We Couldn't Get Enough: President Clinton's Legacy of Entertainment
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
S:\OHP\Tames, George Oral History\Tamespreface.Wpd
George Tames Washington Photographer for the New York Times PREFACE In 1846, an unknown cameraman took the first photograph of the United States Capitol, a view of the East Front. Thereafter the Capitol, from all angles, became the subject of countless amateur and professional photographers. During the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth most photography took place outside the building, due both to its dimly lit interior and to the antipathy many committee chairmen felt about the distractions of flash powder and bulbs. Eventually, photographers moved into the building, shooting everywhere at will, except within the Senate and House chambers. By the 1980s, television cameras penetrated even this haven. Nearly a century after that first photo, George Tames began photographing the people and events of Capitol Hill, first for Time-Life and later for the New York Times. During the course of a long career that ranged from the 1940s through the 1980s, Tames developed access to, and captured the likenesses of more significant members of Congress, and had his work reproduced more widely in influential publications than any other photographer in American political history. He developed a style contrary to the "herd instinct" that led other photographers to group together outside a closed door waiting for a standard shot. Instead, his pictures demonstrate an artistic eye, an intense sense of place, and a special intimacy with his subjects. George Tames was born in the shadow of the Capitol Dome, in a Washington alley house on January 21, 1919, into a Greek-Albanian immigrant family, and "born into the Democratic party" as well. -
Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress
Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Updated October 6, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R43824 Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Summary The electoral college method of electing the President and Vice President was established in Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution and revised by the Twelfth Amendment. It provides for election of the President and Vice President by electors, commonly referred to as the electoral college. A majority of 270 of the 538 electoral votes is necessary to win. For further information on the modern-day operation of the college system, see CRS Report RL32611, The Electoral College: How It Works in Contemporary Presidential Elections, by Thomas H. Neale. The electoral college has been the subject of criticism and proposals for reform since before 1800. Constitutional and structural criticisms have centered on several of its features: (1) although today all electors are chosen by the voters in the presidential election, it is claimed to be not fully democratic, since it provides indirect election of the President; (2) it can lead to the election of candidates who win the electoral college but fewer popular votes than their opponents, or to contingent election in Congress if no candidate wins an electoral college majority; (3) it results in electoral vote under- and over-representation for some states between censuses; and (4) “faithless” electors can vote for candidates other than those they were elected to support. Legislative and political criticisms include (1) the general ticket system, currently used in all states except Maine and Nebraska, which is alleged to disenfranchise voters who prefer the losing candidates in the states; (2) various asserted “biases” that are alleged to favor different states and groups; and (3) the electoral college “lock,” which has been claimed to provide an electoral college advantage to both major parties at different times. -
Comprehensive Annual Financial Report, 2003
METROPOLITAN WASHINGTON AIRPORTS AUTHORITY COMPREHENSIVE ANNUAL FINANCIAL REPORT YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31, 2003 BOARD OF DIRECTORS Norman M. Glasgow, Jr., Chairman Mame Reiley, Vice Chairman Robert Clarke Brown Honorable H.R. Crawford Anne Crossman Mamadi Diané Honorable John Paul Hammerschmidt William A. Hazel Weldon H. Latham David T. Ralston, Jr. Charles D. Snelling Honorable David G. Speck Jeffrey Earl Thompson EXECUTIVE STAFF James E. Bennett, President and Chief Executive Officer Margaret E. McKeough, Executive Vice President & Chief Operating Officer * Lynn Hampton, CPA, Vice President for Finance and Chief Financial Officer Anne M. Field, CPA, Controller * Effective April 1, 2004. Prepared by the Office of Finance METROPOLITAN WASHINGTON AIRPORTS AUTHORITY Comprehensive Annual Financial Report for the Year Ended December 31, 2003 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory Section Page Transmittal Letter ................................................................. 1 2002 Certificate of Achievement .................................................... 11 Organization Chart............................................................... 12 Financial Section Report of Independent Auditors..................................................... 13 Management’s Discussion and Analysis.............................................. 15 Financial Statements Statements of Net Assets ...................................................... 28 Statements of Revenues, Expenses and Changes in Net Assets ........................ 30 Statements of Cash Flows.................................................... -
Introduction
NOTES Introduction 1. Robert Kagan to George Packer. Cited in Packer’s The Assassin’s Gate: America In Iraq (Faber and Faber, London, 2006): 38. 2. Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke, America Alone: The Neoconservatives and the Global Order (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004): 9. 3. Critiques of the war on terror and its origins include Gary Dorrien, Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana (Routledge, New York and London, 2004); Francis Fukuyama, After the Neocons: America At the Crossroads (Profile Books, London, 2006); Ira Chernus, Monsters to Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin (Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO and London, 2006); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (Doubleday, New York, 2008). 4. A report of the PNAC, Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century, September 2000: 76. URL: http:// www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf (15 January 2009). 5. On the first generation on Cold War neoconservatives, which has been covered far more extensively than the second, see Gary Dorrien, The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture and the War of Ideology (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1993); Peter Steinfels, The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America’s Politics (Simon and Schuster, New York, 1979); Murray Friedman, The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge University Press, New York, 2005); Murray Friedman ed. Commentary in American Life (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 2005); Mark Gerson, The Neoconservative Vision: From the Cold War to the Culture Wars (Madison Books, Lanham MD; New York; Oxford, 1997); and Maria Ryan, “Neoconservative Intellectuals and the Limitations of Governing: The Reagan Administration and the Demise of the Cold War,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. -
Specious Poisons?: Reputation, Gender, and Democratic Politics (Under the Direction of Susan Bickford.)
SPECIOUS POISONS?: REPUTATION, GENDER, AND DEMOCRATIC POLITICS Erin N. Taylor A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science. Chapel Hill 2006 Approved by Advisor: Susan Bickford Reader: Michael Lienesch Reader: John McGowan Reader: Jeff Spinner-Halev Reader: Marco Steenbergen ABSTRACT ERIN N. TAYLOR: Specious Poisons?: Reputation, Gender, and Democratic Politics (Under the direction of Susan Bickford.) Suggesting that reputation and gossip have been largely ignored by contemporary political theorists, I argue that both reputation and the gossip that helps to constitute it are important aspects of our communal and political lives. I begin with the work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau as representative of a larger early modern discourse that identified the desire for reputation as one that is central to human beings. Arguing that this desire for reputation simultaneously poses great dangers and great power for political communities, Rousseau’s vision urges careful attention to political arrangements as a way of harnessing the positive effects of the desire for reputation. In my second chapter, I move to a focus on the relationship between reputation and gender, interrogating the necessity that women maintain spotless sexual reputations (a central feature to Rousseau’s political schema) in light of both Mary Wollstonecraft’s critique of Rousseau as well as my examination of the fate of Rousseau’s heroines. Turning to the work of Harriet Taylor and John Stuart Mill, I contend that their arguments about the stifling effects of reputational politics for individual liberty point to a nuanced understanding of the differential effects of reputation for individuals in various echelons of society. -
Political Reelism: a Rhetorical Criticism of Reflection and Interpretation in Political Films
POLITICAL REELISM: A RHETORICAL CRITICISM OF REFLECTION AND INTERPRETATION IN POLITICAL FILMS Jennifer Lee Walton A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2006 Committee: John J. Makay, Advisor Richard Gebhardt Graduate Faculty Representative John T. Warren Alberto Gonzalez ii ABSTRACT John J. Makay, Advisor The purpose of this study is to discuss how political campaigns and politicians have been depicted in films, and how the films function rhetorically through the use of core values. By interpreting real life, political films entertain us, perhaps satirically poking fun at familiar people and events. However, the filmmakers complete this form of entertainment through the careful integration of American values or through the absence of, or attack on those values. This study provides a rhetorical criticism of movies about national politics, with a primary focus on the value judgments, political consciousness and political implications surrounding the films Mr. Smith Goes to Washington (1939), The Candidate (1972), The Contender (2000), Wag the Dog (1997), Power (1986), and Primary Colors (1998). iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank everyone who made this endeavor possible. First and foremost, I thank Doctor John J. Makay; my committee chair, for believing in me from the start, always encouraging me to do my best, and assuring me that I could do it. I could not have done it without you. I wish to thank my committee members, Doctors John Warren and Alberto Gonzalez, for all of your support and advice over the past months. -
The Impeachment of President Clinton: an Ugly Mix of Three Powerful Forces
POPP_FMT.DOC 11/14/00 10:55 AM THE IMPEACHMENT OF PRESIDENT CLINTON: AN UGLY MIX OF THREE POWERFUL FORCES KAREN A. POPP* I INTRODUCTION President Clinton should not have been impeached by the House of Representatives and, once impeached, was properly acquitted by the Senate. Thus, it should come as no surprise that I agree with much of what Professor Susan Low Bloch has written in her article, A Report Card on the Impeachment: Judging the Institutions That Judged President Clinton.1 As Professor Bloch indicates, it is essential for us to assess how Congress arrived at the point of impeaching President Clinton, how the impeachment process itself worked, and what we can learn from it.2 Indeed, much has already been written and said on these topics, and these issues will no doubt continue to be debated and analyzed for years to come. So, how do I rate the impeachment process of President Clinton? I would give it a failing grade. Although the Senate reached the right result by acquitting the President, the fact that the Senate voted as it did is cold comfort. The impeachment process should have never gone that far. In effect, the second parachute finally opened, just before the impeachment process hit the ground. One nevertheless wonders, “Why did the first parachute fail?” As the events were unfolding, it appeared that the 1998-99 impeachment debacle resulted in large part from an ugly mix of three extremely powerful forces: an independent counsel who abused his virtually unlimited power; extreme congressional partisanship that was motivated by the desire to gain control of the government; and media outlets that continuously sought to profit from the sensationalism of it all and consistently flouted standards of professional journalism along the way. -
Clinton Presidential Records in Response to the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Requests Listed in Attachment A
VIA EMAIL (LM 2019-030) February 5, 2019 The Honorable Pat A. Cipollone Counsel to the President The White House Washington, D.C. 20502 Dear Mr. Cipollone: In accordance with the requirements of the Presidential Records Act (PRA), as amended, 44 U.S.C. §§2201-2209, this letter constitutes a formal notice from the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) to the incumbent President of our intent to open Clinton Presidential records in response to the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests listed in Attachment A. These records, consisting of 19,503 pages, have been reviewed for all applicable FOIA exemptions, resulting in 2,274 pages restricted in whole or in part. NARA is proposing to open the remaining 17,229 pages. A copy of any records proposed for release under this notice will be provided to you upon your request. We are also concurrently informing former President Clinton’s representative, Bruce Lindsey, of our intent to release these records. Pursuant to 44 U.S.C. 2208(a), NARA will release the records 60 working days from the date of this letter, which is May 1, 2019, unless the former or incumbent President requests a one-time extension of an additional 30 working days or asserts a constitutionally based privilege, in accordance with 44 U.S.C. 2208(b)-(d). Please let us know if you are able to complete your review before the expiration of the 60 working day period. Pursuant to 44 U.S.C. 2208(a)(1)(B), we will make this notice available to the public on the NARA website. -
© 2017 Thomson Reuters. No Claim to Original U.S. Government Works. 1 162 F.3D 670 United States Court of Appeals, District Of
In re Sealed Case, 162 F.3d 670 (1998) 333 U.S.App.D.C. 245, 50 Fed. R. Evid. Serv. 731 grand jury subpoenas connected with investigation of client. 162 F.3d 670 United States Court of Appeals, Cases that cite this headnote District of Columbia Circuit. IN RE: SEALED CASE [2] Federal Courts Persons Entitled to Seek Review or Nos. 98–3052, 98–3053 & 98–3059. Assert Arguments; Parties; Standing | One to whom a subpoena is directed may not Decided May 26, 1998. appeal the denial of a motion to quash that | subpoena but must either obey its commands Ordered Unsealed Dec. 1, 1998. or refuse to do so and contest the validity of Attorney moved to quash grand jury subpoenas seeking the subpoena if he is subsequently cited for documents and attorney's testimony in connection contempt on account of his failure to obey. with investigation of attorney's client and others for Cases that cite this headnote potential subornation of perjury, obstruction of justice, intimidation of witnesses, and other violations of federal law in civil case against president of the United States. The [3] Federal Courts United States District Court for the District of Columbia, Particular persons Johnson, Chief Judge, ordered attorney to comply Client could appeal from district court order with subpoenas except to the extent that compliance requiring attorney to comply with grand jury would require disclosure of materials that could not subpoenas issued in course of investigation of be revealed without violating client's Fifth Amendment client and others for potential subornation of rights. -
THE POLITICS of REPRODUCTION FORMATIONS: ADOPTION, KINSHIP, and CULTURE Emily Hipchen and John Mcleod, Series Editors the Politics of Reproduction
THE POLITICS OF REPRODUCTION FORMATIONS: ADOPTION, KINSHIP, AND CULTURE Emily Hipchen and John McLeod, Series Editors The Politics of Reproduction Adoption, Abortion, and Surrogacy in the Age of Neoliberalism Edited by Modhumita Roy and Mary Thompson THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS COLUMBUS Copyright © 2019 by Th e Ohio State University. Th is edition licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at catalog.loc.gov. Cover design by Nathan Putens Text design by Juliet Williams Type set in Adobe Minion Pro Th e paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48-1992. We dedicate this volume to the memory of our fathers, Richard E. Thompson Jr. (1924–2011) and Birendra Narayan Roy (1926–2011), and to our mothers, Barbara J. Thompson and Pranati Roy, with love and thanks. CONTENTS Acknowledgments ix INTRODUCTION MODHUMITA ROY AND MARY THOMPSON 1 CHAPTER 1 Precarity and Disaster in Jesmyn Ward’s Salvage the Bones: A Reproductive Justice Reading MARY THOMPSON 25 CHAPTER 2 Privileging God the Father: The Neoliberal Theology of the Evangelical Orphan Care Movement VALERIE A. STEIN 42 CHAPTER 3 White Futures: Reproduction and Labor in Neoliberal Times HEATHER MOONEY 61 CHAPTER 4 One Woman’s Choice Is Another Woman’s Disobedience: Seguro Popular and Threats to Midwifery in Mexico ROSALYNN VEGA 82 CHAPTER 5 The Work/Life -
1994Winter Vol3.Pdf
§ THE PROGRESSIVE WOMAN'S QUARTERLY IIVTER 1994 $3.95 ••* Jtg CANADA $4.50 a o THE 0 POLITICS 0 74470 78532 It adream: Is it an omen? _t Jit^ifciiTlity did everything they could to stop her from singing. Everything included threatening her, stalking her, slashing her and imprisoning her, on two continents. They wanted her to live as a traditional Berber woman. She had other plans. ADVENTURES IN AFROPEA 2: THE BEST OF Of silence HER BEST WORK. COMPILED BY DAVID BYRNE. On Luaka Bop Cassettes and Compact D.scs. Available in record stores, or direct by calling I. 800. 959. 4327 Ruth Frankenbera Larry Gross Lisa Bloom WHITE WOMEN, RACE MATTERS CONTESTED CLOSETS GENDER ON ICE The Social Construction of Whiteness The Politics and Ethics of Outing American Ideologies of Polar Expeditions "Frankenberg's impressive study of the "Combines a powerfully argued essay Bloom focuses on the conquest of the social geography of whiteness inaugu- with a comprehensive anthology of arti- North Pole as she reveals how popular rates a whole new, exciting, and neces- cles to create an invaluable document on print and visual media defined and sary direction in feminist studies: the 'outing.' Gross's fearless and fascinating shaped American national ideologies exploration of the categories of racial- book calls persuasively for ending a from the early twentieth century to the ized gender, and of genderized race in code of silence that has long served present. "Bloom's beautifully written the construction of white identity. ... An hyprocrisy and double-standard morality and incisively argued book works with a essential pedagogical and analytic text at the expense of truth." wealth of cultural artifacts and historical for 'the third Wave' of U.S. -
American History: President Clinton's Legal Problems
08 March 2012 | MP3 at voaspecialenglish.com American History: President Clinton's Legal Problems AP President Clinton thanks Democrats in the House of Representatives who opposed his impeachment, as first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton watches, on December 19, 1998 STEVE EMBER: Welcome to THE MAKING OF A NATION – American history in VOA Special English. I'm Steve Ember. This week in our series, we continue the story of America's forty-second president, Bill Clinton. He was a popular and successful president who was re- elected in nineteen ninety-six. But he also became only the second president in American history ever to be put on trial in Congress. (MUSIC) Clinton's past in Arkansas became the source of accusations and questions about his character as he was running for president. These included questions about financial dealings with a land development company called Whitewater. In January of nineteen ninety-four, President Clinton asked Attorney General Janet Reno to appoint an independent lawyer to lead an investigation. She named 2 a Republican, but some critics said her choice was too friendly to the Clinton administration. He was replaced by another Republican, Kenneth Starr. In nineteen ninety-five the Senate Judiciary Committee began its own investigation of the president. The committee later reported that it had not found evidence of any crimes. However, because the committee was led by Democrats, there was continuing suspicion of the president among Republicans. The main cause of that suspicion dated back to a purchase of land in Arkansas years earlier. Bill and Hillary Clinton had bought the land in nineteen seventy eight -- the year he was first elected governor of that state.