A Discussion Between a Discussion Between KENNETH KAUNDA and COLIN MORRIS KENNETH KAUNDA KENNETH DAVID KAUNDA Aged 36 Is Norther

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Discussion Between a Discussion Between KENNETH KAUNDA and COLIN MORRIS KENNETH KAUNDA KENNETH DAVID KAUNDA Aged 36 Is Norther A discussion between A discussion between KENNETH KAUNDA and COLIN MORRIS KENNETH KAUNDA KENNETH DAVID KAUNDA aged 36 is Northern Rhodesia's most controversial African Leader. He states his claim for Black Government. Is he the "black Mamba" of African Nationalism plotting violence behind a front of Ghandian passive resistance, or is he the "lion of the North" Central Africa's man of destiny and a Northern Rhodesian Nyerere? He makes the claim for "One Man one Vote", "Independence for Northern Rhodesia", "the break up of the Federation", "the power of non violent methods" for achieving his declared aims. The policy and programme of the United National Independence Party is set forth and argued with unusual clarity and force. One may disagree fundamentally with Kaunda, but one cannot dismiss him as a selfish politician lusting for power. Northern News Photograph. Colin Morris, Merfyyn Temple and Kenneth Kaunda preparing "Black Government" in February 1960. BLACK GOVERNMENT? A DISCUSSION BETWEEN COLIN MORRIS AND KENNETH KA UNDA UNITED SOCIETY FOR CHRISTIAN LITERATURE LUSAKA, NORTHERN- RHODESIA 1960 Printed by Rhodesian Printers Ltd., Monterey Avenue, Ndola, Northern Rhodesia CONTENTS Foreword Sir Stewart Gore-Browne V Preface Merfyn M. Temple 1 Chapter L Profile Kenneth Kaunda Merfyn M. Temple 3 2. Profile Colin Morris Merfyn M. Temple 23 DISCUSSION Kenneth Kaunda and Colin Morris 3. "We want a colour blind Society" 41 4. "We want Freedom of Speech and Movement" 57 5. "We want one man one vote" 67 6. "We want an end to Federation" 78 7. "The Future of African Nationalism" 92 S. Conclusion 111 FOREWORD I have been asked to write a foreword to "Black Government". I have not had an opportunity to read the book, nor do I know the Reverend Colin Morris personally. But I have known Mr. Kaunda, and admired his sterling character, for many years. If anything I can write or say can help him in the task he has undertaken, I am only too glad to try and do so. For myself, I have known Northern Rhodesia for all but fifty years. My home, and the home of my children, and my grandchildren, is here. In a Christmas Day address last year the people said: "We thank Sir Stewart, and we think he thanks us too, to reach this year while still working together fraternally. There is nothing which we people have blamed him, and neither does Sir Stewart himself blame us." That is indeed true, and as it should be. But what of the future? There is no need to panic, but is it not clear to anyone whose head is not buried in the facile sands of optimism that Northern Rhodesia is about to be faced with a crisis compared to which troubles and set-becks of the last half-century are the merest trifles? Is not the situation here today something like the situation in Britain in the years just before the passing of the Great Reform Bill in 1832, when the conflict was between Privilege and the People, and when failure to reach a successful conclusion would have meant revolution? The problem in Northern Rhodesia today has become a psychological one, and pointing to the undoubted prosperity and material progress of recent years will not solve it. What Africans are demanding with no uncertain voice is what the Prime Minister of India, Mr. Nehru, calls "The Fourth Freedom; Freedom from Contempt". Waiting four years, or even a year, before we do anything about it is not merely futile, it is dangerous. Myself, I agree, fundamentally, with Mr. Kaunda that the first objective today must be the granting of a genuinely liberal franchise on a common roll basis. Such a franchise must confer equal voting powers on equal terms for both races, without any disingenuous catches or strings attached to it. The present franchise with it's provisions for devaluing votes which appear dangerous to the dominant race, requiring the consent of Chiefs for the nomination of individual Africans, (imagine Richard Cobden having to obtain the consent of an early nineteenth century House of Lords before he could stand for Parliament), is neither fair nor just. It's replacement by a franchise which was both would go a long way towards restoring that confidence between races which has been lost of late years, but which is so necessary if we are, all of us, to live in peace and prosperity. If granting such franchise leads to an African majority in the Legislature, no matter. What does matter is delay. Finally, those of us who know Mr. Kaunda feel sure we can trust him. He is certainly not a careerist nor a would-be dictator, still less a terrorist. But that does not mean that we minimise the difficulties and dangers that lie before any leader striving to follow a straight path today. We can only hope, and pray, that he will be given strength as well as wisdom to accomplish his task. Shiwa Ngandu, STEWART GORE-BROWN. Northern Rhodesia. 29/4/60. ILLUSTRATIONS Colin Morris, Kenneth Kaunda and Merfyn Temple preparing "Black Government?" Kenneth Kaunda addresses a meeting Colin Morris in his pulpit Notice outside the Chingola Free Church, Northern Rhodesia, of which Rev. Colin Morris is Minister. Kenneth Kaunda Frontispiece facing 16 facing 32 facing 48 facing 96 PREFACE Mr. Harold Macmillan the British Prime Minister speaking to both Houses of Parliament in Cape Town on Feb. 3rd. 1960 said: "The wind of change is blowing through the continent. The most striking of all the impressions I have formed since I left London a month ago is of the strength of national consciousness. Whether we like it or not, this growth is a political fact. We must all accept it as a fact. This means, I would judge that we must come to terms with it. I sincerely believe that if we cannot do so, we may imperil the precarious balance between East and West on which the peace of the world depends." These words have taken some time to sink into our consciousness here in Northern Rhodesia. There are still many who do not heed the warning, though recent events in the Union of South Africa are hammering home their truth. That the peace of the world may be imperiled by our failure to come to terms with African nationalism should surely give us pause for thought. This small book has been produced with one purpose in view; that is to help all of us, African, Asian, European and Eurafrican to accept the political fact of the rising tide of African national consciousness. So urgent did some of us feel this need to be, that at the risk of being seriously misunderstood, we set out BLACK GOVERNMENT ? with our meagre resources of time, and talent, and money to produce a book which would not only present the case of the Northern Rhodesian African Nationalist, but subject it to rigorous analysis. Speed was the essence of this project, and we had no time to gather a mass of evidence, nor to consult a wide variety of opinion, so taking a calculated risk we asked two men who were themselves deeply involved in our political situation to write in a matter of hours what they both would have preferred to set down over a period of weeks or months. No one is more conscious than we are of this book's shortcomings, its wide gaps, its over simplification of intricate problems, but we hope that what it lacks in perspective and balance it makes up for by its immediacy, what defects appear in the polish of its prose it makes up for in the rough authenticity of its dialogue. Though of necessity this is a hurried book, for events march swiftly in Central Africa today, we believe it can be used, if read widely during this crucial year of 1960 to enable men and women to face without fear the political realities of our time. We hope especially it will be read by African Nationalists themselves enabling them to understand that on the journey to the "Canaan of their dreams" they would do well to heed the voice of the christian churches of this land. Even after Colin Morris and Kenneth Kaunda had agreed to meet we should have made little progress without the enthusiastic co-operation of our typists, our Printer, and a gift of money from the London Committee of the United Society for Christian Literature. We acknowledge with gratitude the help we have received from the Editors of the "Northern News" and "African Mail", also permission to quote from "Partnership" published by S.C.M. and "The Ridley Report". Our thanks are given too to all those Africans and Europeans who gave the information contained in the brief profiles of our two authors. CHAPTER ONE Profile of Kenneth Kaunda BY MERFYN M. TEMPLE Mr. John Gaunt, at one time a District Commissioner, now Northern Rhodesia's most powerful white politician, has a reputation for speaking his mind. At a meeting attended by a thousand of Lusaka's European community he said, after comparing Mr. Julius Nyerere .and Dr. Banda with Adolf Hitler: "They tell us to come to terms with the black Nationalists. Pah! we might as well come to terms with a black mamba." ,Criticising Kenneth Kaunda for wearing a toga at -public meetings he remarked: "The only kind of nationalist dress I came across in this country was the loin cloth." Mr. John Roberts, the leader of the United Federal Party in the Northern Rhodesia Legislative Council, on March 2nd, gave public warning against the dangers -of power hungry African politicians who were claiming independence for Northern Rhodesia in 1960.
Recommended publications
  • Database of Mineral Resources of Zambia
    International Workshop on UNFC-2009 DATABASEDATABASE OFOF MINERALMINERAL – Theory and Practice RESOURCESRESOURCES OFOF ZAMBIAZAMBIA Warsaw, 21-22 June 2010 By Prof. Imasiku Nyambe & Cryton Phiri University of Zambia, Geology Department, Lusaka-Zambia PRESENTATIONPRESENTATION LAYOUTLAYOUT y Introduction y Regional Geological Setting y Stratigraphy y Geology and Mineral Resources y Mining Administration Of Mineral Resource y Regional Mapping y Geochemical Survey y Mineral Resource Exploration y Mineral Resource Evaluation y Mineral Potential y Conclusion y References IntroductionIntroduction y Zambia is a landlocked country in Southern Africa with a total area of 752,614km² and with a population of 12 million people. Located well in the tropics and enjoys a sunny climate with three distinct seasons. The country is endowed with mineral resources and since 1930s the mining industry has been the economic backbone of Zambia. RegionalRegional GeologicalGeological SettingSetting y Zambia is a vivacious country forming a natural hub for the regions diverse activities. Its diverse mineral endowment is entirely a function of the variety of geological terrains and the multiplicity of thermal tectonic events that have overprinted and shaped these terrains. Position of Zambia RegionalRegional GeologicalGeological SettingSetting Zambia’s geological terrains y The multiplicity of tectono‐thermal events reflect somewhat a complex geology. These differential movements have played an important role in the geological evolution and the genesis of the country’s
    [Show full text]
  • Central African Examiner, 1957-19651
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Zambezia (1996), XXIII (ii). THE CENTRAL AFRICAN EXAMINER, 1957-19651 ANTHONY KING2 St Antony's College, Oxford, UK Abstract The Central African Examiner is a well known source for the study of Zimbabwean history in the seminal period 1957-1965, although the story of its foundation and the backroom manoeuvrings which dogged its short life are relatively unknown. Its inception was the result of industry attempting to push the Federal Government into implementing partnership in a practical way. Up to 1960, the Examiner's internal politics mirrored this conflict, and it was during this time that the Examiner's position as a critical supporter of Government policy was at its most ambiguous. After 1960, the Examiner became a more forthright Government critic — indeed by 1964, it was the only medium left for the expression of nationalist opinion. INTRODUCTION IN THE WAKE of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in Rhodesia on 11 November 1965, censorship was imposed on the press. Most newspapers and magazines appeared with a number of blank spaces which would have been filled with articles had they not fallen foul of the censors. One magazine had so much of its content for the December 1965 issue banned that it resorted to making it a 'Do-It-Yourself edition, urging readers to fill in the blanks themselves.
    [Show full text]
  • Charisma and Politics in Post-Colonial Africa
    CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Sishuwa Sishuwa CSSR Working Paper No. 446 January 2020 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2020 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/446 ISBN: 978-1-77011-433-3 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2020 About the author: Sishuwa Sishuwa is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, at UCT. His PhD (from Oxford University) was a political biography of Zambian politician and president Michael Sata. Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Abstract This paper examines the interaction between charisma and politics in Africa. Two broad groups of charismatic political leaders are discussed: those who came to the fore during the era of independence struggles and saw themselves as an embodiment of their nation states and having a transformative impact over the societies they led, and those who emerged largely in response to the failure of the first group or the discontent of post-colonial delivery, and sought political power to enhance their own personal interests. In both instances, the leaders emerged in a context of a crisis: the collapse of colonialism, the disintegration of the one-party state model and economic collapse. Keywords: charisma; leadership; colonialism; one-party state; democracy. 1. Introduction The concept of charisma entered the lexicon of the social sciences more than a century ago and is credited to German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920).
    [Show full text]
  • Tanzania-Zambia Railway: Escape Route from Neocolonial Control? Alvin W
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Anthropology Faculty Publications Anthropology 1970 Tanzania-Zambia Railway: Escape Route from Neocolonial Control? Alvin W. Wolfe [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/ant_facpub Part of the Anthropology Commons Scholar Commons Citation Wolfe, Alvin W., "Tanzania-Zambia Railway: Escape Route from Neocolonial Control?" (1970). Anthropology Faculty Publications. 10. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/ant_facpub/10 This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Anthropology Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. f.~m NONALIGNED THIRD WORLD ANNUAL 1970 ';;~~: Books International ot DH-T~ %n~ernational St. Louis, Missouri, USA . \ ESCAPE ROUTE ALVINW. WOLFE* THE FIRST REQUISITE for African development is that African countries combine what little wealth and power they have toward the end of getting a greater share of the products of world industry. They may be able to get that greater share by forcing through better terms of trade or better terms in aid, but they will never get any greater share by continuing along present paths, whereby each weak and poor country "negotiates" separately with strong and rich developed countries and supranational emities such as the World Bank and major private companies. If they hope to break thos.e ne,ocolonial bonds, Africans must unite-
    [Show full text]
  • Losing an Empire, Losing a Role?: the Commonwealth Vision, British Identity, and African Decolonization, 1959-1963
    LOSING AN EMPIRE, LOSING A ROLE?: THE COMMONWEALTH VISION, BRITISH IDENTITY, AND AFRICAN DECOLONIZATION, 1959-1963 By Emily Lowrance-Floyd Submitted to the graduate degree program in History and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chairperson Dr. Victor Bailey . Dr. Katherine Clark . Dr. Dorice Williams Elliott . Dr. Elizabeth MacGonagle . Dr. Leslie Tuttle Date Defended: April 6, 2012 ii The Dissertation Committee for Emily Lowrance-Floyd certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: LOSING AN EMPIRE, LOSING A ROLE?: THE COMMONWEALTH VISION, BRITISH IDENTITY, AND AFRICAN DECOLONIZATION, 1959-1963 . Chairperson Dr. Victor Bailey Date approved: April 6, 2012 iii ABSTRACT Many observers of British national identity assume that decolonization presaged a crisis in the meaning of Britishness. The rise of the new imperial history, which contends Empire was central to Britishness, has only strengthened faith in this assumption, yet few historians have explored the actual connections between end of empire and British national identity. This project examines just this assumption by studying the final moments of decolonization in Africa between 1959 and 1963. Debates in the popular political culture and media demonstrate the extent to which British identity and meanings of Britishness on the world stage intertwined with the process of decolonization. A discursive tradition characterized as the “Whiggish vision,” in the words of historian Wm. Roger Louis, emerged most pronounced in this era. This vision, developed over the centuries of Britain imagining its Empire, posited that the British Empire was a benign, liberalizing force in the world and forecasted a teleology in which Empire would peacefully transform into a free, associative Commonwealth of Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • JULIUS KAMBARAGE NYERERE (1922-) Yusuf Kassam1
    The following text was originally published in Prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education (Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIV, no. 1/2, 1994, p. 247-259. ©UNESCO: International Bureau of Education, 2000 This document may be reproduced free of charge as long as acknowledgement is made of the source. JULIUS KAMBARAGE NYERERE (1922-) Yusuf Kassam1 Julius Nyerere, the former and founding President of the United Republic of Tanzania, is known not only as one of the world’s most respected statesmen and an articulate spokesman of African liberation and African dignity but also as an educator and an original and creative educational thinker. Before launching his political career, he was a teacher, and as a result of his writings on educational philosophy and the intimate interaction between his political leadership and educational leadership for the country, he is fondly and respectfully referred to by the title of ‘Mwalimu’ (teacher) by Tanzanians and others. This is Gillette’s view of him: Indeed, part of Nyerere’s charisma lies in the fact that, before launching his political career with the founding of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in 1954, he was a teacher and that his concept of his role as national leader includes constant reassessment, learning and explanation, i.e. education in the broadest sense. Since Independence, and particularly since the threshold year of 1967, Tanzania has been something of a giant in-service seminar, with Nyerere in the professor’s chair (Gillette, 1977). Many features of his educational philosophy have a universal relevance and have inspired many educators and educational and development organizations around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • The Black Power Movement
    A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr. and Sharon Harley The Black Power Movement Part 1: Amiri Baraka from Black Arts to Black Radicalism Editorial Adviser Komozi Woodard Project Coordinator Randolph H. Boehm Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Black power movement. Part 1, Amiri Baraka from Black arts to Black radicalism [microform] / editorial adviser, Komozi Woodard; project coordinator, Randolph H. Boehm. p. cm.—(Black studies research sources) Accompanied by a printed guide, compiled by Daniel Lewis, entitled: A guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. ISBN 1-55655-834-1 1. Afro-Americans—Civil rights—History—20th century—Sources. 2. Black power—United States—History—Sources. 3. Black nationalism—United States— History—20th century—Sources. 4. Baraka, Imamu Amiri, 1934– —Archives. I. Woodard, Komozi. II. Boehm, Randolph. III. Lewis, Daniel, 1972– . Guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. IV. Title: Amiri Baraka from black arts to Black radicalism. V. Series. E185.615 323.1'196073'09045—dc21 00-068556 CIP Copyright © 2001 by University Publications of America. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-55655-834-1. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Julius Nyerere's Philosophy of Education: Implication for Nigeria's
    Julius Nyerere’s Philosophy of Education: Implication for Nigeria’s Educational System Reforms by Francis Diana-Abasi Ibanga [email protected] Department of Philosophy, Federal University of Calabar Cross River State, Nigeria. Abstract Julius K. Nyerere’s philosophy of education is one of the most influential and widely studied theories of education. Policy-makers have continued to draw from it for policy re- engineering. In this paper, the Nigerian educational system is examined in the light of the philosophy. This approach is predicated on the informed belief that there are social and historical commonalities between Nigeria and the society of Nyerere’s philosophy. To this end, it is argued that the philosophy holds some important lessons for Nigeria’s education. For this reason, there is need to inject some doses of its principles in the body polity of education in Nigeria. Therefore, the paper identifies three areas where the principles of the philosophy can be practically invaluable for Nigeria, i.e., school financing, curricula development and entrepreneurial education, in and an the final analysis, the paper identifies the linkage between national philosophy of education and national developmental ideology; and argues that a national philosophy of education of any country must be embedded in the national development ideology which the country’s philosophy of education must drive. Key Words: Nyerere, Nigeria, Philosophy of Education, Tanzania, Ujamaa, Self-reliance, Development 109 Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.9, no.3, June 2016 Introduction Education has been defined in two broad ways. On the one hand, education has been defined as the process by which a society, through certain formal and informal institutions, deliberately transmits its cultural heritage from one generation to another.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia's Independence
    Zambia’s Independence In thy cozy loamy soils deeply flowed mine young blood/ In thy sun- scotched patches birth-ed thee a patriotic lad/ How this thought of hilarity mine psyche partly flood/ Thy progeny in hope mine entrails thou maketh glad/ Thy black visage daily mine heart gladly beholdeth/ For thine good, whence mine desire dryly flourisheth/ Oh Zambia, kind Mother to me thou may be more/ Oh land, thy toil, the oil that boileth our common soul! BRIEF INTRODUCTION In this chapter, the author relives the memories of Zambia’s 19th independence celebrations as a child at Mibenge Primary School in Mibenge’s village in Samfya- Mansa district of Luapula Province. It introduces the major theme of independence, the founding fathers of the independent Republic of Zambia, and the promise of a prosperous, democratic and free nation. MAJOR THEME: Independence ≈ History ≈ Politics ≈ §1.1 Mibenge was born on the ninth Christmas after Zambia became independent. My mother told me that she almost named me Mary had I been a girl, but for the second born who was already called by that name in the family. I was born Charles Chushi Zachariah Mwewa to Zachariah I 1 Kalubeya Mwewa and Justina Kunda of Mibenge village in Samfya-Mansa district in the Luapula Province of Zambia.2 I am positioned seventh in an eight-member family of only two girls: John Mwewa, Mary Kalaba, Gilbert Ng’andwe, George (also called Charles Chibwe), Joseph Ng’andwe, Jeremiah Chushi, and Anne Mwewa. When I was born, it was perhaps not a family secret that I was unexpected.
    [Show full text]
  • Whites Writing Landscape in Savannah Africa
    The Art of Belonging: Whites Writing Landscape in Savannah Africa DAVID McDERMOTT HUGHES Department of Human Ecology, Rutgers University Presented to the Program in Agrarian Studies, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, 6 October 2006 “I had a farm in Africa …[where] the views were immensely wide. Everything that you saw made for greatness and freedom, and unequally nobility … you woke up in the morning and though: Here I am, where I ought to be.” Isak Dinesen, Out of Africa (1937:3-4). “I have sometimes thought since of the Elkingtons’ tea table – round, capacious, and white, standing with sturdy legs against the green vines of the garden, a thousand miles of Africa receding from its edge. It was a mark of sanity …” Beryl Markham, West with the Night (1942:60) “Their frontier became a heaven and the continent consumed them … And they can never write the landscapes out of their system.” Breyten Breytenbach, The Memory of Birds in Times of Revolution (1996:108) Imperial colonizers do not seize land with guns and plows alone. In order to keep it, especially after imperial dissolution, settlers must establish a credible sense of entitlement. They must propagate the conviction that they belong on the land they have just settled. At the very least – and this may be difficult enough – settlers must convince themselves of their fit with the landscape of settlement. In other words, all the while 1 excluding natives from power, from wealth, and from territory, overseas pioneers must find a way to include themselves in new lands. Two factors interfere with such public and private persuasion: pre-existing peoples and the land itself.
    [Show full text]
  • A Crucial Watershed in Southern Rhodesian Politics
    A crucial watershed in Southern Rhodesian politics The 1961 Constitutional Process and the 1962 General Election E v e n t u e Högskolan på Gotlandll fi 2011 VTg ”Kandidatuppsats”u Författare: Jan Olssonr / Avdelningen för Historiab Handledare: Erik Tängerstadil d ( 1 F o r m a t Abstract The thesis examines the political development in Southern Rhodesia 1960-1962 when two processes, the 1961 Constitutional process and the 1962 General Election, had far- reaching consequences for the coming twenty years. It builds on a hypothesis that the Constitutional process led to a radicalisation of all groups, the white minority, the African majority and the colonial power. The main research question is why the ruling party, United Federal Party (UFP) after winning the referendum on a new Constitution with a wide margin could lose the ensuing election one year later to the party, Rhodesian Front (RF) opposing the constitution. The examination is based on material from debates in the Legal Assembly and House of Commons (UK), minutes of meetings, newspaper articles, election material etc. The hypothesis that the Constitutional process led to a radicalization of the main actors was partly confirmed. The process led to a focus on racial issues in the ensuing election. Among the white minority UFP attempted to develop a policy of continued white domination while making constitutional concessions to Africans in order to attract the African middle class. When UFP pressed on with multiracial structural reforms the electorate switched to the racist RF which was considered bearer of the dominant settler ideology. Among the African majority the well educated African middleclass who led the Nationalist movement, changed from multiracial reformists in late 1950‟s to majority rule advocates.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anchor of Servant-Leadership: Julius Nyerere and the Virtue Of
    THE ANCHOR OF SERVANT-LEADERSHIP Julius Nyerere and the Virtue of Humility PETER MULINGE he emergence of the concept of servant-leadership initiated a new era of moral emphasis in the field of T leadership, which was and still is dominated by self-serving models of leadership. When Robert Greenleaf (1970) conceived servant-leadership as a philosophy and practical model of leadership, he highlighted the need for a better approach to leadership, one that embraces the notion of serving others as the number one priority. He visualized leaders who would take a more a holistic approach to work, promote a sense of community, and to share power in decision making (SanFacon & Spears 2011, p. 115). Fundamentally, servant- leadership is long-term, transformational approach to life and work-in essence, is a way of being that has potential for creating a positive change throughout our society (Spears, 2003, p. 16). In this process, a servant-leader acts with humility to engage himself or herself with others and create a connection that raises the level of motivation and morality in both leader and follower (Northouse, 2016, p. 162). Leaders enable others to act not by holding on to the power they have 195 but by giving it away (Fairholm, 1998; Kouzes & Posner, 1987; Melrose, 1995). Thus, the fervent power of servant- leadership is communicated by sharing power and involving followers in planning and decision-making (Bass, 1990). According Maxwell (1998), only secure leaders give power to others (p. 121). The essence of servant-leadership is to bring out the best in others by meeting their needs.
    [Show full text]