Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology UC Merced

Peer Reviewed

Title: Tataviam Geography and Ethnohistory

Journal Issue: Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 12(2)

Author: Johnson, John R., Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History, California Earle, David D., City of Lancaster City Museum/Art Gallery, California

Publication Date: 1990

Publication Info: Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology

Permalink: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9b23j0pt

Keywords: ethnography, ethnohistory, archaeology, native peoples, Great Basin

Abstract: Basic information about Tataviam linguistics and geography obtained from Fustero and other Kitanemuk speakers has been discussed in previous publications (Kroeber 1915, 1925; Harrington 1935; Bright 1975; King and Blackburn 1978; Hudson 1982). What is not so well known is that Harrington continued his Tataviam investigations among Indians of Yokuts, Tübatulabal, and Serrano descent, who had been associated with Tataviam speakers during the nineteenth century. More information about Tataviam history, territory, and language therefore is available than has previously been summarized. This justifies a new presentation and evaluation of existing evidence. We begin with a review of Tataviam ethnogeographic data.

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eScholarship provides open access, scholarly publishing services to the University of California and delivers a dynamic research platform to scholars worldwide. Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 12, No. 2, pp. 191-214 (1990).

Tataviam Geography and Ethnohistory

JOHN R. JOHNSON, Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History, 2559 Puesta del Sol Rd., Santa Barbara, CA 93105. DA'STD D. EARLE, City of Lanca.ster City Museum/Art Gallery, 44801 N. Sierra Hwy., Lancaster, CA 93535.

I^EVERAL important articles have appeared words and phrases in the Tataviam language in recent years that have summarized infor­ have hitherto been pubhshed (Bright 1975). mation about the Tataviam, or Alliklik, one of Basic information about Tataviam lin­ the most enigmatic California Indian groups guistics and geography obtained from Fustero (Bright 1975; King and Blackburn^ 1978; and other Kitanemuk speakers has been dis­ Hudson 1982). So little actually is known cussed in previous pubhcations (Kroeber 1915, about these people that their very existence as 1925; Harrington 1935; Bright 1975; King and a distinct hnguistic community has remained Blackburn 1978; Hudson 1982). What is not in doubt. Indeed, some researchers have so well known is that Harrington continued suggested that aU or most of their territory his Tataviam investigations among Indians of may have belonged to the Venturefio Yokuts, Ttibatulabal, and Serrano descent, Chumash, Kitanemuk, or Serrano (Van who had been associated with Tataviam Valkenburgh 1935; Beeler and Klar 1977). speakers during the nineteenth century. More Because of the scarcity of data hitherto information about Tataviam history, territory, avaUable, there has been a need to di.scover and language therefore is available than has new approaches to the problems of who the previously been summarized. This justifies a Tataviam were, what their linguistic affiliation new presentation and evttluation of existing was, and what territory they occupied.' evidence. We begin with a review of Tatav­ 'What is known today regarding the iam ethnogeographic data. Tataviam comes primarily from the ethno­ CORROBORATION OF TATAVIAM graphic research of two anthropologists, Alfred L. Kroeber and John P. Harrington. ETHNIC IDENTITY' Kroeber's Tataviam data came from a single Recent statements on Tataviam cultural consultant, Juan Jose Fustero, whom he inter­ geography by King and Blackburn (1978) and viewed for part of a day in Los Angeles in Hud.son (1982) identify the Santa Clarita 1912 (Kroeber 1912, 1915). Harrington fh-st Basin area (the upper Santa Clara River met Fustero in 1913 at his home near Piru in drainage) as the core territory of this group. Ventura County and subsequently visited him Their analysis is based on Kroeber's and on several occasions accompanied by his Harrington's interviews with Fustero and Tejon consultants during placename trips other Kitanemuk consultants. For reference (Bright 1975; Harrington 1986:RI. 98, Fr. 536, on current maps of the area, the core territory 615, Rl. 181, Fr. 10-14; MUls and Brickfield is north of the Los Angeles metropolitan area. 1986). Harrington also coUected some It partially overlaps the western part of the Tataviam lexical items and ethnogeographic Angeles National Forest and includes the information from several of his Kitanemuk northwest portion of Los Angeles County as consultants at Tejon Ranch. Only eleven weU as part of Ventura County. 192 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNLA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

The Santa Clarita Basin was first identi­ Tochonanga, documented in an 1843 land- fied as the home of a distinct linguistic and grant diseho (map), appears to have been lo­ ethnic community in an important early cated to the southeast of NewhaU (Fig. 2). Spanish account. This was the expedition We have identified other viUages and camp­ diary of the Spanish missionary explorer. sites named by Harrington's informants (see Father Francisco Garces, who passed through Fig. 1). They include the foUowmg:c2fa^re'eng, the region in early 1776. He visited the located at the original NewhaU townsite Cienaga de Santa Clara before heading spring; apatsitsing, situated on upper Castaic northeast across the Liebre-SawmUl mountain Creek near tikatsing and north of Redrock range in the northern reaches of Tataviam Mountain; and naqava'atang, farther down­ territory and into the Antelope VaUey (Coues stream and east of Townsend Peak.'^ Several 1900:268; Earle 1990:89-92). rancherias also were located on Piru Creek. In traveUing northeast from the upper The Piru viUages and several other rancherias Santa Clara region, Garces was guided by located on the northern edge of Tataviam Indians from the Antelope Valley who territory are discussed in the next section. "promised to conduct me to their land." The TERRITORIAL BOUNDARIES vUlage in the Antelope VaUey to which these Indians took him (in the Lake Hughes- A delineation of the territorial extent of Ehzabeth Lake area) was later identified by Tataviam speech mvolves the problematic him as being Beheme (the Mojave Desert issue of boundaries. Two difficulties have branch of the Serrano), and its inhabitants presented themselves in analyzingterritoriahty were clearly distinguished from the Indians of among Takic groups. First, the disruptions Santa Clara. In discussing boundaries of and population decline that occurred in indigenous hnguistic territories in Southern Mission times often made later recoUection California, Garces elsewhere stated that the difficult regarding what may have been former Beheme were bounded by the Indians of San physicaUy marked boundaries. Later consul­ Gabriel and Santa Clara (Coues 1900:444). tants were much clearer about core territories Garces thus identified an Indian territorial than about the locations of peripheral borders. and linguistic unit, "Santa Clara," which was, Second, in discussing the "real world" he indicated, distinct from that of San Gabriel significance of territoriahty, one must distin­ (Gabriehno) and that of the Beiieme (Mojave guish between the formal and substantive Desert Serrano). manifestations of territorial occupation and use. The boundaries of linguistic/ethnic units TATAVLAM SETTLEMENTS reflected the organization of society into a King and Blackburn (1978:536) have hsted series of multi-lineage territorial pohtical units several major Tataviam rancheria sites on the ("localized clans"). These clan units claimed basis of information from the Harrington certain territories as their own, but were not notes and other sources. These include the the only groups to gather resources in them major viUage of tsawayung at the site of or estabhsh temporary camps therein. The Rancho San Francisquito (NewhaU Ranch), granting of permission by one group to anoth­ near Castaic Junction, tikatsing on upper er to gather and estabhsh seasonal camps in Castaic Creek, andpi'ing, located at the inter­ its erstwhUe territory was very common. section of Castaic Creek and Elizabeth Lake Harrington's consultants at the Tejon Ranch Canyon (Fig. 1). The important rancheria of noted this phenomenon in discussing areas TATAVIAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY 193 194 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNLA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

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(N an IJL, TATAVIAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY 195 shared between the Kitanemuk and the Kitanemuk consultants, Eugenia M6ndez, to Kawausu, and many other examples could be have spoken a dialect of Serrano/Kitanemuk^ cited (Earle 1990:94-95, 98). Thus, whUe (Harrmgton 1986: Rl. 98, Fr. 675-676; Earle formal territorial frontiers appear to have 1990:92-93). existed in at least some areas of southern Three of these four communities are Cahfornia, their expression "on the ground" mentioned in Mission-era documents (Cook is complicated by this permission-granting and 1960:256-257; Temple MS:49-53). The vUlage seasonal movement of visiting groups. in the Antelope VaUey visited by Garces and The trans-boundary occupation of camp­ identified as Beneme(Serrano/Kitanemuk) in sites, as weU as historical changes in the hnguistic affiliation was most probably location of ethnic frontiers, have made it kwarung, located near Lake Hughes. Garces difficult to use the linguistic affihations of clearly indicated that the vihage was not local placenames to reconstruct hnguistic or Tataviam. Other Kitanemuk informants, political frontiers. As we shaU see, many besides Eugenia Mt!ndez, also identified cases are encountered for the Santa Clarita pavuhavea, near tsivung and pu'ning, as and Antelope VaUey areas where people of a speakingsome dialect of Serrano/Kitanemuk. certain hnguistic affUiation lived in rancherias Such direct testimony has been crucial in historicaUy known by a name associated with sorting out the ethnogeography of the Ta­ a different language group. Such cases are taviam northern frontier. In this area the most typical of ethnic frontier or boundary linguistic affUiation of reported viUage names areas. Keeping these facts in mind, we will is of httle help. The name hwi'tahovea, for briefly outline what we know about the areal instance, applied to a known Tataviam extent of Tataviam occupation. Questions rancheria at Liebre Ranchhouse, is Ser­ have arisen in particular about the northern rano/Kitanemuk. By the same token, the and eastern boundaries of Tataviam territory. name kwarung, associated with a viUage Our analysis of available sources on the occupied by Serrano/Kitanemuk speakers, was northern boundary of the Tataviam indicates said to mean 'frog' in Fernandeno (Harring­ that their territory did include portions of the ton 1986:R1. 106, Fr. 102). very west end of the Antelope Valley around Thus the northern boundary of Tataviam modern QuaU Lake and Liebre Ranch (see territory appears to have included the Fig. 1). One rancheria, hwi'tahovea, located northern foothiUs of the Liebre Mountains next to the Liebre Ranchhouse, was known to (which include Liebre Mt. and Sawmill Mt.) have been occupied by Tataviam descendants on the southwestern edge of the vaUey. Their during the Historic Period. Directly behind boundary with the Castac Chumash, apparent­ and to the south of this site was a ridge ly rather fluid, was situated somewhere associated with the name kwitsa'o, which is between Oso Canyon and Bear Trap Canyon also listed as an important rancheria {Cuec- (upper Pastoria Creek) at the southern edge chao, Queccltao, Quissaubit) in Mission San of the Tehachapi Mountains north-northwest Fernando documents (Merriam 1968; Earle of Liebre Ranch (north of the area shown on 1990:94; Temple MS). Other communities Fig. 1). Eugenia Mendez mentioned Twin located on the southern margin of the Ante­ Lakes orpatsrawvapea as a boundary between lope VaUey to the east of Liebre Ranch- the Kitanemuk and the Tataviam (Harrington pavuhavea, kwarung, tsivung, and pu'ning- 1986:Rl. 98, Fr. 667). patsrawvapea is situated were said by one of Harrington's principal at the northwestern edge of the Antelope 196 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNLA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

VaUey just east of Cottonwood Creek and threat of desert Indian raids through the north of the so-caUed "Sand HUls" in the Soledad Canyon dramage after 1820 and later vaUey itself (north of the area shown on Fig. intensive mining activities appear to have led 1). This suggests that the vaUey floor itself to avoidance of the area by local Indians in north of Liebre Ranch and Neenach, and post-Mission times. This is indicated by the perhaps north of SawmiU Mountain, may have reminiscences of Harrington's consultants at been considered Tataviam territory, although Tej6n (Manly 1949:251, 475; Perkms 1958a, we have not mapped it that way in Figure 1. 1958b, 1958c; Harrmgton 1986:R1. 96, Fr. 219- Further to the east, whUe the Tataviam 287; Johnson and Johnson 1987:89; Mclntyre held the south-facing slope of SawmiU Moun­ 1990:10-13). tain and Sierra Pelona as far east as Soledad The southern boundary of Tataviam Pass, they do not seem to have held the San territory was situated approximately at the Andreas Fault rift zone between the Pine high elevations of the western arm of the San Canyon-Lake Hughes area and Leona VaUey. Gabriel Mountains north of San Fernando The Rift Zone hes between the north-facing and ran westward past Fremont or San Fer­ slopes of these mountains and the southern nando Pass and along the crest of the Santa edge of the Antelope VaUey. This area Susana Mountains towards the northwest. included Ehzabeth Lake. Here a very approx­ The boundary then swung north across the imate boundary appears to foUow the summit Santa Clara River and continued north along of the mountain range. The Three Points the high ground west of lower Piru Creek, vicinity and the western shoulder of SawmiU probably including Hopper Canyon. It then Mountain may have been included in the passed across upper Piru Creek below Hungry territory of either the Tataviam or of Indians VaUey and the Canada de los Alamos to turn speaking a Serrano/Kitanemuk dialect. northeast into the Antelope VaUey near Oso The eastern and southeastern boundaries Canyon (Johnson 1978). Juan Jose Fustero of Tataviam territory were not referred to in and several other of Harrington's consultants any detaU by Harrington's various Kitanemuk, provided information on this western bound­ Serrano, Fernandeno, and other consultants. ary. This included the identification of One is left to infer from its geographic posi­ Tataviam viUage sites and placenames in the tion that "La Soledad," the upper reaches of Piru Creek drainage, including pi'irukung, the Santa Clara River drainage, was included akavavea, etseng, huyung, and kivung (Kroeber in Tataviam territory. The canyons lying im­ 1915; Lopez 1974; King and Blackburn 1978: mediately to the northwest of Soledad Canyon 536; Harrmgton 1986:R1. 95, Fr. 219-287, Rl. are clearly stated as having been occupied by 98, Fr. 37, 613-614, 673). Of these, only the Tataviam. Archaeological evidence sug­ pi'irukung at La Esperanza (Fig. 3) may be gests that the upper Soledad Canyon-Acton correlated definitely with a rancheria men­ area contained important settlements during tioned in mission documents. the Late Prehistoric Period (King et al. 1974; The accounts of the 1769 PortoM expedi­ Landberg 1980; Wessel and Wessel 1985; tion also give us an indication of the location Mclntyre 1990). The upper Santa Clarita of vUlages m the Santa Clara River VaUey. River drainage provided an important Pedro Fages's account of the expedition sug­ transportation corridor for travel from the gests that the first Chumash settlement en­ western Mojave Desert to the coast. Unfortu­ countered, after traveUing through Tataviam nately for the ethnohistoric record, both the territory, was situated weU to the west of the TATAVLAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY 197

Fig. 3. Site of the Tataviam village of pi'irukung (or piiukung) at La Esperanza, now the location of Lake Piru, photographed by J. P. Harrington about 1917 (courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives). mouth of Phu Creek (Bohon 1927:155-157; system. Theh hsts of Serrano territorial clans Priestly 1937:24-25). The affUiation of kam- sometimes included the Tataviam as a ulus (Camulos), to the east of Piru Canyon, component unit (Bean et al. 1981:256; bearing a name that is undeniably Chumash, Harrmgton 1986:R1. 101, Fr. 344). appears problematical; however. King and Harrington also interviewed a Fernandeno Blackburn (1978:535) viewed it as consisting Indian named S6timo in 1915. He apparently of a mixed Chumash-Tataviam population. had worked as a shepherd or vaquero in the This reconstruction of Tataviam cultural Elizabeth Lake area in his younger years. geography is derived primarUy from mterviews S6timo used the term "Serrano" to identify conducted by Kroeber and Harrington with both the Tataviam of the Santa Clarita Basin consultants mainly of Kitanemuk ancestry at and the Serrano/Vanyume to the northeast of Tej6n and Piru. Harrington's fieldwork them (Harrington 1986:R1.106, Fr. 89-90, 92). among other groups has, however, shed some This identification is interesting because he additional hght on the issue of the linguistic did not in effect distinguish Tataviam and cultural status of the Tataviam. Serrano speakers as radicaUy different in speech from consultants, hving mainly at the San Manuel the Serrano, as he did the Yokuts, Chumash, Reservation near San Bernardino, were and Kawausu from the Kitanemuk and interviewed by Harrington in 1918. They Serrano. He also noted a distant connection were famihar with the Antelope VaUey and between what he caUed the "Serrano" Upper Mohave River drainage areas, and in language and Fernandeno, whUe he said that decades past had visited the Tej6n rancheria. Fernandeno and Gabrielino were closely They considered the Tataviam to have been related (Harrington 1986:R1. 106, Fr. 90-91). closely related in speech to both the Gabri­ Both Harrington's Serrano and Fernandeno ehno and the Serrano. They in fact classified data thereby suggest that Tataviam was a the Tataviam, along with the Gabrielino, as Takic language, supporting Bright's tentative groups havmg both social connections and conclusion based on Harrington's Kitanemuk historical linkages with the Serrano clan data (Bright 1975:230). 198 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

GENEALOGICAL EVIDENCE either, but satisfactory inferences may be made from the brief comments he recorded: Yet there is even more we can say about the Tataviam than just presenting additional piSukung = La Esperanza, place (plaiin, huerto) direct information on geography and linguis­ three miles below Fustero's place. This is in the Castec language. Fustero's mother's father tics gleaned from Harrington's consultants. tafked that dialect which is much like the one WhUe coUecting ethnographic and linguistic that Fustero talks. data, Harrington frequently recorded bio­ San Fernando [Fernandeno Indians] graphical and genealogical detaUs regarding talked different from Castec and from what he other Indians known to his consultants during talks.. . . [There is] no one left who talks [the] Castec language. their hfetimes. Among people mentioned NewhaU talked the Soledad language - were those said to be of Tataviam descent. Fustero's father was from Soledad. Soledad is With the names and places of origin men­ [the] sierra this side of Saugus. tioned in Harrington's notes, it becomes ha-ikwi, = que hay amigo, in language possible to turn to other ethnographic and of Castec and Soledad. But in Fustero's historiographic sources for information on language say yatnei, "que hay, amigo." The old grandfather used to say ha-ikwi to Fustero Tataviam descendants. Of greatest importance [Harrington 1986:R1. 181, Fr. 10-12].' is genealogical evidence recorded in the San Fernando Mission sacramental registers that From these selected extracts from Har­ may be used to confirm and augment Har­ rington's 1913 interview, it may be deduced rington's data and to trace famUy ancestry to that what Fustero termed the "Castec" and viUages occupied during the Mission Period.'* "Soledad" languages were the same. These ViUages thus identified as ancestral viUages of two names for the Tataviam are preserved Tataviam speakers provide an independent today as two canyon names, Castaic and test of direct ethnographic and ethnohistoric Soledad, tributaries of the upper Santa Clara statements regarding territoriality. River.* Fustero exphcitly stated that his maternal grandfather spoke the "Castec" Juan Jose Fustero's Ancestry language, i.e., Tataviam, and because his Juan Jos6 Fustero (Fig. 4) was the first father's parents were from Soledad, they and primary source of information about the presumably were Tataviam also. Fustero's Tataviam as a distinct cultural and linguistic opinion was that although the Tataviam entity.' Fustero was fluent in both Kitanemuk language was distinctive, it was simUar to his and Spanish, but he told both Kroeber and own native speech, Kitanemuk. Harrington that his grandparents had spoken When Harrington began his fieldwork at a different language, of which he remembered the Tejon Ranch Indian community in 1916, only a few words (Kroeber 1915:773; Bright he obtained more information regarding 1975; Harrmgton 1986:R1. 181, Fr. 10-12). Fustero's ancestry from his Kitanemuk ICroeber did not record which side of consultants. He was told that Fustero's Fustero's famUy had spoken the different parents were named Jos6 and Sinforosa. Both language, but did mention that his grandpar­ had spoken Kitanemuk as their ordinary ents were from "San Francisquito," whUe his language, but they knew other languages too, mother and father had been raised at Mission because they had been raised in a mixed San Fernando.* Harrington's 1913 notes were linguistic community at Mission San Fernando not directed towards precisely determining the (Harrmgton 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 10, 23, 57). hnguistic affUiation of Fustero's ancestors Sinforosa had a brother, Casimiro, who had TATAVIAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY 199

western fringe of the Antelope VaUey. Eugenia gave further information about Sinforosa's family: ''Casimiro was full brother of Sinforosa. Their father was Narciso and Narciso's wife (their mother) was Crisanta" (Harrington 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 10). Eugenia also reported that Juan Jose Fustero's father, Jose, had a sister named Felipa, whose name she pronounced a.sxelipa (Harrington 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 10). Both of Harrington'sprincipalKitanemukconsultants, Eugenia Mendez and Magdalena Olivas, stated that they were relatives of Juan Jose Fustero in some way, and Magdalena noted that she used to hear her "Aunt Felipa" (like Eugenia, she also pronounced the name xelipa) speak the Tataviam language (Harring­ ton 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 434). Because the names are identical and the linguistic affiliation is what we would expect based on the evidence -•'• '-J^^^^'•-•' ^'"''•^" - -"^'" '^ given above, there is strong reason to identify Fig. 4. Juan Jos6 Fustero (courtesy of the Ventura Magdalena's "aunt" and Juan Jos6 Fustero's County Museum of History and Art). father's sister as the same individual. The information recorded by Harrington also been known to Harrington's Tejon makes it possible to identify Fustero's consultants and who had eventually moved to relatives in the mission registers of San the Tule River Reservation where he died.' Fernando and San Buenaventura and to Eugenia M6ndez, one of Harrington's reconstruct his family tree (see Figs. 5 and 6). most important Kitanemuk consultants, had Fustero's paternal grandparents were Zenon the following to say about the Tataviam Chaamel and Zenona Gemiuna from the language and Fustero's mother's descent: village of Cuecchao, and as Eugenia Mendez When I read to Eugenia Fustero's "ha-ikwi," had said, his maternal grandparents were [she] says ikwi means "amigo" in that difficult Narciso, whose village affihation was Piribit, language that Eugenia was telling me about the and Crisanta, who was from Tectuagiiaguiya- other day-that was spoken at La Liebre. This javia. These rancheria names may be further tribe was called tataviam. The deceased Simforosa [sic] spoke that because it was her identified using Harrington's placename notes. language. Her father, Narciso, was tataviam Cuecchao was apparently the Spanish spelling [Harrington 1986:Rl. 98, Fr. 28]. for kwitsa'o, a name that Eugenia Mendez Eugenia's information reinforced that given by said was in the Tataviam language and Fustero. She agreed that his maternal referred to the big range of mountains behind grandfather had spoken the Tataviam La Liebre (Harrington 1986:Rl. 98, Fr. 32; language. Additionally she provided another Earle 1990:94). Firibit referred to a person locality that was considered to have been in from the village of piSukung (Y^X. pi'irukung) Tataviam territory: La Liebre, at the south­ on Piru Creek. Tectuaguagutyajavia may cor- 200 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Dionisro Dionisia Napcos Aoc 36 y.o (181 1] 35 V 0. (181 1) Cuecchao

German Zenon Zenona Genunchinugosu Chdamel Gemiuna 12 y 0 (181 11 17 V 0 (181 1) 19 y 0 (1811) Cuecchao Cuecchao Cuecchao See Figure 6 lor ancestry of Sinforosa

Jos^ [Fusterol Sinforosa 1 y 0 (18231 b, 1834 "venido de Mission San Fernando la genfilidad"

Maria Teresa Jos6 de Jesus Roman Manuel b 1864 b 1867 b 7 b 1874 (confirmed 18711 Fig. 5. Juan Jos6 Fustero's paternal ancestry.

Conrado 9 Turugica 66 V 0. (18041 £ Tumijaivit Chief o( Georgio Georgia Benvenuta Benvenuto Punivit Jayinaf 36 y o 11804) 32 V 0 26 V 0. 38 vo. (1804) Tumijaivit 118031 11803) Punivit Cbief of A » WJ Ouissdubit Puncio Ladislao Nangivit 15 V o (1804) Chisagua

Juan de los Santos Narciso Cnsanta (18031 5 Y 0 (1803) 24 y.o. (18211 Piribit Tectuaguagulyajavia

2623 >

Aniceto Marcelina Julian Feliciana Palncio Sinforosa Canute Casimiro Bernab6 b. 1822 b. 1824 b. 1829 b. 1829 b. 1832 b, 1834 b. 1837 b. 1839 b. 1842 IMother ol Juan Jos4 Fusterol Fig. 6. Juan Jose Fustero's maternal ancestry. TATAVIAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY 201 relate with the Kitanemuk placename tihtik- The order of baptism of Fustero's waka'hyavea, located at El Monte on what grandparents reflects to some extent the incre­ later became the Tejon Ranch (Harrington mental spread of Mission San Fernando's 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 671; Anderton 1988:522)."' influence. After its establishment in 1797, the The first of Fustero's ancestors to have mission drew its earliest converts from the been baptized was Narciso, who came to the San Fernando Valley, then gradually expanded mission in 1803, when he was only five years its proselytizing activities to the Upper Santa old. Narciso's baptismal entry mentions that Clara River VaUey and the Santa Monica his father was an unconverted Indian named Mountains. By the end of 1805, the reduction Puncto (Fig. 6).^' Zenon and Zenona, of the Indian population in these latter areas Fustero's father's parents, arrived at the was largely completed. The next region to mission in 1811 with a large group of other receive missionary attention was the territory Indians from villages along the southern fringe north of the San Gabriel Mountains at the of the Antelope Valley and in the neighboring southern fringe of the Antelope VaUey. A mountains. They apparently left the mission large group of Indians from villages located in community some years later, because their this region was baptized in 1811, including son, Jos6, was born away from the mission Fustero's paternal grandparents. In smaUer and was already a year old when he was groups, Indians from farther afield, especially baptized in 1823 (Fig. 5).^ Fustero had said Kitanemuk and Serrano, continued to join the that his father was from Soledad, so his mission community until the end of the grandparents may not have returned to their Mission Period in the 1830s. native village of Cuecchao after leaving the The information about Fustero's family mission. The name "Soledad" may refer relationships contained in Harrington's notes either to the Soledad Canyon region or to La and the mission documents is consistent in the Soledad, a Mission Period camp that once identification of villages that were Tataviam. existed on the upper Santa Clara River in the Fustero's parents had apparently used vicinity of NewhaU." Kitanemuk as their ordinary speech, but Fustero's maternal grandmother, Crisanta, Fustero's maternal grandfather was Tataviam came to San Fernando relatively late in the from Piru, and his paternal grandparents had Mission Period, being baptized in October, come from a viUage with a Tataviam name, 1821 (Fig. 6). She was married later that year Cueccliao {kwitsa'o), located in the vicinity of to Narciso. Two of Crisanta's grandparents La Liebre. Further information about the and a great-grandfather previously had been latter viUage comes from consideration of the baptized in 1804. Her grandfather's village ancestry of another Tataviam speaker. affiliation was Punivit, a name correlated with Pu 'ning, a Serrano/Kitanemuk village located Agustin and Teodora northwest of Elizabeth Lake in the Antelope The San Fernando baptismal records Valley (Harrington 1986:Rl. 98, Fr. 675-676; reveal that in 1837 a group of Indians arrived Earle 1990:93). Crisanta's grandmother's at the mission who had been living for some affiliation was Tumijaivit, referring to an years in the vicinity of La Liebre.''* On June unlocated village. Her grandmother's sister 8, 1837, five chUdren from Cuecchao, ranging was married to a Quissaubit chief. The latter in age from 4 to 7 years, were baptized (Entry village reference is likely an alternate Spanish Nos. 2900-2904). In aU cases these chUdren spelling for kwitsa 'a near La Liebre. were progeny of former neophytes who had 202 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY left the mission community and were living if they lived in the desert. From tikatsing the with spouses who had never been baptized. Liebre Mountain that is across [the horizon] looks big- from this [Tehachapi Montains] side The father of two of these children, Theodora it does not look so big. The name of that sierra and Francisco, was a man identified as grande is kwitsa'o. That is the correct name. "Agustin, a widower of Juha." His new wife, Eugenia says kwitsa'ong sometimes. [She provides[ no etymology [because the name is the mother of the two above-named children, from the[ Pujador language [Harrmgton 1986; was baptized on July 26, 1837, and given the Rl. 98, Fr. 110-112]. name "Ana Teodora." Their marriage was consecrated in a September 6 ceremony at It is clear from this quotation that Eugenia's Mission San Fernando. aunt had been married to a Tataviam speaker With this information from the mission and that Eugenia had lived for a time with registers as background, we may again turn to their family at tikatsing. Her statements Harrington's notes about the Tataviam from regarding Tataviam linguistics and geography a long interview with Eugenia Mendez at may be regarded as highly reliable. Tejon Ranch. The name "Pujadores," by Because the name of his former wife, which he refers to the Tataviam, is the Julia, was mentioned in the 1837 register Spanish translation of the Chumash word entries, "Agustin" may be identified as a man alliklik, meaning 'grunters, stammerers' (King originally baptized as "Faustino," who was and Blackburn 1978:537). It was a term he among the large group of Antelope Valley had learned from his Ineseiio Chumash Indians who arrived at Mission San Fernando consultant, Maria Solares. in 1811 (Bap. No. 1856). His Indian name tataviam. This form is singular and plural was recorded as Oyoguenittasu. Faustino's both [in Kitanemuk]. Pedro was here and says Spanish name apparently became transformed {Eugenia prompting him) that the Serrano into "Agustin" because of the difficulty the [meaning Kawaiisu in this case] called the Tataviam by this same. . . . Eugenia never Indians had in pronouncing the Spanish /f/." knew the word Pujadores until I came here and He was twenty years old when he originally did not understand me when she first heard came to the mission from Siutasegena. me. . . . Although the location of Siutasegena is Eugenia's aunt was married to a Pujador. She Hved many years with her husband at a unknown, it may be presumed to have been a rancheria at tikatsing, about as far this side of Tataviam village. Agustin's reconstructed ge­ tsawayung as we arc from Tejon Viejo. The nealogy (Fig. 7) reveals that both his father aunt had two children [who reached adult­ and first wife were from Cuecchao, a village hood]. . . . Francisco (a son) and Teodora. Eugenia's aimt (their mother) also was named previously identified as Tataviam. These kin­ Teodora. They wore Christians. Teodora's ship connections and Eugenia Mendez's testi­ husband (Pujador) was Avustin (for Agustin). mony that Agustin was a native Tataviam Teodora . . . and Francisco died at Las Tunas, speaker suggest that Siutasegena may be Agustin died at La Paston'a and Teodora (the daughter) died at El Piro.''^ added to the list of known Tataviam rancheria tsawayung was a vaquero camp [Rancho names. San Francisco Xavicr of Mission San Fernan­ To continue with what is known about do]. Agustin would go from tikatsing down to Agustin's family history, we return to a section tsawayung to pick up meat when they slaugh­ of Harrington's notes from his long interview tered and would bring it home to us. [Eugenia] thinks tikatsing is Pujador in 1916 with Eugenia M6ndez, in which she language name. The Pujadores lived at tsaway­ described her family's participation in ung and all up this way. [She] does not know mourning ceremonies held at various fiestas: TATAVIAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY 203

L Tonbio Sopaseguit 42 v-o. (1811) Cuecchao

Georgia Romulo Juha "Agustin" Paginayamin Yaguina Vauco IFaustino 20 y.o 1181 II 19 ¥ 0 (18111 18 V o (18111 Oyoguenmasu Tochaborunga Siutasegena Cuecchao 20 V 0 (181 II Siutasegena

Norberto Cirila Siusiguaba Yaguinaleguigua Teodora Francisco 2 mo (181 1) 4 V 0 (181 II 7 V 0 (1837) 4 V 0. Tochaborunga Siutasegena Cuchau (18371 Cuchau Fig. 7. Agustin's genealogical relationships.

Eugenia was living at the place back of NewhjJl named Teodora. She died in El Piro. Teodora's [tikatsing?] when [she] went to the San younger sister, Francisca, was just Eugenia's age Fernando and mat'apqa'w fiestas. Then all and died shortly after Teodora died. . . . [the] family went over to El Piro in that same Teodora had [five children]: [1] Francisca summer and had [a] jacal there. Eugenia's (died-Eugenia never saw), [2] another girl aunt [Teodora] was married to a capitan (Eugenia did not know her name, [she] died [Agustin]-he was the capitan grande of La early-Eugenia never saw her), [3] Francisca Oreja.''^ The fiesta was at La Oreja (not at (no. 2) (died as said above - Eugenia saw her), pi'irukung). Later Eugenia's aunt and uncle [4] Francisco (grew up to manhood and died at (the capitan) went to Saticoy to help Luis Las Tunas), [5] Teodora . . . (died as said Francisco and his wife Maria prepare the fiesta above). there - Eugenia's uncle [Agustin] also had other business there. Eugenia's mother and the rest No doubt Teodora and her husband of them remained at El Piro-her mother pre­ [Agustin] burned things of [their daughter] paring bellota [acorn meal] to give to the Teodora at El Piro fiesta too, and may have capildn [Luis Francisco] at Saticoy. These food sent things to the capitan of San Fernando for presents were not given as pay to the capitan the fiesta there [Harrington 1986:R1. 98, Fr. fiestcro, but to assist him in feeding the people 166-167]. at his fiesta.'"' The mission register data on Agustin's and Eugenia with her own eyes saw her aunt Teodora's children corroborate some of teike a silk scarf that . . . [had belonged to her] daughter (who had died some time . . . before Eugenia's testimony (Fig. 7). As has been the fiesta of San Fernando) and wrap it into a mentioned, two children, Teodora and bundle . . . and tie the most costly kind of Francisco, were baptized in 1837. Although string [of beads] about it and put it into a fine basket. The aunt took this to Saticoy and there we have been unsuccessful in identifying her gave it to Maria (Luis Francisco's wife) to burn baptismal entry, a third chUd, Francisca, is at the burning [mourning ceremony]. . . . documented when the latter was married on Eugenia's aunt was Teodora. Teodora's June 26, 1837 (Mar. No. 860).^' No mission daughter that died (mentioned above) was also register information has been found for the 204 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

remaining rwo children of Agustin and consultant to Harrington [Harrington 1985: Rl. Teodora mentioned by Eugenia. 101, Fr. 65].^' Agustin was considered to have been a Two brothers named Melchor and Mateo chief of a community of former Mission San may be identified in the San Fernando Fernando Indians in Tataviam territory, and baptismal register. Their parents were it may be significant in this regard that his Estanislao Cabuti, the son of the chief of daughter, Teodora, was married in 1846 to Tochonanga, and Epifania Saliyotelen from Bernabe, the son of the "Malibu Chief," Cuecchao (Fig. 8). Tochonanga was situated Odon, one of the Indian grantees of Rancho near the head of the Santa Clara River El Escorpion in the San Fernando VaUey Valley, according to ethnogeographic informa­ (Gayle 1965:22). Agu.stin's death occurred at tion contained in nineteenth-century Spanish La Pastoria, where apparently the family had manuscripts (King and Blackburn 1978; C. relocated sometime after the establishment in King, personal communication 1990; and Fig. 1853 of the short-lived San Sebastian Indian 2, this article). Cuecchao was located near La Reservation on the Tejon Ranch (Giffen and Liebre, as mentioned above. Epifania was Woodward 1942). Further information about among the large group of Antelope Valley the Pastoria Indian settlement comes from Indians who came to Mission San Fernando consideration of another family of Tataviam in 1811, as has been mentioned previously. Indian descendants. At that time, she was married to the son of the chief of Pabutan and his wife, a Pirn Melchor, Estanislao, and the Tataviam woman (Fig. 8). Only Pabutan has not been Community at La Pastoria located; all the other villages named accord Melchor was another individual whose weU with territory attributed to the Tataviam name would often arise during Harrington's by Harrington's consultants. questioning about the Tataviam. The follow­ An 1850 census of Los Angeles County ing quotation from his notes is typical; lists a number of Mission San Fernando In­ [I] interviewed old Pedro and Sebastiana dians living in separate communities and together last night about the Pujadores.'^' ranchos in inland regions. One of these Pedro says with a gesture that they lived over ranching operations was headed by an over­ across the ridge from the Tej6n here (gesture seer named Dolores Ochoa. Among his Indian indicating the region coastward from here). Sebastiana says that the deceased Melchor was laborers are Stanislaus (i.e., Estanislao), one of that tribe, that they are now all dead Melchor, Mateo, and Epifania. Also listed [Harrington 1986:RI. 98, Fr. 143[. with this group is an Indian named Clemente Franlc Latta also recorded information (NewmarkandNewmark 1929:69-70). By 1854 about Melchor from Jos6 Jesus L6pez, the this community of Indians had moved to the former mayordomo of the Tejon Ranch. southern San Joaquin Valley. The Los Lopez described Melchor as a leader among Angeles Star reported on January 17 of that the Indians and as someone who had worked year that one of the Tej6n reservation settle­ as a shepherd for the ranch. He also ments of too Indians was headed by "Stan­ mentioned that Melchor's crippled brother, islaus from the mountains near San Fernan­ Mateo, served as chief and "medicine man" do" and "under him Clemente from Lake for their tribe (Latta 1976:129). This Elizabeth" (Giffen and Woodward 1942: 30). identification of Mateo as a brother of Two years later, the name "Stanislau" appears Melchor was corroborated by Jim Monte, a as one of ten Tej6n Indian chiefs listed in TATAVIAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY 205

(^

Eusebio Eusebia 70 y.o. (18011 60 V 0. (18011 Tochonabit Tochonabit © 4 -n Jose Marfa Tomasa Julio Faustina Seuyeuyeminasu Teuteu Genuanguinasu Semajpeo 7 y.o (17991 34 V o (18001 39 V 0 1181 II 30 y 0 (181 II Chief ot Tochonabit Chief ol Piru Tochonabit Pabutan

Eudoxia Eusebio EKas Estanislao Epi(ani;i Epilanio Nazano Neusai Mu Nu b 181 1 Cabuti Saliyoleien Cucma 9 y.o (1799) 6 yo. (17991 9 m 0 (17991 Mission 3 V-O. (1799) 15 y 0 11811) 16 y 0 118111 Tochonanga Tochonanga Tochonanga Tochonanga Cuecchao Pabutan

Salvador Sebasiiaria Estevan b 1821 b 1828 b 1831 Fig. 8. Melchor's genealogy.

U.S. congressional documents (Merriam MS). The name La Pastoria, meaning "the pasture The location where Estanislao and his land," seems to be related to the occupations people settled may be identified as Pastoria of many of the former San Fernando Indians Creek at the southern end of the San Joaquin who settled there. Both Harrington's notes Valley. Their village was called iipowhi by the and the testimony of J. J. Lopez indicate that Chumash, sripowhi by the Yokuts, and powiti Estanislao, Melchor, and other members of by the Kitanemuk. The etymology of this their families were shepherds. The size of the name cannot be analyzed for any of the above settlement is described as consisting of only languages. Eugenia Mendez told Harrington three or four jacales by the 1870s. It was that the "correct real name [was] poxwi" and abandoned before 1880when Melchor, Mateo, stated that it might be in the Tataviam and their families were forced by the Tejon language (Harrington 1986:Rl. 98, Fr. 92). Ranch management to relocate their commu­ \poxwi was] the name of the bare stony hill nity to Paso Creek just above the ranch which lies to the east of the mouth of Pastoria commissary. Melchor and his wife died not canyon, across the canyon from the Flying long after their move (Latta 1976:129; Squirrel Spring place. ... It was in front of this stony knoll that there was a rancheria of Harrington 1985:R1. 100, Fr. 1183). Pujadores. Eugenia later explained to me that More is known about Melchor's descen­ Sebastiana must have meant that there was a dants and famUy history than for most of the rancheria of them there in recent Christian times, because in primitive times the mouth of Tataviam Indians who had settled in the Pastoria canyon did not belong to the territory Tejon region. His first marriage was to of the Pujadores but their territory was way Angela at Mission San Fernando in 1839 over by La Liebre [Harrington 1985:R1. 89, Fr (Mar. No. 871). A later wife was Felipa, the 573]. 206 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY paternal aunt of Juan Jos6 Fustero, by whom where he lived for two years. His last resi­ he had a child, born in 1852 (San Buenaven­ dence was in Tej6n Canyon (Merriam MS). tura Bap. Bk. 2, No. 1590). This is the same Merriam collected a vocabulary from Badillo Fehpa whom Magdalena Olivas called "aunt," that has been shown to be Kitanemuk who spoke Tataviam (see above) (Harrington (Anderton 1988:666-684). 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 434). Based on an interview at Tejon with Melchor had two sons who reached Maria Ignacia, a Tulamni Yokuts woman, adulthood, Eusebio and Miguel Eli'as, both Kroeber made the following notes: named, at least in part, for their grandfather's tcipowi en la Pastoria, creek to west of here. brothers (see Fig. 8). The former was [The people there] talked different from San murdered while shepherding on the Tejon Emigdio, entirely. [Maria] does not know [their] language or tribal name; all dead. Ranch (Harrington 1985:Rl. 89, Fr. 1482). [They] said u u u u ior "yes." Badillo in next The latter was once married to Josefa house to Maria knows a few words of the Cordero, a Yokuts woman who was to serve language. She thinks Badillo [was] born in Camulos [Kroeber 1906:27]. as a consultant to Harrington at Tejon Ranch in 1916 (Harrington 1986:R1. 100, Fr. 180- Harrington recorded additional informa­ 181). Miguel Elias later overstepped the tion about Badillo from several of his consul­ bounds of the law and served nearly four tants at Tejon in 1916: years at San Quentin Prison.^ After his Vadiyo (old man who lived ... in the house release, he did not return to the Tejon Ranch just above here where the old Mexican lives . . . but moved to the Tule River Reservation now) died here 2 years ago-it is now going on where he married a Yawelmani Yokuts 3 years [c. 1913]. His family talked Pujador. . . . Jos6 Juan said that Vadiyo died here and woman and raised two sons (Harrington that a man who came writing languages had 1986:R1. 97, Fr. 298, Rl. 100, Fr. 250). One of worked with him [apparently Merriam]. Jose his sons, Rosendo Elias or "Ross EUis," later Juan said that it was a fine sounding language and had some cantar [singing quality] when they served as a Yokuts linguistic consultant for talked. Vadiyo had no other name known to Harrington and Newman (Newman 1944:5; Eugenia. All his relatives are dead [Harrington Mills 1985:148). 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 98]. Badillo's father and mother both were from San Altamirano Badillo Fernando. Eugenia does not know that either Another individual who had lived at La Badillo's father or mother or Badillo himself talked Tataviam. But many at San Fernando Pastoria was an Indian with the unusual name Mission did and so Eugenia imagined that of Altamirano Badillo, two Spanish surnames Badillo may have. strung together. Kroeber and Harrington Roroteo [Doroteo] was father of Badillo. both collected information about this man, lyermo [Guillermo] was father of Roroteo, and C. Hart Merriam actually interviewed him paternal grandfather of Badillo. Roroteo and lyermo talked pure hita (Fernandeiio language). in 1905 (Merriam 1905, 1967:435).'' In the They did not talk Jaminat [Serrano/ Kitane­ notes of these researchers, Badillo is variously muk] at aU. Eugenia knew them. . . . speUed "Vadillo," "Vadilla," "Vadiyo," "Va- Badillo's mother was named Juana. She dio," "Vadeo," and even "Video!" Merriam was daughter of Polonia. Juana and Polonia recorded that "Alto Mirano Vadio" had been talked both Jaminat and Fernandeiio [Har­ rington 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 441]. born on Piru Creek and as a child had lived at Camulos. He later lived 15 years at From the information collected by Cahuenga before moving to La Pastoria, Merriam, Kroeber, and Harrington, it is not TATAVIAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY 207 at all clear that BadiUo actually grew up these was a boy named Marin (Fig. 9). Given speaking any Indian languages other than the way many Spanish names were pro­ Serrano/Kitanemuk and Fernandeno. Thanks nounced in Indian languages, examples of to Harrington's genealogical information which appear above, it is possible to suggest recorded from Eugenia Mendez, it is possible that Marin may have become "Alto Marin" to determine that Badillo was indeed partially (Big Marin), later to be transformed into of Tataviam ancestry by reconstructing his "Altamirano."^'' The United State Census family tree based on mission records (Fig. 9). (U.S. Census Office 1860:Rl. 59, Fr. 541) lists As was the case with others identified as a nineteen-year-old Indian boy named Tataviam descendants, Badillo had ancestors "BadiUo" on the same page as other Indians from the Tataviam village of Cuecchao settled in the Piru Creek vicinity. His age {kwitsa'o) in the Liebre Mountains. His would match that of Marin, if the latter had maternal grandfather was Isaac Cacaguama adopted the surname Badillo by this time. from Cuecchao, who, when he was baptized, was described as tuerto mordido por un oso Other Tataviam Speakers 'one-eyed [from being] bitten by a bear'. Besides those whose genealogies have Isaac came to Mission San Fernando in 1811 been presented above, there are several other with the large group of Indians from Antelope Indians who were mentioned as being Valley villages. His wife, Apolonia Panegue, Tataviam descendants by Harrington's and two chUdren were natives of Chibuna consultants. One of these was a blind man {tsivung), a Serrano village near Elizabeth named Juan Jost; Lopez: Lake.'"* Isaac's and Apolonia's mothers were The grandfather, grandmother, mother, and also among those baptized in 1811; both uncle of Juan Jose of the dark glasses Eugenia originated from Cuecchao. saw at tikatsing. He used lo work down at [ihe] Eugenia's statements about the languages ranch all the lime, but since [he] cannot sec, [he] stays up around here [in Tejon Canyon]. spoken by Badillo's parents and grandparents His mother talked pure Jaminate and [the] accord well with his reconstructed genealogy Fernandeiio language, but his grandfather and and do not conflict with other information grandmother talked Tataviam [Harrington that he was partly of Tataviam descent. His 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 114]. paternal grandfather, GuiUermo, was said to Srits apa'ovea is Juan Jose Lopez' (the blind speak Fernandeno, which is consistent with man's) farm. . . . He had board house there [and] raised barley there. Then [he] had good someone whose parents were from viUages at eyesight. [He was] unmarried. . . . Eugenia the western end of the San Fernando Valley: asked him a short time ago if he talks Fernan­ Siutcanga (Encino) and Caltuenga (Fig. 9). deiio. He answered real nicely thai it was true His maternal grandmother's language was said that Fernandeno is his language, but that they talked only Jaminate al home. When he was to be Jaminat, usuaUy given as a synonym for David's age, his mother died, his father having Kitanemuk (Blackburn and Bean 1978:569), died still earlier, and he was raised by his but, as used by Harrington's consultants, also godmother, who was named Catarina and was referring to other Serrano dialects (Earle a member of the Lopez family at San Fernando. He talks no Tataviam. His maternal grandfa­ 1990:93). ther talked Tataviam, but it was never talked at BadiUo's own identity in the mission home. Juan Jose Lopez talks Jaminate but registers remains somewhat of a mystery. His poorly, very poorly [Harrington 1986:R1. 98, Fr. 209-210]. parents, Doroteo and Juana, had four chUdren born between 1835 and 1840. The last of 208 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNL\ AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Filomena Apolinaria Suastalmegue Nuyugenunnuzman 50 y.o 48 yo. 1181 11 1181 II Cuecchao Cuecchao

Isaac Apolonia Cacaguama Panegue 35 V o. 26 y 0 (18111 (18111 Cuecchao Chibuna

Juana Joset siOora Aniceto Micaela Felix b 1814 Teguomogigua t). 1811 b 1813 b. 1816 3 y o (18111 Chibuna

Fig. 9. Altamirano Badillo's genealogy.

I asked Magdalena if Juan Jose L6pez talked above), suggests that an enclave of Tataviam Jaminate. Alejandro Sandoval had told me people seems to have settled together in a yesterday that Juan Jose Lopez does. Magda­ lena and Jose Juan [Ohvas] say that Juan Jos6 part of their old territory in post-Mission Lopez talks Jaminate but docs not talk it at all times. Ouently. He understands it perfectly, but does Another name of a Tataviam man was not talk it much. provided by Eugenia M6ndez from an event It is true that he is siUy and doesn't want to she witnessed as a girl: talk Indian, but he does not know how to talk it at aU well anyway. And when it comes to the paqa',payaso [ceremonial leader]. He is an old possibility of his knowing Licbrciio [Tataviam], man who goes walking httle by httle, yelling. neither Magdalena nor Jos6 Juan [Olivas] Eugenia saw [d]paqa' at El Piro fiesta. He was thinks that he knows a word of it. They named Alefonso and was shouting in Tataviam consider that language entirely dead with the language. Eugenia did not know what he was death of BadUlo and Casimiro [Harrington saying. That old man was not of El Piro-hved 1989:R1. 2, Fr. 43]. at San Fernando [Harrington 1986:R1. 98, Fr. Unfortunately, no baptismal entry for a Juan 235]. Jose has been identified in the late 1830s A man named "Alifonso," "95" years old, is onward in the Mission San Fernando regis­ Usted in the 1850 census of Los Angeles ters, and without any names for Juan Jose County among other San Fernando Mission Lopez's parents or grandparents, it has not Indians (Newmark and Newmark 1929:71). been possible to reconstruct his genealogy.^^ The most Ukely candidate for this man is The fact that his family lived at tikatsing, Ildefonso Liguiguinassum, an Indian from the where the Tataviam chief Agustin hved (see village of Tochaborunga, who was baptized in TATAVIAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY >09

1804 (Bap. No. 1216). The possibUity that the The process of working with genealogical latter viUage might have been Tataviam gains records also has produced historical informa­ support from identification of another former tion regarding the fate of a number of San Fernando Mission Indian, Norberto, who Tataviam famUies and communities as they lived at Rancho El Tejon: intermarried, moved, and were absorbed into Old Camilo . . . was neighbor of Menchor other Indian settlements in south central [after Melchor moved to Paso Creek]. Camilo California during the middle to late nine­ talked [the] Fernandeno language, and some teenth century. Our research indicates that Jaminat. Nolberto, who talked Jaminat, was several famUies of Tataviam descendants also neighbor, and lived near Menchor, and may have been Tattavyam also [Harrington persisted into the twentieth century, indicating 1986:R1. 97, Fr. 298]. some degree of genetic survival, although their language was largely lost to posterity. CamUo and Norberto may be identified with two individuals who have already NOTES appeared in the reconstructed genealogies 1. This article is anticipated to be the first in presented earlier. CamUo was a great-uncle a two-part study of Tataviam ethnohistory and by marriage to Altamirano BadiUo (Fig. 9), linguistics. An analysis of some new hnguistic data and Norberto was a nephew of Agustin, a conducted in collaboration with Pamela Munro and Tataviam chief (Fig. 7). Like Ildefonso Alice Anderton is in progress. 2. On akure'eng, see Harrington (1986:RI. 98, (mentioned above), Norberto was a native of Fr. 543). Kroeber (1925:621) noted a rancheria the village of Tochaborunga. called "Akuranga" as located at La Presa near Mission San Gabriel, but the latter is a locality CONCLUSION distinct from the NewhaU spring site, notwithstand­ ing the similarity in names. For naqava'atang, see Our genealogical reconstructions for Harrington (1986:R1. 95, Fr. 254, Rl. 98, Fr. 539- Tataviam descendants have demonstrated re­ 540); regarding tikatsing and apatsitsing, see markable convergence and consistency in an­ Harrington (1986:RI. 95, Fr. 250-253). We have cestral viUage affUiation. Most prominent in used ng for Harrington's /TJ/ in placenames and Tataviam words throughout this paper. all of the genealogies is the vUlage of Cuec­ 3. We have referred to the Beiiemc of Garces chao, identified with kwitsa 'o, a placename in as Desert Serrano. These were speakers of dialects the Tataviam language that referred to the of the Serrano language who lived in the Mojave Liebre Mountains. Genealogical research also Desert. The Kitanemuk who lived west of them in the Tehachapi Mountains also spoke a dialect of supports the Tataviam affUiation attributed to Serrano which they called Jaminat (Haminot). Piru and Tochonanga (King and Blackburn 4. Problems in using mission register data for 1978). Two additional viUages, not hitherto anthropological purposes have been described by recognized as Tataviam, have also been Milliken (1987) and Johnson (1988), among others. For this study, we first consulted a partial transcript identified: Siutasegena and Tocliaborunga. of the San Fernando registers prepared by Thomas The correspondence between (1) ancestral Workman Temple (MS) and then supplemented viUages traced using genealogical evidence and Temple's information by working directly with photocopies of the original registers at the (2) independently eUcited information regard­ Archdiocese Archives of the Chancery of Los ing Tataviam territoriality buUds confidence Angeles at Mission San Fernando. A useful guide in the reliabUity of the ethnographic record to village names contained in the San Fernando compUed by Kroeber and Harrington. The baptismal register was prepared for C. Hart Merriam by Stella Clemcnce (Merriam 1968). distinctiveness of the Tataviam as an ethnic Some of our transcriptions of Indian names differ entity, separate from the Kitanemuk and in particulars from those copied by Temple and Fernandeno, is supported by our research. Clemence, an understandable situation given 210 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY difficulties in reading missionary handwriting and [sic]-Came originaUy from Piru Creek emd varying degrees of familiarity with native languages. Camulus. Lived for some time at Lievra [sic] 5. See Smith (1969) for a short biography of (not an aboriginal rancheria at Lievra). His Juan Jose Fustero. name for people (or tribe) is koo\ His name 6. Kroeber equated San Francisquito with the for place is mahll I don't seem to have any NewhaU Ranch. The name San Francisquito was vocabuljuy from him [Merriam MS]. derived from Rancho San Francisco Xavier, an Although the two words Merriam wrote down from outpost of Mission San Fernando, that was Casimiro seem to have been Chumash (one was established there during Mission times (EngeUiardt doubtfuUy recorded), it is difficult to draw any 1927; Perkins 1957). Kroeber's notes do not make conclusions from these, because of the diversity of it clear whether Fustero's grandparents were hving languages attributed to him. at San Francisquito only as part of the community 10. Only one other baptism at San Fernando of Mission Indians stationed there or whether they listed a variation of this placename as a viUage affd- had been associated with the aboriginal village of iation. In 1818 a year-old girl from Tectecuyayave, tsawayung that existed there prior to the mission christened Maria de Jesiis, was listed into the rancho's establishment. baptismal register (Entry No. 2337). Her parents 7. In this and other quotations from Harring­ were unbaptized Indians named Patinetuyec and ton's notes, we have lightly edited the material: Cuiquam. combining repetitive phrases, fully spelling 11. So far, we have been unable to identify abbreviated words, substituting the consultant's Narciso's parents in the San Fernando registers, name for "inf," and translating some words and although it is likely they were baptized. A large phrases originally written in Spanish. Our number of people from Piru were baptized within identifications of particular persons and places a few months of Narciso's christening, including the appear in brackets or are discussed more fully in the chief of the village, but none of the men's Indian text of the article and in the end notes. names match that given for Narciso's father. 8. The name "Castec" or "Castaic" is derived 12. Fugitivism seems to have been more from the Venturefio Chumash village kashtiq located prevalent at Mission San Fernando than at other at Castac Lake at the head of Grapevine Canyon. missions in South Central California. There are a A historic trail that led up Castaic Creek towards fair number of instances recorded in the registers, Castac Lake was apparently responsible for a especially in the later Mission Period, the 1820s and Chumash name being applied to a creek in 1830s, where evidence may be found regarding Tataviam territory (Johnson 1978). individuals cuid famihes who had fled from the 9. Juan Jose Fustero's uncle Casimiro was still mission to the Antelope Valley and southern living when Kroeber, Harrington, and Merriam Tehachapi Mountains. undertook their earUest fieldwork at the Tule River 13. The location of "La Soledad" on the "Rio Reservation. But at the time of their various visits, de Santa Clara" is shown on a nineteenth-century these researchers do not seem to have realized that diseno for Rancho San Francisco (Engstrand 1989:9; Casimiro might have informed them about an also see Figure 2 of this article for a different diseno undocumented language. Indeed, Kroeber's 1915 of the same land grant). Perkins (1957:111) implied article reporting on the discovery of the Tataviam that "La Soledad" came to be used as the general language had not yet appeared before Casimiro's name for the easterly end of the Rancho San death. Kroeber's information from his Yokuts Francisco grant. consultant, Jos6 Maria Cholola, indicated that 14. One of these was Juan Jos6 Fustero's Casimiro spoke Fernandeno (Kroeber 1906:1, 58), grandmother, Zenona, who as a widow had returned while Harrington's various consultants stated that he to her birthplace at Cuecchao. There she bore had spoken Kitanemuk, Tataviam, Fernandeiio, and another chUd, Feliciana, who was among the Ventureiio Chumash in addition to Spanish chUdren baptized from "Cuchau" (i.e., Cuecchao) (Harrington 1985:RI. 89, Fr. 256, 438, 1986:R1. 98, on June 8, 1837 at Mission San Fernando. Zenona Fr. 615, Rl. 106, Fr. 125)! remarried a man named Antonino in 1841 (San Harrington actually interviewed Casimiro in Fernando Mar. 883). The latter has been tentatively October, 1914, but only elicited two placenames identified as a Serrano Indian from the village of {tsavayung dsiA apenga) from him during a brief visit Atongaina (San Fernando Bap. 2110). (Harrington 1985:R1. 89, Fr. 2). C. Hart Merriam 15. Las Tunas and La Pastoria were nine­ also may have met Casimiro, which he implies in a teenth-century Indian settlements on the Tejon short notation about the Tej6n Indians: Ranch in the Southern San Joaquin Valley At Tejon or Tule River. Old Man Casamero (Merriam 1967). "El Piro" refers to the Indian TATA'VTAM GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOHISTORY 211 community of former San Fernando Mission Indians not documented as sibhngs using mission register on Piru Creek, where the Fustero famUy also hved. evidence (Harrmgton 1985:R1. 101, Fr. 15). 16. SimUarly, Juan Jose Fustero's sister's name, 22. According to information contained in his Felipa, was pronounced "xelipa" by Kitanemuk prison register entry (No. 7789), "MagiU Melchou"" spccikers, as has been previously noted. See (sic) had been convicted of assault and served his Johnson (1988:17-18) for other examples of name sentence between October 7,1877, and May 7,1881. transformations in the mission registers. His age in 1877 was 22 years, and he was described 17. La Oreja was an Indian community on Piru as 5 ft. 5 in. (1.63 m.) tall, with "square features, Creek. The Spanish neime, meaning 'the ear', was wide jaws, mole on side of neck [and] on left coUar a loan translation from its Indian placename: bone, scar [at] base of thumb [and] on back of left akavavea in Kitanemuk or kastu in Venturefio shoulder blade, stout buUt" (San Quentin Prison Chumash (Applegate 1975:32; Harrington 1986:RI. 1851-1855:87, entry no. 7789). Harrington recorded 98, Fr. 673; Anderton 1988:345). the story of Melchor's son Miguel Elias several 18. The series of fiestas mentioned by Eugenia times from his various consultants (e.g., Harrington were held during the course of a single summer and 1986:R1. 97, Fr. 298, Rl. 100, Fr. 305). have been described previously by Blackburn 23. Merriam's notes from his visits to the Tejon (1976:232). It is tempting to correlate the Saticoy Ranch indicate that he photographed "Vadio" fiesta she attended with a major gathering of 300 to (Merriam MS), but no pictures of him are so 400 Indians that was held there in the faU of 1863 identified in his photographic collection now on file and that was reported in an early newspaper article at the Bancroft Library. (Heizer 1970:75). However, the Saticoy fiesta 24. Eugenia Mdndez stated that tsixiing was witnessed by Eugenia in her childhood may have Jaminat in speech (Harrington 1986;RI. 98, Fr. 676). occurred as much as a decade earher. Luis 25. A case that may be parallel to that of Francisco was the chief of the Saticoy Indians in BadUlo can be documented for an Indian man post-Mission times (Hudson 1979:143; Taylor 1863). known as "Jim Alto," meaning "Big Jim." The 19. Francisca is described in her marriage latter was a Yokuts man born and raised at Tejon, entry as being the daughter of Agustin and a gentUe who later served as an Indian pohceman at the Tule mother (Ana Teodora had not yet been baptized). River Reservation (Harrington 1985:R1.100, Fr. She married a man named Yginio de Jesiis, whose 1043; MiUs 1985:145). parents were from the Castac Chumash village of 26. Juan Jose's Spanish surname, Lopez, was Sujuiojos. Francisca died sometime prior to 1845 adopted from that of his godparents, who raised when Yginio, her vwdowed husband, remarried him. The latter were the parents of Jose Jesus (Mar. No. 918). The latter became the founding Lopez, who later became mavordomo of Rancho El father of the Yginio family at Piru and Tejon (see Tejon (Latta 1976:251). Latta 1976:122-126). One of his daughters, Rosa, became the wife of Juan Jose Fustero in 1881 (San ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Buenaventura Mar. 1448). 20. Harrington referred to Pedro kuweye, an The authors express their appreciation to the Indian resident of Tejon Ranch, as "old Pedro" to foUowing indi%'iduals for their comments and differentiate him from the latter's son-in-law, Pedro assistance in locating research materials used in ViUareal. Sebastiana, of Yokuts ancestry and widow preparing this article: Alice Anderton, Oklahoma of Jos6 Yginio, was another consultant to Har­ State University; Kathleen Baxter and Elaine Mills, rington at the Tejon Ranch (Mills 1985:145). National Anthropological Archives; Fr. Virgilio 21. Latta (1976) also discussed a former San Biasiol, Santa Barbara Mission Archive Library; Fernando Indian named Camilo as being a brother Thomas Blackburn, Ccdifornia Polytechnic Univer­ of Mateo and Melchor. This is apparently sity, Pomona; Richard Buchen, Southwest Museum; srroneous, according to both mission register WiUiam P. Frank, The Huntington Library; Msr. svidence and Harrington's notes. Estevan Miranda, Wayne Hayes, Chancery Archives, Fresno Diocese; a Ttibatulabal Indian, who had been raised in the Stephen Home, Los Padres National Forest; rej6n Indian community, mentioned to Harrington Charles Johnson, Ventura County Museum of that "Old CamUo" hveii near Melchor and Mateo History and Art; Chester King, Topanga; Pamela on El Paso Creek on the Tejon Ranch, but claimed Munro, University of California, Los Angeles; no relative status for him (Harrington 1985:R1. 101, George Phillips, University of Colorado; Steve Fr. 7). Another of Harrington's consultants. Bill Schwartz, Pt. Mugu Naval Base; and Msr. Francis Chico, named two other Indians, Ventura and Weber, Archdiocese of Los Angeles Archives. An Clemente, as Melchor's brothers, but these two are earlier version of this paper, "Who Were the 212 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

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