomy of the right‟s nationalism and left‟s socialism made this argument plausible. In purely theoretical terrain this dichotomy seems to be correct. A further reflection on the historical reality, however, would deny that dichotomy. Communist regimes had leant on the nationalist pillar in their search for legitimacy in various ways. In fact the official nationalism prevailed under the propaganda banner of socialist patriotism and proletarian internationalism. To cite Adam Michnik, “nationalism was the last word of Communism. A final attempt to find a social basis for dictatorship…”1 The official nationalism in the socialist regimes has another name: „apparatchik nationalism,‟ coined by Peter Sugar. Apparatchik nationalism was not the only form of nationalism that existed in the socialist regimes. Nationalism was also an articulation of the political opposition to Communism. In fact the popular nationalism was the offspring of the official nationalism. The socialist regime tried the „nationalization‟ of history and kept the state monopoly on history. It reprogrammed the popular memory on the basis of official nationalism. -
Theory of History in Which the Proletariat Inevitably End up the Dominant Order; This Has Proven Historically to Be False
9/24/07 Marxism • Marxism is many different kinds of theories at once: • theory of history in which the proletariat inevitably end up the dominant order; this has proven historically to be false. • a critique of capitalism. This body of theory can be relevant to literature, but we’re not going to get into it explicitly. Barry and Richter give some sense of this; for the midterm, I’ll have you learn some terms so that you’ll be at least somewhat conversant with this kind of thinking if you run into it again. • a sort-of-literary theory. I say “sort of” because what Marx and others theorize is larger than literature: “consciousness and its expressions,” which would include not only literature but all of the arts, religion, politics, law, and so on. This is the part of Marxist theory we’re going to center on, because it raises a really huge problem for post-NC Theory in general, or least for all political theories (and we know that, as Barry says, “politics is pervasive” in post-NC theory, so ALL Theory is political according to this view). • Starting point: 410: “In the social production…determines their consciousness.” Some things to point out: • base/superstructure. “Relations of production”--economic system, more or less. At the most fundamental level, people have to survive, and the way we do that as a species is to produce stuff. But we don’t do that on our own; we do it as part of some kind of economic system that we are born into. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative