An Analysis of the History and Discourse of the Tunisian Islamic Movemental-Nahda M a Case Study of the Politicisation of Islam
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Kamal Ben Younis Auther N
Artical Name : Vision from Within Artical Subject : Where is Tunisia Heading? Publish Date: 21/01/2018 Auther Name: Kamal Ben Younis Subject : Tunisian authorities managed to deal with the protests, which erupted in a number of cities and poor neighborhoods in the capital, after ³government announced an increase in value-added tax and social contributions in the budget.´However, the calm situation may be temporary if the authorities do not succeed in finding radical solutions to the problems, which angered youths. Those youth for seven years now have been threatening of a ³new revolution´that topples the new political elite whom they accuse of failing to achieve the main goals of their revolution which developed in January 2011.So where is Tunisia heading seven years after President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was toppled? Will the parties which triggered these new confrontations with the security forces succeed in launching what they call ³a second revolution´"Or will the opposite happen? Will the current political regime witness any substantial changes especially that it has been internationally supported for several reasons including that many western countries bet on the success of the ³Tunisian exception in transitioning towards democracy?´Separation from YouthsSome of those who oppose the government, mainly the opposition leaders of leftist, nationalist and Baathist groups that are involved in the Popular Front, which is led by Hamma Hammami and Ziad Lakhdhar, think that the increased protests against the governments, which have governed since January 2011, is proof that they cannot achieve the revolution¶s aims regarding jobs, dignity. That is because the government cannot liberate its measures from the International Monetary Fund¶s directions and from the agendas of financial lobbies that are involved in corruption, trafficking and imposing a capitalist policy. -
Tunisian Islamism Beyond Democratization
Tunisian Islamism beyond Democratization Fabio Merone Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Political and Social Sciences Promotor: Prof. dr. Sami Zemni 1 Acknowledgments This dissertation is the outcome of several years of work and research. Such an achievement is not possible without the help and support of many people. First and foremost, I wish to present my special thanks to Pr. Francesco Cavatorta. He met me in Tunisia and stimulated this research project. He was a special assistant and colleague throughout the long path to the achievement of this work. I would like to show my gratitude in the second place to a special person who enjoyed to be called Abou al-Mouwahed. He was my privileged guide to the world of the Salafist sahwa (revival) and of its young constituency. Thirdly, I would like to pay my regards to my supervisor, pr. Sami Zemni, that proposed to join the friendly and intellectually creative MENARG group and always made me feel an important member of it. I would like to thank also all those whose assistance proved to be a milestone in the accomplishment of my end goal, in particular to all Tunisians that shared with me the excitement and anxiety of that period of amazing historical transformation. Last, but not least, I would like to show my warm thank to my sweet daughter that grew up together with this research, and my wife, both paying sometimes the prize of a hard and tiring period of life. This research project was funded in several periods. -
Routledge Handbook on Political Parties in the Middle East and North Africa
iii ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK ON POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Edited by Francesco Cavatorta, Lise Storm and Valeria Resta First published 2021 ISBN: 978- 0- 367- 21986- 4 (hbk) ISBN: 978- 0- 429- 26921- 9 (ebk) 18 YOUTH ACTIVISM AND POLITICAL PARTIES (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) DOI: 10.4324/9780429269219 The funder for this chapter is Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) 231 1 8 YOUTH ACTIVISM AND POLITICAL PARTIES Kressen Th yen I n t r o d u c t i o n In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), electoral turnout and party membership has been in decline over the past 50 years. The trend of disengagement from formal politics has been most acute among the younger generations. Four per cent of young people aged 18–29 are members of a political party, and only one in four voted in the most recent elections. 1 These developments have been accompanied by a relative absence of youth mobilisation in the public sphere. Until late 2010, most observers seemed to agree that large-scale youth movements were mainly a thing of the past, and that youth as a social category was alienated, divided, and frustrated, and played only a marginal role in the political arena (Meijer 2000 ; Dhillon et al. 2009 ). Consequently, the majority of youth- related studies examining the period prior to the Arab Uprisings concentrated on youth culture and identity, gender relations, religious orientation, arts and music, and generational confl ict (see, e.g. Herrera and Bayat 2010 ; Khalaf and Khalaf 2011 ). Where research focussed on youth activism, it emphasised its dispersed and fragmented engagement in form of ‘non- movements’ (Bayat 2010 ). -
Tunisia–The Imprisonment of Fahem Boukadous (Part One of a Series)
human rights & human welfare a forum for works in progress working paper no. 60 Tunisia–The Imprisonment of Fahem Boukadous (Part One of a series) by Rob Prince University of Denver Posted on 16 October 2010 http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/working/2010/60-prince-2010.pdf © Rob Prince. All rights reserved. This paper may be freely circulated in electronic or hard copy provided it is not modified in any way, the rights of the author not infringed, and the paper is not quoted or cited without express permission of the author. The editors cannot guarantee a stable URL for any paper posted here, nor will they be responsible for notifying others if the URL is changed or the paper is taken off the site. Electronic copies of this paper may not be posted on any other website without express permission of the author. The posting of this paper on the hrhw working papers website does not constitute any position of opinion or judgment about the contents, arguments or claims made in the paper by the editors. For more information about the hrhw working papers series or website, please visit the site online at http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/working Tunisia–The Imprisonment of Fahem Boukadous (Part One of a series) August 2, 2010 “The only way that the [Tunisian] state deals with social problems is with police repression” -Moktar Trifi, President of the Tunisian League of Human Rights By Rob Prince (Note: it has come to my attention that this little harmless blog is currently censored by the Tunisian government, meaning that the content is blocked by the authorities there. -
Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber (Eds.) Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances RP 5 June 2015 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2015 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the authors. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (Updated English version of SWP-Studie 7/2015) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Recommendations 7 Jihadism in Africa: An Introduction Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 13 Al-Shabaab: Youth without God Annette Weber 31 Libya: A Jihadist Growth Market Wolfram Lacher 51 Going “Glocal”: Jihadism in Algeria and Tunisia Isabelle Werenfels 69 Spreading Local Roots: AQIM and Its Offshoots in the Sahara Wolfram Lacher and Guido Steinberg 85 Boko Haram: Threat to Nigeria and Its Northern Neighbours Moritz Hütte, Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 99 Conclusions and Recommendations Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 103 Appendix 103 Abbreviations 104 The Authors Problems and Recommendations Jihadism in Africa: Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances The transnational terrorism of the twenty-first century feeds on local and regional conflicts, without which most terrorist groups would never have appeared in the first place. That is the case in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, as well as in North and West Africa and the Horn of Africa. -
Print This Article
ISSN: 2051-0861 Publication details, including guidelines for submissions: https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/nmes From Dictatorship to “Democracy”: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia Author(s): Mehmet Erman Erol To cite this article: Erol, Mehmet Erman (2020) ―From Dictatorship to ―Democracy‖: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia‖, New Middle Eastern Studies 10 (2), pp. 147- 163. Online Publication Date: 30 December 2020 Disclaimer and Copyright The NMES editors make every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information contained in the journal. However, the Editors and the University of Leicester make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness or suitability for any purpose of the content and disclaim all such representations and warranties whether express or implied to the maximum extent permitted by law. Any views expressed in this publication are the views of the authors and not the views of the Editors or the University of Leicester. Copyright New Middle Eastern Studies, 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted or disseminated, in any form, or by any means, without prior written permission from New Middle Eastern Studies, to whom all requests to reproduce copyright material should be directed, in writing. Terms and Conditions This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. -
The Tunisian Democratic Transition in Comparative Perspective
Multiple but Complementary, Not Conflictual, Leaderships: The Tunisian Democratic Transition in Comparative Perspective Alfred Stepan Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/145/3/95/1830770/daed_a_00400.pdf by guest on 30 September 2021 Abstract: Many classic studies of leadership focus on strong leadership in the singular. This essay focuses on effective leaderships in the plural. Some of the greatest failures of democratic transitions (Egypt, Syria, Libya) have multiple but highly conflictual leaderships. However, a key lesson in democratization theory is that successful democratic transitions often involve the formation of a powerful coalition, within the op- position, of one-time enemies. This was accomplished in Chile, Spain, and Indonesia. In greater detail, this essay examines Tunisia, the sole reasonably successful democratic transition of the Arab Spring. In all four cases, religious tensions had once figured prominently, yet were safely transcended by the actions of multiple leaders via mutual ideological and religious accommodations, negotiated socioeconomic pacts, and unprecedented political cooperation. A multiplicity of cooperating leaders, rather than a single “strong leader,” produced effective democratic leadership in Tunisia, Indonesia, Spain, and Chile. ALFRED STEPAN, a Fellow of the American Academy since 1991, is Many of the classic studies of leadership focus on the Wallace Sayre Professor of Gov- strong leadership in the singular.1 In this essay, I focus ernment Emeritus at Columbia instead on effective leaderships in the plural, partic- University. He previously taught at ularly in democratic transitions. Some of the greatest Oxford University and Yale Uni- failures of democratic transitions have multiple but versity. He was elected a Fellow of the British Academy in 1997. -
Islam and Politics in Tunisia
Islam and Politics in Tunisia How did the Islamist party Ennahda respond to the rise of Salafism in post-Arab Spring Tunisia and what are possible ex- planatory factors of this reaction? April 2014 Islam and Politics in a Changing Middle East Stéphane Lacroix Rebecca Koch Paris School of© International Affairs M.A. International Security Student ID: 100057683 [email protected] Words: 4,470 © The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be repreoduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Table of Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 2. Definitions and Theoretical Framework ............................................................... 4 3. Analysis: Ennahda and the Tunisian Salafi movements ...................................... 7 3.1 Ennahda ........................................................................................................................ 7 3.2 Salafism in Tunisia ....................................................................................................... 8 3.3 Reactions of Ennahda to Salafism ................................................................................ 8 4. Discussion ................................................................................................................ 11 5. Conclusion -
Ennahda, Salafism and the Tunisian Transition
religions Article From Victim to Hangman? Ennahda, Salafism and the Tunisian Transition Francesco Cavatorta 1,*,† and Stefano Torelli 2,† 1 Department of Political Science, Laval University, Quebec, QC G1V 0A6, Canada 2 Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI), 20121 Milan, Italy; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] † We are very grateful to the three referees whose insightful comments have improved the manuscript considerably. All errors remain of course our own. Abstract: The article revisits the notion of post-Islamism that Roy and Bayat put forth to investigate its usefulness in analysing the Tunisian party Ennahda and its role in the Tunisian transition. The article argues that the notion of post-Islamism does not fully capture the ideological and political evolution of Islamist parties, which, despite having abandoned their revolutionary ethos, still compete in the political arena through religious categories that subsume politics to Islam. It is only by taking seriously these religious categories that one can understand how Ennahda dealt with the challenge coming from Salafis. Keywords: political Islam; Tunisia; Salafism; Ennahda democratization 1. Introduction Political Islam has been a prominent research topic for the last three decades and the literature on it is as impressive as it is broad. While it is impossible to do full justice Citation: Cavatorta, Francesco, and to how scholars have approached the topic, there are three clusters of research that can Stefano Torelli. 2021. From Victim to be identified. First is the ever-present debate about the compatibility between Islam Hangman? Ennahda, Salafism and the and democracy, which informs the way Islamist parties are analysed (Schwedler 2011). -
1955 Charrad Ben Youssef 2001
States and Women's Rights The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco Mounira M. Charrad University of California Press Berkeley Los Angeles London © 2001 The Regents of the University of California Party, Islam, and Tribe: Internal Conflicts The nationalist party maintained consensus during most of the nationalist period. Internal conflicts broke out between rival factions, however, at the eve of independence from colonial rule when power in a sovereign state appeared to be a concrete possibility. The outcome of the conflicts looked quite uncertain at the time, as it was unclear which faction would take power and what kind of state would develop in independent Tunisia. Two nationalist leaders symbolized the contending tendencies: the reformist Bourguiba and the pan-Islamist Ben Youssef, his opponent who rallied enough support to pose a serious challenge. Bourguiba and Ben Youssef disagreed on the strategy to gain sovereignty, appealed to different constituencies, offered different visions of a future Tunisia, and had different outside allies. Regardless of the ideological distance separating the two men at the start of the conflict, Bourguiba's and Ben Youssef's positions hardened as each found a different source of support in the course of the nationalist struggle. Bourguiba and Ben Youssef gradually became spokesmen for different sectors of Tunisian society. In general terms, Ben Youssef appealed to those nationalist forces—tribal groups, uprooted rural migrants to cities, and the religious establishment—that perceived national sovereignty as an opportunity to restore a (partly real and partly imagined) Tunisian past, which they felt had been scoffed at by the colonial regime. -
Nostalgias in Modern Tunisia Dissertation
Images of the Past: Nostalgias in Modern Tunisia Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By David M. Bond, M.A. Graduate Program in Near Eastern Languages and Cultures The Ohio State University 2017 Dissertation Committee: Sabra J. Webber, Advisor Johanna Sellman Philip Armstrong Copyrighted by David Bond 2017 Abstract The construction of stories about identity, origins, history and community is central in the process of national identity formation: to mould a national identity – a sense of unity with others belonging to the same nation – it is necessary to have an understanding of oneself as located in a temporally extended narrative which can be remembered and recalled. Amid the “memory boom” of recent decades, “memory” is used to cover a variety of social practices, sometimes at the expense of the nuance and texture of history and politics. The result can be an elision of the ways in which memories are constructed through acts of manipulation and the play of power. This dissertation examines practices and practitioners of nostalgia in a particular context, that of Tunisia and the Mediterranean region during the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Using a variety of historical and ethnographical sources I show how multifaceted nostalgia was a feature of the colonial situation in Tunisia notably in the period after the First World War. In the postcolonial period I explore continuities with the colonial period and the uses of nostalgia as a means of contestation when other possibilities are limited. -
Women's Electoral Participation in Egypt: the Implica- Tions of Gender
© Middle East Institute. This article is for personal research only and may not be copied or distributed in any form without the permission of The Middle East Journal. Women’s Electoral Participation in Egypt: The Implica- tions of Gender for Voter Recruitment and Mobilization Lisa Blaydes and Safinaz El Tarouty To what extent do gender considerations impact voter recruitment strategies in Middle Eastern elections? Based on an examination of voting behavior in Egypt, we find that clientelist voter recruitment tends to empower women economically rather than politically as elections provide an opportunity for disadvantaged women to sell their vote to local vote brokers or offer their vote to a local patron in exchange for a future payoff. In contrast, women who vote for Islamist candi- dates may be able to increase the influence of their political support by creating common knowledge about the popularity of their candidate and by reducing the effectiveness of government repression. Most studies of women’s political participation in the Middle East focus on the problem of low levels of female representation in government, and more particularly, in elected par- liaments. This line of research considers the structural and cultural conditions that make it difficult for women to be nominated as candidates and to win political office as well as the behavior of female parliamentarians once in government.1 The question of how everyday women respond to the opportunities and incentives presented by parliamentary elections has been largely ignored, however, in favor of studies of the political prospects for female elites. In particular, current studies fail to investigate the extent to which gender consider- ations impact voter recruitment strategies in competitive parliamentary elections.