He Assumed Accepting Rambouillet Terms Would Endanger His Rule
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Central and Eastern Europe Development Outlook After the Coronavirus Pandemic
CHINA-CEE INSTITUTE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE DEVELOPMENT OUTLOOK AFTER THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC Editor in Chief: Dr. Chen Xin Published by: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. Telephone: +36-1-5858-690 E-mail: [email protected] Webpage: www.china-cee.eu Address: 1052, Budapest, Petőfi Sándor utca 11. Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin ISSN: 978-615-6124-29-6 Cover design: PONT co.lab Copyright: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. The reproduction of the study or parts of the study are prohibited. The findings of the study may only be cited if the source is acknowledged. Central and Eastern Europe Development Outlook after the Coronavirus Pandemic Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin CHINA-CEE INSTITUTE Budapest, October 2020 Content Preface ............................................................................................................ 5 Part I POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OUTLOOK ..................................... 7 Albanian politics in post-pandemic era: reshuffling influence and preparing for the next elections .............................................................................................. 8 BiH political outlook after the COVID-19 pandemic ...................................... 13 Bulgarian Political Development Outlook in Post-Pandemic Era ..................... 18 Forecast of Croatian Political Events after the COVID-19 .............................. 25 Czech Political Outlook for the Post-Crisis Period .......................................... 30 Estonian political outlook after the pandemic: Are we there yet? ................... -
Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia
Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia Graduate Policy Workshop January 2017 Authors Edward Atkinson, Nicholas Collins, Aparna Krishnamurthy, Mae Lindsey, Yanchuan Liu, David Logan, Ken Sofer, Aditya Sriraman, Francisco Varela Sandoval Advisor Jeff Fischer CONTENTS About the WWS Graduate Policy Workshop ........................................................................................iv Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................................iv Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 Albania ................................................................................................................................................... 2 Background and Context .................................................................................................................. 2 Description of Electoral and Political Processes and Institutions ................................................... 3 Electoral and Political Issues ............................................................................................................ 4 Electoral Process Vulnerabilities .......................................................................................................................... 4 Political Process Vulnerabilities ........................................................................................................................... -
The Political Integration of the Roma In
The Political Integration of the Roma in Multicultural Societies The Cases of Macedonia and Serbia By Marina Vasić Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Lea Sgier CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2013 ABSTRACT Roma, as the largest and most disadvantaged European minority, are one of the hardest cases of social and political integration. The work of scholars on ‘multicultural citizenship’ provides a possible framework for integrating disadvantaged groups within the wider society. It explains three components: a proper categorization- status of national minorities, active participation from the groups and the input from the international community (pressure on national governments to implement certain affirmative action). This work takes into consideration two former Yugoslav republics (Macedonia and Serbia) that show different results in political integration of Roma. Macedonia, as an ethnically unstable country, serves as an exemplar case where the Roma are substantially integrated in society. The minority has a developed civil sector, with numerous non-governmental organizations. Romani political parties actively participate in the elections from the time when Macedonia was recognized as an independent country. In contrast, Serbia (as a less ethnically unstable country) shows less successful results in dealing with cultural diversity. Even though the group has obtained the status of national minority, the effects of this provision did not contribute to political integration. Roma prove to have their political parties and organizations but somehow the outcomes of parliamentary elections do not go in favor of political integration of the minority. -
Libya Contact Group Doha, 13 April 2011 Chair's Statement
Libya Contact Group Doha, 13 April 2011 Chair's statement Statement by Foreign Secretary William Hague following the Libya Contact Group meeting in Doha: 1. Following the London Conference on 29 March 2011, the first meeting of the Contact Group on Libya was held in Doha on 13 April, and was co-chaired by the State of Qatar and the United Kingdom, with the participation of 21 countries and representatives from the United Nations, the Arab League, NATO, the European Union, the Organisation of Islamic Conference and the Cooperation Council for the Arab Gulf States to discuss the situation in Libya. The African Union attended as an invitee. Participants recalled that the Contact Group on Libya would support and be a focal point of contact with the Libyan people, coordinate international policy and be a forum for discussion of humanitarian and post- conflict support. The meeting was held under the patronage of His Highness Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad Al Thani, Crown Prince of Qatar, where he delivered a speech in which he expressed the State of Qatar’s welcome to participants at this important meeting, and its confidence that this meeting would achieve positive results contributing to the protection of Libyan civilians and relieving their suffering. 2. Participants welcomed the progress made since the London Conference to support the Libyan people and ensure their protection. Participants remained united and firm in their resolve. Qadhafi and his regime had lost all legitimacy and he must leave power allowing the Libyan people to determine their own future. International progress in implementing UNSCRs 1970 and 1973 (2011), and demand for a halt to attacks on civilians. -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
The Kosovo Report
THE KOSOVO REPORT CONFLICT v INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE v LESSONS LEARNED v THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON KOSOVO 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford Executive Summary • 1 It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, Address by former President Nelson Mandela • 14 and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Map of Kosovo • 18 Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogotá Buenos Aires Calcutta Introduction • 19 Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris São Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw PART I: WHAT HAPPENED? with associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Preface • 29 Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the uk and in certain other countries 1. The Origins of the Kosovo Crisis • 33 Published in the United States 2. Internal Armed Conflict: February 1998–March 1999 •67 by Oxford University Press Inc., New York 3. International War Supervenes: March 1999–June 1999 • 85 © Oxford University Press 2000 4. Kosovo under United Nations Rule • 99 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) PART II: ANALYSIS First published 2000 5. The Diplomatic Dimension • 131 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, 6. International Law and Humanitarian Intervention • 163 without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, 7. Humanitarian Organizations and the Role of Media • 201 or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation. -
Ifes 13 2 2002 R01922
Date Printed: 11/03/2008 JTS Box Number: IFES 13 Tab Number: 2 Document Title: Serbia, FRY Final Report: October 1999-September 30, 2002 Document Date: 2002 Document Country: Serbia IFES ID: R01922 • ••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••••••••••••• 1 .• •• • ••• , •• •• • ••• 1 •• ••... .- •••• 1 ••• II •••• ! Ii iii FO • • • ••• I ••. :. - •••• 1 •• •• • ••• 1 •• -...••• 1 •• c ••••••••••••••••• 1 ••••••••••••••••••• 1 •• = ••••••••••••••••• 1 •• ~ ••••••••••••••••• I •• ~ ••••••••••••••••• I •• ~ ••••••••••••••••• I •• ~ ••••••••••••••••• ! •• ~ ••••••••••••••••• 1 ••••••••••••••••••• 1 •• c.......... .1 •• ~..........••••••••• ..,..1 •• ••••••••• • ••• , •• ••••••••• • ••• : ••.••••••••.. I I I I I ~. I i ••••••••••••••••••• ! IFES MISSION STATEMENT The purpose of IFES is to provide technical assistance in the promotion of democracy worldwide and to serve as a clearinghouse for information about democratic development and elections. IFES is dedicated to the success of democracy throughout the world, believing that it is the preferred form of gov ernment. At the same time, IFES firmly believes that each nation requesting assistance must take into consideration its unique social, cultural, and envi ronmental influences. The Foundation recognizes that democracy is a dynam ic process with no single blueprint. IFES is nonpartisan, multinational, and inter disciplinary in its approach. MAKING DEMOCRACY WORK Serbia, FRY FINAL REPORT October 1999 -September 30,2002 USAID COOPERATIVE AGREEMENT No. EE-A-00-97-00034-00 .0 Submitted to the UNITED STATES -
Working with Groups of Friends
WHITFIELD WORKING WITH GROUPS OF FRIENDS Determining how to work with the many external actors involved in any peace process is a critical issue for peacemakers. This volume explores how peacemakers can productively work with informal mini coalitions of states or intergovernmental WORKING WITH GROUPS OF FRIENDS organizations that provide support for resolving conflicts and implementing peace Working With agreements—an innovation often referred to as groups of “Friends.” Using lessons learned from successful and less effective examples of peacemaking, the author introduces five steps for mediators who may consider working with these groups: GROUPS • Assess the environment for Friends • Develop a strategy • Engage with Friends and conflict parties • Sustain coordinated support of FRIENDS • Prepare for implementation Teresa Whitfield This handbook encourages and facilitates the rigorous analysis of the potential benefits and risks of engaging regional and international external actors in the mediation process. This volume is the sixth in the Peacemaker’s Toolkit series. Each handbook addresses a facet of the work of mediating violent conflicts, including such topics as nego- tiations with terrorists, constitution making, assessing and enhancing ripeness, and track-II peacemaking. For more information, go to http://www.usip.org/resources/peacemaker-s-toolkit. UNITED STATES USIP INSTITUTE OF PEACE PRESS PRESS 1200 17th Street NW Washington, DC 20036 WWW.USIP.ORG Working with Groups of Friends Working with GROUPS of FRIENDS Teresa Whitfield United States Institute of Peace Washington, D.C. The Peacemaker’s Toolkit Series Editors: A. Heather Coyne and Nigel Quinney The views expressed in this guide are those of the author alone. -
Another Conflict Is Brewing in Kosovo
Not for citation without the author’s permission NUMBER 59 KOSOVO: A SOLVABLE PROBLEM Louis Sell December 2000 EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES This essay is one of a series of Occasional Papers published by East European Studies at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC. The series aims to extend the work of East European scholars and specialists to all those interested in the region and to help authors obtain constructive criticism of work in progress. Occasional Papers are written by resident scholars at the Wilson Center as well as by visiting speakers. They are papers presented at or resulting from discussions, seminars, colloquia, and conferences held under the auspices of East European Studies. The most current Occasional Papers as well as a list of Occasional Papers are available on the EES web site: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/ees. Printed copies of papers may also be obtained free of charge by contacting the EES offices: East European Studies The Woodrow Wilson Center One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 (tel) 202-691-4000; (fax) 202-691-4001 [email protected] Established in 1985 as the East European Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, EES provides a center in Washington, DC, where advanced research on Eastern Europe could be pursued by qualified scholars; where encouragement and support could be given to the cultivation of East European studies throughout the country; and where contact could be maintained with similar institutions abroad. Renamed East European Studies in 1989, it also seeks to provide a meeting place for East European scholars, government officials, analysts, and other specialists and practitioners in the field and related areas. -
The Role of Presidents in Croatia and Serbia, 1990-2015
The Role of Presidents in Croatia and Serbia, 1990-2015 By: Mislav Ilija Vulić Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary (2015) Abstract Both Croatia and Serbia introduced a semi-presidential system of government in 1990. In Croatia this choice was motivated by a need to have a decisive and efficient decision- making institution in light of the upcoming instability and war. In Serbia introduction of semi- presidentialism was motivated primarily by the need of Slobodan Milošević to be legitimized as a national leader. Croatian semi-presidentialism in 1990s was of a presidential- parliamentary subtype because the President had autonomous power to appoint and dismiss the Government. Serbian semi-presidentialism was of a premier-presidential subtype because the Government was accountable solely to the Assembly. In both countries tendencies towards authoritarianism emerged. The death of Franjo Tuđman and the resignation of Slobodan Milošević ended the authoritarian rule but the two countries diverged in how they dealt with the institutional framework of semi-presidentialism. In Croatia the Constitution was amended immediately after the change of government. In Serbia it remains the same even today with only minor alterations. The present system of government in Croatia can be characterized as parliamentary while system of government in Serbia can be characterized as semi-presidential. The key difference does not emerge from constitutional powers but from the fact that Croatian President is forbidden to be a member of the political party or its president, while in Serbia this possibility exists, and can be used to position the President as a central figure in the political system. -
STRUCTURAL REALISM: the Consequences of Great Power
“Structural Realism: The Consequences of Great-Power Politics” Karen Ruth Adams The University of Montana [email protected] Draft date: 7 October 2003 Published as Karen Ruth Adams, "Structural Realism: The Consequences of Great-Power Politics," in Jennifer Sterling-Folker, ed., Making Sense of International Relations Theory, 1st ed (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2005), pp. 18-37. Because “the fates of all the states ... in a system are affected much more by the acts and the interactions of the major ones than of the minor ones,” structural realists tend to focus on the actions and interactions of great powers (Waltz 1979: 72-73, 161-176).1 Yet structural-realist theory can also illuminate the challenges less-powerful states face. In fact, without considering the structure of the international-political system, it is impossible to understand why weak states select the policies and undergo the experiences they do. Thus to explain the 1998-1999 war in Kosovo, I examine the effects of international anarchy, polarity, relative capabilities, and the security dilemma on the Yugoslavian government‟s ability to maintain a monopoly of force over all of its territory, the American decision to intervene when the government was trying to reassert control over Kosovo, and the conduct, outcome, and consequences of the intervention.2 I argue that the ultimate causes of Yugoslavia‟s civil wars were anarchy, Yugoslavian weakness, unipolarity, and the security dilemma. Unipolarity was especially important. In the multipolar and bipolar eras, when Yugoslavia‟s independent, integral existence served the interests of the world's great powers, they helped create, recreate, and maintain it. -
Extra-Territorial Consequences of Nato's
International Journal of Security Studies Volume 1 | Issue 1 Article 3 2018 EXTRA-TERRITORIAL CONSEQUENCES OF NATO’S WAR ON SERBIA chuka stephen enuka Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Nigeria, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/ijoss Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons, Military and Veterans Studies Commons, and the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Recommended Citation enuka, chuka stephen (2018) "EXTRA-TERRITORIAL CONSEQUENCES OF NATO’S WAR ON SERBIA," International Journal of Security Studies: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/ijoss/vol1/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Journal of Security Studies by an authorized editor of Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. EXTRA-TERRITORIAL CONSEQUENCES OF NATO’S WAR ON SERBIA Cover Page Footnote I thank Professor C. Eme for her encouraging roles This article is available in International Journal of Security Studies: https://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/ijoss/vol1/iss1/3 EXTRA-TERRITORIAL CONSEQUENCES OF NATO’S WAR ON SERBIA CHUKA ENUKA DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERSITY, AWKA, NIGERIA ABSTRACT This paper discusses the NATO war on Serbia and its implications beyond the shores and territorial boundary of Serbia. Moved by what it described as gross violation of human rights, and the images of burning homes resulting from the raging conflict in Kosovo in 1999, NATO intervened into the situation by declaring war against the sovereign state of Serbia in defense of the Albanians in Kosovo.