The Expression of the Imperial Idea of a Romanian Ruler in the Katholikon of the Great Lavra Monastery1
Nikos Dionysopoulos
UDK 75.052.041.5(= 135.1:495.631)“15”
The subject of this paper is a recently cleaned fresco emperor and ktetor of the holy monastery: “ displaying a donor portrait in the katholikon of the Great .” Lavra monastery on Mount Athos, known as the portrait of Exactly opposite the portrait of Nikephoros, beside the the Byzantine Emperor John Tzimiskes. The author taking fi gure of St Christopher, on the southern side of the north- into consideration several iconographic elements as well as western pier beneath the dome, is the painted image of an- the new data that came to light in the course of restoration, other donor of the Great Lavra. In hitherto bibliography, this rejects the possibility of the representation of the Byzantine portrait has been mentioned as that of the Byzantine Emperor emperor and identifi es the painted image with Wallachian John Tzimiskes.3 However, after the fresco was recently Prince Vlad Vintilă (1532–1535). This is the most represen- cleaned and the composition’s original form was uncovered, tative example of a Romanian ruler portrayed in fresco that during the general restoration of the mural decoration in the excellently refl ects the imperial idea. katholikon,4 elements appeared that incontestably refute the identifi cation of the represented image with Tzimiskes. But, In 1535, the iconographic programme in the katho- before we turn to presenting the new data that came to light in likon of the Great Lavra frescoed by Theophanes, the re- the course of restoration, it would be worthwhile to go back nowned Cretan painter, was enriched with the portrait of the to the portrait in the state in which it was before cleaning and monastery’s fi rst benefactor, Nikephoros Phokas (963–969).2 draw attention to those iconographic elements on the basis The portrait is located in the nave, on the northern side of of which doubts arise regarding the eventual identifi cation of the southwestern pier beneath the dome, next to the fi gure the portrayed fi gure with that of the Byzantine ruler. of the martyr St Mercurios. The Byzantine emperor, donned Half-turned towards the altar, the patron holds in both in a ceremonial sakkos with a loros, is depicted, half-turned hands a detailed model of the katholikon (Figure 2).5 As in towards the altar, extending scrolled chrysobulls (Figure 1). the portrait of Phokas, one may notice a semi-circular band There is an aureole around his head on which he wears a gold, that frames the upper part of the fi gure. The triangular sur- dome-like crown, resembling the stemma of the Paleologues. faces between the square frame of the representation and the The inscription on his portrait is signed Nikephoros Phokas, aforesaid band are decorated with a beautiful and intricate
1 The paper is based on my master’s thesis, defended at the Faculty of Phi- CahArch 32 (1984), 105. The present-day narthex (liti) is decorated with losophy in Belgrade, July 2002, under the heading: Ktitorski portreti XVI i frescoes carried out in 1854 (Mylonas, op. cit., 106). As for the katholikon XVII veka na freskama svetogorskih manastira (16th and 17th century donor building, it was founded, as we know, by St Athanasios the Athonite in portraits in the frescoes of the Mount Athos monasteries). the year 963, with the fi nancial assistance of the Byzantine emperor Nike- 2 In the dedicatory inscription on the western wall of the naos, next to the phoros Phokas. On the foundation and the architecture of the katholikon scene of the Dormition of the Virgin, we read that the Metropolitan of of the Great Lavra, cf. Mylonas, op. cit., 89–98; Th. Steppan, Die Athos- Veria, Neophytos, an Athenian by origin, participated in the painting of Lavra und der triconchale Kuppelnaos in der byzantinischen Architektur, the katholikon in 1535, by making his contribution in effort and expense. München 1995, 98–115; Π. Μυλωνάς, Άτλας του Άθωνος, τ. Β΄, Wasmuth The inscription reads: “ ! " #$ % 2000, 70–73. & ' ( ) * " '+ !' & ! ) #$'! 3 In spite of the fact that the portrait has not been examined so far, bearing ,! '! & - . ! #$ /0 % in mind the inscription at the top of the image, researchers identifi ed the 1 2" & 3- !- !" 45!, & depicted fi gure with Tzimiskes [Millet, Monuments de l’Athos, pl. 117/1, !- 6! -" # 7 % # + 32 ' & 8 ' ' 2 139/1; Chatzidakis, op. cit., fi g. 115; M. Garidis, La peinture murale dans ) 9 2 " 8'% & '+ 3 !- : 3-” le monde orthodoxe après la chute de Byzance (1450–1600) et dans les [Γ. Σµυρνάκης, Το Άγιον Όρος, Athens 1903, 387; G. Millet – J. Pargoire pays sous domination étrangère, Athènes 1989, 151–152]. The successor of – L. Petit, Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Athos. Première partie, Nikephoros Phokas, John Tzimiskes (969–976), became the second patron (Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome), fasc. 91, Paris of the Great Lavra, verifying all the contributions by his predecessor with 1904, 110–111, № 339; H. Brockhaus, Die Kunst in den Athos–Klöstern, a chrysobull and awarding the monastery an income of 488 gold coins, cf. Leipzig 1891, 19242, 277; M. Chatzidakis, Recherches sur le peintre Théo- ∆. Παπαχρυσάνθου, Ο αθωνικός µοναχισµός. Αρχές και οργάνωση, Athens phane le Crétois, DOP 23–24 (1969–1970), 344, № 2]. The portrait of 1992, 259–260. Neophytos is depicted on the western wall of the naos of the katholikon, cf. 4 Conservation works in the katholikon of the Great Lavra were taken over G. Millet, Monuments de l’Athos, I. Les peintures, Paris 1927, pl. 138/4; Κ. by the 10th Ephoreia of Byzantine Antiquities in Thessaloniki. Καλοκύρης, Άθως. Θέµατα αρχαιολογίας και τέχνης, Athens 1963, pl. 20/β; 5 In the model of the katholikon, we notice the large dome of the naos, two Chatzidakis, op. cit., 314, fi g. 116; Dionisopulos, Ktitorski portreti, 8–12, smaller domes above the lateral chapels and between the latter, a narthex fi g. 1–3. Besides the naos, the decoration of the main church also included with three openings. In front of the narthex and the parekklesia, there is an the painting of the narthex, cf. P. Mylonas, Le plan initial du catholikon de exonarthex depicted with fi ve openings along the entire length of the west- la Grande-Lavra au Mont Athos et la génèse du type catholikon athonite, ern side of the church. However, as demonstrated by Mylonas, who studied ornamental pattern.6 In contrast to the Byzantine emperor, this donor has no aureole. He wears a shirt and a caftan over it with a maniakis and a loros. One can only see the sleeves of the purple shirt with perivrachionia and epimanikia. The caf- tan is of heavy material, loose-fi tting and richly ornamented with a golden curling vine forming rhombic patterns, whilst in the centre of each fold is a lily. The purple velvet maniakis is decorated with embroidered, fl oral designs. The loros is thrown over the left hand of the fi gure, crossed over on the breast and decorated with precious stones and pearls. On his head, the donor wears a high, open, gold crown with serrated ends shaped like lilies. The inscription at the top of the re- presentation says that this is a portrait of the Byzantine Em- peror John Tzimiskes, the second ktetor of the Great Lavra: “/ ;< ', .” Here, we see a mature man. His hair is long, chestnut-coloured and wavy. His thin, curling moustaches are of the same colour but the beard contains reddish lights. On the broad, rounded face we notice large eyes beneath thick, regular eyebrows, and a regularly shaped nose. One should note that the basic garment of the fi gure, the caftan, at the time when the portrait was done, was the typical garment worn by the Wallachian and Moldavian ru- lers. It is a robe of oriental origin, open down the entire length in front, with a clasp at the throat and long sleeves falling to the ankles, with slits beneath the armpits. In Balkan painting, it already appeares before the Ottoman occupation in the fi rst half of the XV century.7 In the Wallachian and Moldavian ter- ritories, princesses, the nobility and their wives wore the caf- tan from the XV century, whilst around the mid-XVI century, it became part of the attire of the Romanian rulers, replacing the earlier upper cloak-like garment with broad sleeves.8 As the caftan was also worn by the Turks, this change in the clothing of the voevods was considered to express the sym- bolic role of the caftan in the ceremony of investiture, in the context of the Porte’s confi rmation of the Romanian rulers’ enthronement, and confi rmation of Ottoman authority.9 We should also note that the donor, whom we de- scribed, was painted wearing an open, serrated crown deco- rated at the tips with lilies. This refers to the characteristic type Fig. 1. Byzantine Emperor Nikephoros Phokas. Great Lavra, of crown of the Wallachian and Moldavian rulers that we can naos of the katholikon (photo: Ke.D.AK) already notice on their portraits in the XIV century.10 We know fi g. 1, 6). Above the Virgin is an ornament with a shell and towers of the late Gothic style in a three-dimensional perspective painted in the square frame of the composition. M. Chatzidakis mentions that such ornamental motives the architecture of the katholikon, in the XVI century not only the narthex at the top of the representation refl ect the painted or relief icons, originat- but also the open exonarthex with arcades were reduced to the area between ing from Venice (Χατζηδάκης, op. cit., 75). A semi-circular band encloses the two lateral chapels. Cf. Mylonas, Le plan initial, 95, fi g. 6, b; idem, Η one more portrait executed by the painter Theophanes. This one portrays αρχική µορφή του καθολικού της Μεγίστης Λαύρας. Αναθεώρηση ορισµένων the fi gure of the Metropolitan of Larissa Dionysios, in the narthex of the θεωριών για την προέλευση του τύπου, Αρχαιολογία 1 (1981), 59–60. The katholikon of the monastery of St Nicholas Anapavsas on Meteora (1527), current external appearance of the katholikon is due to the reconstruction cf. Chatzidakis, Recherches, fi g. 113. of the old narthex, done in 1814 (inscription in Millet–Pargoire–Petit, op. 7 J. Kovačević, Srednjovekovna nošnja balkanskih Slovena, Belgrade cit., 108, № 335), when the new expanded narthex (liti), covered over with 1953, 67; B. Cvetković, Prilog proučavanju vizantijskog dvorskog kostima a dome, replaced the original double narthex, and when the entire area en- – γρανάτζα, λαπάτζας, ZRVI 34 (1995), 152–153 (the author differentiates the compassing the narthex, the parekklesia and the exonarthex were covered caftan from the granatsa, the medieval court robe of Byzantium and the Bal- with a joint roof. In 1899, a glass partition was installed on the colonnade in kans, which was of Assyrian origin and usually overlapped over the breast, front of the western facade of the church. Cf. Mylonas, Le plan initial, 91. with long, hanging sleeves that were sometimes tucked into the belt). 6 A fi ne intricate ornament decorates the relevant surface of the fresco-icon 8 Cf. C. Nicolescu, Costumul de curte în Ţările Române (sec. XIV–XVIII), with the image of St John the Forerunner in the narthex of the katholikon Bucharest 1970, 14–16; eadem, Broderie profane de tradition byzantine en of the Stavronikita monastery (cf. Μ. Χατζηδάκης, Ο κρητικός ζωγράφος Roumanie, in: Actes du XIVe Congrès international des études byzantines, Θεοφάνης. Η τελευταία φάση της τέχνης του στις τοιχογραφίες της Ιεράς t. III, Bucharest 1971, 396; eadem, Les insignes du pouvoir. Contribution Μονής Σταυρονικήτα, Mount Athos 1986, 55, fi g. 1, 5). It is a vine, olive- à l’histoire du cérémonial de cour roumain, RESEE XV (1977), № 2, -green with white accents on the edges of the leaves, which develops on a 245–246. background of the same colour, albeit of a slightly lighter shade. Everything 9 Nicolescu, Costumul de curte, 15–16; eadem, Broderie profane, 396. points to woodcarving as the model of this iconographic solution. In the 10 It is believed that in the widespread use of this crown with lilies in the Ro- same narthex, on the right hand of the entrance to the naos, is a standing manian territories, one can trace the infl uence of the Hungarian and Polish fi gure of the Mother of God with Christ at her breast (Χατζηδάκης, op. cit., kings, of whom the Romanian rulers were vassals in the XIV and XV cen- 208 Fig. 2. Wallachian Prince Vlad Vintilă. Great Lavra, naos of the katholikon (before cleaning) that the lily was a popular emblem in western Europe, most probably a product of the cult of Christ and the Mother of God and that it was used as an ornament on the rims of the crowns and sceptres of the western rulers as a symbol of virginity 11 and chastity. For the Christian world that was under Turkish Fig. 3. Wallachian Prince Vlad Vintilă with his son Dragichi. domination, the serrated crown with lilies became the insignia Great Lavra, naos of the katholikon (after cleaning) of a righteous Christian ruler and defender of the true faith.12 (photo: Ke.D.AK) On the other hand, the fact that the second donor is depicted without a nimbus (as opposed to Nikephoros Phokas, Byzantine imperial coins is recorded after 1204, whereas during the time who is painted with one) leads us to conclude that this is more of the fi rst Paleologues, this motive becomes more frequent and diverse, signifying not only victory but also the sovereignty and legitimacy of the likely to be the image of a post-Byzantine ruler, the contem- new dynasty (Marjanović-Dušanić, op. cit., 129–130). porary of the painting in the katholikon, than the portrait of a 12 This type of crown, for instance, was worn by the righteous Byzantine em- Byzantine emperor.13 However else is one to interpret the ap- perors in the illustrated chronography, dating from the opening years of the XVII century, which is to be found in the Gennadios Library in Athens (kod. Volidu 2). We observe the same crown also worn on the heads of the righ- teous men illustrated in the manuscript Roe 5, dating from 1613/1614, in the turies [P. Năsturel, Considérations sur l’idée impériale chez les Roumains, Bodleian Library, today, which includes the history of the Biblical Joseph. Cf. Βυζαντινά 5 (1973), 407, n. 39]. The oldest example portraying a Romanian Ο. Γκράτζιου, Αναµνήσεις από τη χαµένη βασιλεία. Σελίδες εικονογραφηµένης ruler with an open crown decorated with lilies is the original portrait of χρονογραφίας του 17ου αιώνα, Athens 1996, 122, fi g. 40, 72. the Wallachian ruler Nikolae-Alexandru (1352–1364) in the church of St 13 The Romanian rulers were never depicted with an aureole around their Nicholas in Argeș, dating from the XIV century, cf. Nicolescu, Les insignes heads. The only exception to this is in the family portrait of the Wallachian du pouvoir, 241. voevod Alexandru II Mircea (1568–1577) painted on an icon, which P. 11 For a more detailed account of the symbolism of the lily in the West, cf. Năsturel interprets either as the painter or the wife of the voevod, princess S. Marjanović-Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika u Srbiji Katerina, being of Greek origin (Năsturel, op. cit., 401). The absence of the od XIII do XV veka, Belgrade 1994, 129. The appearance of the lily on aureole can be attributed to the fact that the Romanian princes followed a 209 two more “old and exquisite icons” of which the more beauti- ful is “= - ='! 0 ! >55*23 .2 .*'? @ A ) % # ) 3B C /D2 [a votive offering of the memorable Lord of Ugro-Wallachia Vintilă Voevod, above which (i.e. the icon) he himself is de- picted in prayer, holding the church in his hands]”.15 Therefore, there is no doubt that before us is the portrait of the Wallachian Prince Vlad Vintilă (reigned 1532–1535). The recent conserva- tion of the donor’s portrait verifi es this identifi cation and, at the same time, indicates in what measure later painters in the monastery intervened on the original picture. During restoration, besides cleaning the frescoes of the soot that had accumulated over several hundred years, the later addition of a beard on the face of the patron was removed and, what is most interesting, the fi gure of a child, wearing a red garment, with hands extended in prayer to- wards the altar (Figures 3, 4), emerged on the right side of the donor from beneath a blue layer of colour that was used to paint a background. In the inscription written above its head, we read: “/05E< ** '”. This is the Greek version of the name of the younger son of Vintilă, Dragichi. Unfortunately, the original inscription next to the fi gure of the donor was completely erased as the result of a series of later attempts to give it a different attribution by writing the name of John Tzimiskes as the second ktetor. It is evident, however, that the only remnant of the initial inscription is the abbreviation “8%” which appeared at the top of the composition. This is the abbreviated form of the name “/ ”, which should not be considered in the given case as an abbreviation of the Christian name of Tzimiskes but as the honorary title that usually preceded the name of the Romanian princes in of- fi cial documents and inscriptions.16
specifi c type of royal ideology based on the legal rather than on the religious nature of power, cf. D. I. Mureșan, Autour de l’élément politique du culte de sainte Parascève la Jeune en Moldavie, in: L’empereur hagiographe – Culte des saints et monarchie byzantine et post-byzantine. Actes des colloques internationaux “L’empereur hagiographe” (13–14 mars 2000) et “Reliques et miracles” (1–2 novembre 2000) tenus au New Europe Col- lege, Bucharest 2001, 262–264. 14 On the loros, cf. J. Verpeaux, Pseudo-Kodinos: Traité des offi ces, Paris 1966, 199–201, 256, 264; I. Spatharakis, The Portrait in Byzantine Illumi- nated Manuscripts, Leiden 1976, 263; Marjanović-Dušanić, op. cit., 128 (the author emphasises the complex symbolism of the loros connected both to the military status of the medieval rulers and the divine origins of their power, and to the resurrection of Christ). 15 Μακαρίου Κυδωνέως του Τριγώνη, Προσκυνητάριον της βασιλικής και σεβασµίας µονής Μεγίστης Αγίας Λαύρας του Αγίου Αθανασίου του εν τω Άθω, 1772, 17. The information given by Trigonis is also confi rmed by G. Tsioran, who mentions that in memory of his numerous good deeds, Vlad Vintilă was Fig. 4. The son of Vlad Vintilă Dragichi (detail of fi gure 3) painted among the patrons of the Lavra, with his son Dragichi, in a posture of prayer and with a model of the church in his hands (cf. Γ. Τσιοράν, Σχέσεις pearance of the important insignia of the Byzantine emperors, των Ρουµανικών Χωρών µετά του Άθω και δη των Μονών Κουτλουµουσίου, such as the loros,14 as well as other items of imperial wear, the Λαύρας, ∆οχειαρίου και Αγίου Παντελεήµονος ή των Ρώσων, Athens 1938, 129). Romanian researchers only mention the portrait of Vintilă and his son maniakis, perivrachionia and epimanikia. We cannot give a re- in the katholikon of the Lavra [cf. St. Nicolaescu, Domnia lui Vlad Ventilă liable answer to this question before determining the identity of Vodă de la Slatina în lumina unor noui documente istorice inedite 1532– the represented image. In that connection, the old proskinitari- –1535, Arhivele Olteniei 83–85 (1936), 3; M. Păcurariu, in: Istoria Bisericii ortodoxe române I, Bucharest 1980, 600]. P. Năsturel considers the existence on of the Great Lavra written by the skevophylax of the monas- of Vintilă’s portrait in the Lavra to be the result of confusing the portraits of tery Makarios Trigonis, in 1757, offers some interesting infor- the same prince represented on two podeas, which the generous Wallachian mation. Makarios mentions that across the way from the icons ruler donated to the Koutloumousiou monastery (P. Năsturel, Le Mont Athos behind the throne of the hegoumenos, on the left side (meaning et les Roumains. Recherches sur leurs relations du milieu du XIVe siècle à 1654, Roma 1986, 77, n. 14). On these podeas, v. infra. exactly opposite the south-western pier beneath the dome, 16 At issue is a diplomatic formulation (Ιω or / , which the Roma- where the portrait of Nikephoros Phokas is located), there are nian rulers adopted in the XIV century from the Bulgarian and Serbian sov- 210 After removing the later interventions, that is, the beard, added to the face of the donor, the lower part of a round face could clearly be seen with the typically thin, drooping moustaches that were the customary traits of Wal- lachian princes in the XVI century that we notice on the majority of their portraits painted in this period (Figure 5). As in the face of Nikephoros Phokas, the modelling relies on a dark incarnate with the tendency of executing the facial features with greater plasticity. In order to avoid powerful chiaroscuro contrasts, a system of gentle gradation was used from lighter to darker surfaces. One can clearly discern the wrinkles on the forehead above the eyebrows, executed with two prominent semi-circular lines.17 The hair is carefully and naturalistically executed by means of fi ne strokes, in a shade of chestnut. However, one can notice that in spite of the plasticity and the avoidance of superfi cial workmanship, the features demonstrate a tendency towards decorativeness and idealisation. The calm posture of the patron and his exalted expression, with eyes gazing upwards, contribute to this. And now, if we wish to compare Vintilă’s portrait in the Lavra with other representations of this prince, we can men- tion the example of two decorative embroideries, depicting what have so far been considered the only surviving portraits of Vintilă. This refers to two podeas that the generous voevod Fig. 5. Wallachian Prince Vlad Vintilă. Great Lavra, and his wife Rada, donated to Koutloumousiou and are kept in naos of the katholikon (detail) this monastery, today.18 Vlad Vintilă (J&ë Vintil$ Voevod), ereigns. At the beginning, the particle Ιω was most probably an abbreviated wearing a caftan with a serrated crown on his head, the Lady v$ J(mä) Œ(tyca) g`ëda Rada J&ë Drygqj Vo- form of the Slav vocative “ ”, which the copyists of the Rada ( ) and their son, Dragichi ( Bulgarian, Serbian, Wallachian and Moldavian offi ces confused with the evod), are shown, kneeling in prayer beneath the Tree of Life, abbreviation of the Greek name / . For more details about the origin where the bust of Christ dominates on one podea (Figure 6), and the meaning of the particle Ιω, v. M. Tadin, L’origine et la signifi ca- tion de la particule dans le titre honorifi que des princes de Bulgarie, de and on the other, the bust of the Mother of God Oranta with the Serbie (méridionale), de Valachie et de Moldavie, Cyrillomethodianum 4 Christ at her breast (Figure 7). In spite of the fact that on both (1977), 172–196 (with earlier literature). embroidered podeas the physiognomy of the portrayed Vintilă 17 As for the technique of Theophanes’ painting, the use of semi-circular is completely schematised because of the technique itself, the lines of a decorative nature, with which the wrinkles on the forehead are emphasised, is extremely frequent and remarked mostly on the faces of the portraits show the same basic features as we perceive in the saints, cf. Χατζηδάκης, Ο κρητικός ζωγράφος, 97–101. portrait in the Lavra: long, wavy hair, a round face with thin, 18 With regard to this embroidery, cf. Nicolaescu, op. cit., 3–6, fi g. on pages drooping moustaches and a regular nose (Figures 8 and 9). 4 and 5 (the author gives a detailed description of both representations); Unfortunately, the frescoed portraits of Vintilă that Τσιοράν, op. cit., 110–111; T. Bodogae, Ajutoarele românești la mânăstirile din Sfântul Munte Athos, Sibiu 1940, 180; N. Iorga, Două opere de artă 19 were once in the katholikon of Koutloumousiou and in the românească din secolul XV la Muntele Athos, Buletinul Comisiunii Monu- narthex of the katholikon of the Argeș monastery, Neagoe mentelor Istorice XXVI (1933), 27–31; Năsturel, op. cit., 62; Θησαυροί Basarab’s endowment in Wallachia, no longer exist today. του Αγίου Όρους, Κατάλογος της Έκθεσης, Thessalonike 1997, 415–416, № 11.28 (Μ. Θεοχάρη); Β. Λυµπερόπουλος, Ιερά µονή Κουτλουµουσίου. On the basis of a drawing of the original arrangement of the Ιστορικό οδοιπορικό, in: Ορθοδοξία, Ελληνισµός – Πορεία στην τρίτη iconographic themes in the katholikon of Argeș, made during χιλιετία, t. Α΄, Mount Athos 1995, 406; Φλ. Μαρινέσκου, Ρουµανικά the restoration works in 1875, when all the frescoes that had έγγραφα του Αγίου Όρους. Αρχείο Ιεράς Μονής Κουτλουµουσίου, Mount survived till then were removed from the walls, K. Dumi- Athos 1998, 17–18, fi g. 4, 5. 19 With regard to this portrait, cf. Dionisopulos, Ktitorski portreti, 122–150. trescu established that Vintilă’s portrait was located on the 20 Cf. C. Dumitrescu, Pictura murală din Ţara Românească în veacul al western wall near the south-western corner of the narthex. It XVI-lea, București 1978, 49–50; eadem, Fondateurs et iconographie au XVIe was part of a large gallery of portraits of the Wallachian rulers siècle en Valachie, Revue roumaine d’histoire de l’art. Série beaux-arts XIV painted in this space in the period between 1526 and 1577. C. (1977), 27. The portraits in the narthex of the katholikon of the Argeș monas- tery were also the object of the research by P. Chihaia, Cîteva date în legătură Dumitrescu considers that Vintilă had his predecessor, Vlad cu portretele votive din “biserica lui Neagoe”din Curtea de Argeș, Mitropolia the Drowned (1530–1532), painted next to his own portrait Olteniei XIV (1962), 449–472; idem, Semnifi caţia portretelor din biserica – both men belonged to the Drakulești dynasty – to stress mânăstirii Argeș, GB XXVI (1967), 788–799; idem, Portrete de ctitori din 20 Ţara Românească – Oglindite în cronici și documente artistice, GB XXXIII the idea of the continuity of power. Thanks to the valuable (1974), № 1–2, 100–101; idem, Despre pronaosul bisericii mânăstirii Argeș, drawings by the painter G. Tatarescu, today, in the Bucharest in: Artă medievală II (Învăţături și mituri în Ţara Românească), Bucharest Museum of Art, we discover that Vlad Vintilă was painted 1998, 34–44; idem, Contribuţii la identifi carea portretelor din biserica Sfân- face-on, wearing a richly decorated caftan with a large fur tul Nicolae Domnesc și din biserica lui Neagoe de la Curtea de Argeș, in: Artă medievala I (Monumente din cetăţile de scaun a le Ţării Românești), 21 collar (Figure 10). His arms were clasped at the level of Bucharest 1998, 75–94 [as opposed to Dumitresku, Chihaia attributes the his belt, in contrast to his predecessor, Vlad the Drowned, painting of the portraits of Vlad Vintilă and Vlad the Drowned to the initiative who was painted with his arms folded across his chest, that of the prince Pătrașku the Kind (reigned 1554–1557)]. 21 Chihaia, Despre pronaosul, fi g. 15 on page 302. Fifteen years prior to the is to say, in a position that usually conveys an eschatological aforesaid restoration, Tataresku drew all the surviving portraits of the Wal- meaning, signalling the possibility that it was a posthumous lachian rulers in the narthex of the Argeș katholikon. 211 Fig. 6. Podea with the family portrait of Vlad Vintilă Fig. 7. Podea with the family portrait of Vlad Vintilă and the fi gure of Christ. Monastery of Koutloumousiou and the fi gure of Virgin. Monastery of Koutloumousiou (after Μαρινέσκου, Αρχείο Ιεράς Μονής Κουτλουµουσίου) (after Μαρινέσκου, Αρχείο Ιεράς Μονής Κουτλουµουσίου) portrait.22 Apart from Tatarescu, the supervisor of restoration podea ornamented with a large two-headed eagle, on which works dealing with the XIX century, A. Lecomte de Noüy,23 there was an inscription in Slavonic embroidered in large let- also drew a copy of the destroyed fresco (Figure 11). It should be stressed that the basic features of Vintilă, in other words, the round face, the regular nose, the thin, drooping 22 For more on the deceased appearing with folded arms as an eschatological symbol, cf. A. Semoglou, Contribution à l’étude du portrait funéraire dans moustaches, are also to be seen on these drawings. le monde byzantin (14e–16e siècle), Zograf 24 (1995), 5–11. The Great Lavra belongs in the category of Romanian 23 Cf. Nicolaescu, op. cit., fi g. on page 2; Chihaia, op. cit., fi g. 14 on page royal patronage linked with Athos, which R. Kreceanu, a 302. Dumitresku does not discard the possibility that the portraits of Vlad researcher on Romanian donors of the Mount Athos, de- the Drowned and Vlad Vintilă were painted at the initiative of the voevod Radu Paisie (1535–1545), as a tribute to his deceased predecessors, who scribes as “national”, meaning that the Lavra was the object were the patrons of Argeș, but she rejects Chihaia’s view, according to of permanent patronal activity regardless of dynasties and which, as we mentioned (n. 20), both portraits came into being at the be- political convictions.24 After Koutloumousiou, it was the hest of the prince Pătrașku the Kind, cf. Dumitrescu, Fondateurs et icono- graphie, 28–30; eadem, Pictura murală din Ţara Românească, 47, n. 25. second monastery on the Athos that received donations from 24 R. Creţeanu, Traditions de famille dans les donations roumaines au Mont the Wallachian rulers. Between 1372 and 1377, Vladislav I Athos, Études byzantines et post-byzantines I (1979), 136. commissioned a large icon of St Athanasios the Athonite to 25 For more about that icon, v. Millet–Pargoire–Petit, op. cit., 119, № 361; Τσιοράν, op. cit., 125–128; P. Năsturel, Aux origines des relations be decorated with a rich silver frame on the rim of which roumano-athonites. L’icone de saint Athanase de Lavra du voévode the prince is depicted in the costume of western knights with Vladislav, in: Actes du VIe Congrès international des études byzantines his wife Ana.25 At the beginning of the XVI century, Radu II, Paris 1951, 307–314; P. Năsturel, Aperçu critique des rapports de la e the Great consolidated the monastery, awarding it a steady, Valachie et du Mont Athos des origines au début du XVI siècle, RESEE II (1964), № 1–2, 101, 117–118; D. Nastase, “Βοεβόδας Ογγροβλαχίας κα) 26 annual income in silver. Neagoe Basarab, too, continued ατοκράτωρ Ρωµαίων”. Remarques sur une inscription insolite, Athens to grant this annual fi nancial aid. As we learn from the Ro- 1976, 10; Năsturel, Le Mont Athos, 73; V. Cândea – C. Simionescu, Mont manian version of the Life of St Niphon,27 he repaired the Athos. Présences Roumaines, Bucharest 1979, without pagination; Μεγίστη Λαύρα. Εικονογραφηµένος οδηγός – Προσκυνητάριον, Mount Athos 1988, lead roof of the katholikon, renovated the skevophylakion fi g. on page 5. and endowed the monastery with liturgical vessels of gold 26 Năsturel, Le Mont Athos, 74–75. or silver.28 In the same biography there is also mention of 27 The Life of St Niphon was translated into the Romanian language in three items of embroidery that the Wallachian ruler gave to the XVII century, cf. P. Năsturel, Recherches sur les rédactions gréco- -roumaines de la “Vie de saint Niphon II, patriarche de Constantinople”, the monastery. During his visit to the Lavra in 1982, in the RESEE V (1967), № 1–2, 41–75. monastery treasury, P. Năsturel had the opportunity to see a 28 Năsturel, Le Mont Athos, 75. 212 thodox Christian shrines, particularly on the Mount Athos. It was a great honour for them to be included among the donors
29 Năsturel, op. cit., 75–76. The Lavra treasury houses yet another embroi- dered podea dating from the time of Neagoe Basarab, depicting the standing fi gure of the Mother of God with the Christ at her breast, which the wife of Neagoe, Despina, and his mother, Donka, presented to the monastery, that is to say, to the parekklesion of the Virgin, cf. Năsturel, op. cit., 76. 30 Năsturel, Considérations sur l’idée impériale, 403; D. Nastase, L’idée im- périale dans les Pays Roumains et “le crypto-empire chrétien”sous la domi- nation ottomane. État et importance du problème, Σύµµεικτα 4 (1981), 235. 31 Nastase, op. cit., 235. The question of the monarchial ideology of the Wallachian and Moldavian sovereigns was the preoccupation of many Romanian researchers. N. Iorga was the fi rst to discuss the imperial idea as the fundamental characteristic of the Romanian rulers in the post-Byzan- tine period [N. Iorga, Το Βυζάντιο µετά το Βυζάντιο (translation: Γ. Καράς), Athens 1989, 132–162], according to which, however, the imperial nature of princely power can be interpreted only as an aspiration towards internal autonomy within the frame of the Romanian territories. P. Năsturel (Con- sidérations sur l’idée impériale) and especially D. Nastase (L’héritage impérial byzantin dans l’art et l’histoire des pays roumains, Milano 1976; L’idée impériale dans les Pays Roumains) gave the fullest explanation of the complex problem of the Romanian rulers’ imperial idea, revealing that the Romanian sovereigns had already begun consciously seeking the Ortho- dox Christian imperial title with its ecumenical prerogatives by the second half of the XIV century; for more about the imperial title of the Romanian Fig. 8. Portrait of Vlad Vintilă (detail of fi gure 6) princes v., also, A. Pippidi, Tradiţia politică bizantină în ţările române în secolele XVI–XVIII, Bucharest 1983, 18–27. ters on the upper and lower part of the veil, mentioning the 32 Nastase, L’héritage impérial byzantin, 1–2; idem, L’idée impériale dans name of the Prince of Ugro-Wallachia Neagoe, with the date les Pays Roumains, 235 [according to Nastase, this ideology originated 29 th from the period of the possession of Constantinople by the Latins (1204– 7024 (1515/1516). But why did the 16 century Wallachian –1261), when the Byzantines fostered the hope regarding the liberation of rulers pay so much attention to the material enhancement of the conquered territories based on the idea of the survival of the empire in the Great Lavra? the free, outlying areas]. 33 In the second half of the XV century, after the defeat Nastase, L’héritage impérial byzantin, 15; idem, L’idée impériale dans les Pays Roumains, 236. For more details about the Romanians’ of Byzantium, as the only Orthodox Christian states in south- economic obligations towards the Turks cf. V. Panaite, Custom in the -eastern Europe, the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia 16th–18th Centuries Ottoman–Romanian Relationship (starting points undertook to fi ght the Ottomans. Their rulers appear as the le- for a historiographical debate), RESEE XXXI (1993), 171–185. The Romanian principalities enjoyed a special, privileged status of politi- gitimate successors of the Byzantine emperors and Slavic rul- cal autonomy under the Ottoman Empire, which the Porte described as ers of the Balkans, and they became the principal patrons of a status of “holy reconciliation” or “holy alliance”. According to this many monasteries, particularly those on the Mount Athos.30 agreement, the principalities retained the right to elect their voevod from Reviving the medieval image of the sovereign as the chosen among the local aristocracy (at least till the middle of the XVI century), territorial sovereignty, the possibility of diplomatic representation in the one of God, the Romanian rulers were to seek for themselves Porte and the right to use their natural resources. However, they were not the imperial legacy of Byzantium in its most ecumenical permitted to sign treaties with other countries but were forced to offer form.31 Their ideology was based on the “empire in exile” their military assistance to the Ottomans in the latter’s European military doctrine, according to which the Orthodox Christian peoples, expeditions. Cf. V. Cândea, L’État ottoman et “le Monde de l’alliance”. Remarques sur le statut international des Principautés danubiennes du driven into exile by heathens, would never be able to survive XVe au XIXe siècle. L’historien et les relations internationales, in: Recueil without an emperor-liberator.32 According to Nastase, who is d’études en hommage à Jacques Freymond, Genève 1981, 237–249; the main scholar to study the imperial notion cultivated by the idem, L’Athos et les Roumains, in: Mount Athos and Byzantine Monasti- cism: Papers from the Twenty-eighth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Romanian rulers, despite the fact that the Romanian princes Studies, Birmingham, March 1994, ed. A. Bryer and M. Cunningham, were vassals and bound in some degree of allegiance to the Aldershot 1996, 250–251. Porte, to recognise the sovereignty of the sultan, especially 34 Nastase, L’héritage impérial byzantin, 15–16; idem, L’idée impériale dans les Pays Roumains, 236. from the second half of the XV century, they never renounced 35 33 Nastase, op. cit., 237. With regard to the coronation of the Byzantine the imperial concept of their power. emperors, which had developed into an explicitly ecclesiastical ceremony Although the monarchical ideology of the Wallachian by the IX century, v. A. Grabar, Pseudo-Codinos et les cérémonies de and Moldavian princes during the Turkocracy only had a la cour byzantine au XIVe siècle, in: Art et Société à Byzance, Venise “crypto-imperial” nature, due to the Ottoman threat, the East- 1971, 193–221; D. Nicol, “Kaisersalbung”. The unction of emperors in late byzantine coronation ritual, BMGS 2 (1976), 37–52; regarding the ern Church consolidated this policy to arm itself in prepara- coronation of the Romanian rulers, in particular, cf. C. Nicolescu, Le tion for the spiritual battle against the enemy.34 Within the couronnement – “încoronaţia”. Contribution à l’histoire du cérémonial scope of this process, the Romanian princes developed close roumain, RESEE XIV (1976), 647–663; V. Barbu – Gh. Lazăr, Corona- tio. Tradiţia liturgică în ţările române, in: Naţional și universal în istoria ties with Greek circles in Constantinople and especially with românilor. Studii oferite Prof. Șerban Papacostea cu ocazia împlinirii a 70 the ecumenical patriarch, who crowned them according to the de ani, Bucharest 1998, 40–69; for the iconography of the investiture cf. old imperial ceremony, as was appropriate for the legitimate A. Grabar, L’empereur dans l’art byzantin, London 19712, 112–122; Ch. successors of the Vasilevs.35 While emulating rulers by divine Walter, The Signifi cance of Unction in Byzantine Iconography, BMGS 2 (1976), 53–73; idem, The Iconographical Sources for the Coronation of right from the past, the Wallachian and Moldavian princes also Milutin and Simonida at Gračanica, in: Vizantijska umetnost početkom engaged in signifi cant patronal activities in the renowned Or- XIV veka, Belgrade 1978, 183–200. 213 ing that the “monks of the Mount Athos travelled to the West and the East, in search of the patronage of Orthodox Christian emperors and rulers”, and decided to grant the Lavra a steady, annual income of 10,000 aspra, and 1,000 more for covering the travelling expenses of the monks, who would come to Wallachia to seek charity.44 In return for his generosity, Vlad requested the brotherhood of the Lavra to record his name and those of his family in the triptych of ktetors45 and, in addition, to hold a weekly liturgy for them and mention their names during the distribution of drink in the refectory.46 Moreover, the prince required his successors, whether they originated from his lineage or not, to renew this donation so that they too would have the assistance of the Mother of God, St Athana- sios and all the saints at the Last Judgement. The text of the chrysobull ends with a prayer to the Virgin.47
36 Nastase, L’héritage impérial byzantin, 16–17; idem, “Βοεβόδας Ογγρο- βλαχίας κα) ατοκράτωρ Ρωµαίων”, 9. 37 After the foundation of the Great Lavra with the contribution of Nike- phoros Phokas, the community on the Mount Athos gradually grew into a living symbol of the ecumenical Christian empire, or rather, into a veritable microcosm of Christian imperial ecumenicity, cf. D. Nastase, Les débuts de la communauté œcuménique du Mont Athos, Σύµµεικτα 6 (1985), 309–310; cf., Fig. 9. Portrait of Vlad Vintilă (detail of fi gure 7) also, E. Vranoussi, Un “discours” byzantin en l’honneur du saint empereur Nicéphore Phokas transmis par la littérature slave, RESEE XVI (1978), № of Athos. Patronage of this unequivocal symbol of Christian 4, 740–741. The supreme position in this system, which refl ected the ecume- nical policy of the Byzantine Empire, was occupied by the Great Lavra and imperial ecumenism – an undertaking encouraged by the St Athanasios, whose activities are connected with the appearance of the fi rst Patriarchate of Constantinople itself – confi rmed in the best great koinobia of the lavriotic type, such as Iveron, Vatopedi and the mo- way the legitimacy of their imperial status.36 This is precisely nastery of Amalfi tans. For more about the connections of St Athanasios the the reason why, immediately after his accession to the throne Athonite with the founders of these monasteries, cf. Ν. Σβορώνος, Η σηµασία της ίδρυσης του Αγίου Όρους για την ανάπτυξη του ελλαδικού χώρου, Άγιον of Wallachia, Vlad Vintilă wanted to link his patronage with Όρος 1987, 47–51; Παπαχρυσάνθου, op. cit., 226–232, 234, 235–237. the monasteries on the Mount Athos, fi rst with Koutloumou- 38 At the end of 1533, Patriarch Jeremiah I sent a mission to the Walla- siou, the monastery traditionally protected by the Wallachian chian court within the scope of efforts by the ecumenical patriarchate to regain control over the Wallachian church, which it lost after the fall of princes, and then with the symbol of Byzantium’s imperial Constantinople. Vlad Vintilă was then forced to withdraw in the face of the 37 policy, the Great Lavra, which the voevod himself, as we patriarch’s aspirations because he wished to consolidate his position both in shall see, describes as the imperial monastery in his chryso- the interior of the country and also within the pan-Orthodox policy of the bull. One should note that in this ruler’s time, the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. Cf. T. Teoteoi, O misiune a Patriarhiei Ecu- menice la București, în vremea domniei lui Vlad Vintilă din Slatina, Revista Patriarchate of Constantinople re-established links with the Istorica 5, № 1–2 (1994), 27–44 (with a French summary). church of Ugro-Wallachia, asserting its dominant role in the 39 Cf. Nicolaescu, op. cit., 1 and 13. On the history of the rule of Vlad Vintilă Orthodox Christian world.38 cf. also N. Iorga, Histoire des Roumains et de la romanite orientale, vol. IV. Vlad Vintilă from Slatina, son of the renowned voivoda Les chevaliers, Bucharest 1940, 437–447; C. Giurescu – D. Giurescu, Isto- ria Românilor, vol. 2, Bucharest 1976, 239–241; M. Cazacu, La Valachie Radu the Great, reigned from the month of October 1532 till médiévale et moderne: esquisse historique, in: Art et société en Valachie et June 12th 1535, when he was murdered as the result of a con- Moldavie du XIVème au XVIIème siècles, Cahiers balkaniques 21 (1994), spiracy by the Wallachian boyars against him.39 In the brief 121–122. 40 Cf. Năsturel, Le Mont Athos, passim. period of his rule he managed to develop a notable patronal 41 The text of this chrysobull was published in: Documenta Romaniae activity on the Mount Athos. Apart from Koutloumousiou and Historica, B, Ţara Românească, III, Bucharest 1975, 225–227 (Slavonic the Great Lavra, his patronage expanded to the other monas- text) and 227–229 (Romanian text); on the content of the chysobull also cf. Năsturel, op. cit., 77. teries on Athos, such as Vatopedi, Hilandar, Xeropotamou and 42 40 Năsturel, op. cit., 77. Docheiariou. Three months after he came to the throne of 43 Vintilă was married twice, fi rst to the princess Zamfi ra and then to the Wallachia, on January 12th 1533, Vintilă issued a chrysobull to princess Rada with whom he had his younger son Dragichi, cf. Nicolaescu, the Lavra, in which he mentioned that he was deeply touched op. cit., 2–3. 44 by the great diffi culties of the monasteries on the Mount Athos Năsturel, op. cit., 77. 45 This refers to the memorial book recording the names of the patrons to that were deprived of their patrons and neglected, and espe- be mentioned during services, cf. V. Marković, Ktitori, njihove dužnosti i cially by the diffi culties of the Lavra.41 Therefore he promised prava, Prilozi za književnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor 5 (1925), 116–117. his assistance to the “revered and imperial monastery called 46 Năsturel, op. cit., 77. Of course, this does not refer to a senseless request from Vintilă. All ktetors had the right to commemoration during the divine the Great Lavra, which was at the head of the whole of the liturgy and it is considered to have been one of their most important ritual Mount Athos and where the remains of St Athanasios were rights. For more details about this, cf. S. Troicki, Ktitorsko pravo u Vizantiji interred” considering that “the shrines had fallen into the pos- i u Nemanjićkoj Srbiji, Glas SКА СLXVIII (1935), 120–122; Marković, op. session of infi dels, who abused them”.42 For that reason Vlad cit., 116–119 (the author also writes about the right of the main donor of a monastery, who requests the brotherhood to hold a service for the peace of his and his son Mircea (we assume that this refers to Vintilă’s soul each year on the day of his death). elder son from the voevod’s fi rst marriage to Zamfi ra),43 see- 47 Năsturel, op. cit., 77. 214 Romanian researchers often mention the representa- tion of Neagoe Basarab from the narthex of the katholikon in the Argeș monastery as the most representative example of a Romanian prince portrayed in fresco that excellently refl ects the imperial idea (Figure 12).48 Depicted as a donor with De- spina Milica and their children in an absolutely frontal pose and in hieratic immobility, Neagoe wears a wide-sleeved cloak decorated with two-headed eagles. From this aspect, however, the portrait of Vlad Vintilă in the katholikon in the Great Lavra seems to be even more interesting. This is the only surviving representation portraying a Romanian voevod with the clearly defi ned monarchical insignia of the Byzantine emperors and the medieval Balkan sovereigns, i. e. with the loros, maniakis, perivrachionia and epimanikia.49 Relying on the models of the medieval royal tradition, Vintilă dons the imperial insignia with the intention of clearly demonstrating his supreme position in the Orthodox Christian world. As the new Nikephoros Phokas – the identifi cation that is undoubt- edly facilitated by the presence of Nikephoros’ fi gure posi- tioned opposite Vintilă’s portrait – he appears not only as the legitimate upholder of the monarchical and patronal tradition of the founder of the Great Lavra, as the symbol of the By- zantine imperial idea, but also as the defender of Christianity in the struggle against the heathens. This latter idea is both emphasised with the loros, crossed over the patron’s breast, the symbol of the cruciferous nature of the Vasilevs’ power50 and with the fi gure of St Christopher who, as we noted in the beginning, is depicted beside the portrait of Vintilă. St Christopher is portrayed carrying the Christ-child on his shoulder and gripping a blossoming staff, a type that is of western origin, which the painter Theophanes repeats in the katholikon of St Nicholas Anapavsas in the Meteora and in the main church of Stavronikita.51 The oldest known examples of St Christopher, the Christ Bearer in Eastern Christian art – with some iconographic differences in relation to the corresponding western type – date from the middle of the XIV century and originate in Serbian mural painting [Le- snovo (1349), Konče (1366–1371)].52 On them, St Christo- pher is interpreted as a martyr, the pillar of the Christ of truth, who bears the message of the victory of goodness and light.53 Therefore, if the presence of the portrait of the Byzantine emperor, Nikephoros Phokas, indicates the imperial concep- tion of the power of Vintilă, the fi gure of St Christopher, as the spiritual prototype, highlights the pan-Orthodox aspect of this power that envisages the fi nal victory of the Chris- tian world with the help of the new pillar of the Orthodox Fig. 10. Vlad the Drowned and Vlad Vintilă. Monastery of Argeș, narthex (drawing: G. Tatarescu) Christian faith – the Romanian ruler.54 From the iconographic aspect, the comparative order of the image of St Christopher, St Constantine and the emperors of the Old Testament. In comparison to the Christ-bearer, and Vlad Vintilă with his son, contributes the paintings of the Christian rulers, the x-shaped loros appeared fi rst in the to this parallelism (St Christopher: the pillar of the Christ of portraits of the Serbian emperor Dušan, where it was most probably used as truth – Vintilă: the pillar of the Orthodox Christian faith) by a sign of deifi cation and ancient origin. Cf. D. Vojvodić, Portreti vladara, crkvenih dostojanstvenika i plemića u naosu i priprati, in: Zidno slikarstvo means of repeating the same motive, the fundamental icono- manastira Dečana, Belgrade 1995, 288–292; cf. also Marjanović-Dušanić, op. cit., 58. 51 Cf. Chatzidakis, Recherches, 333; idem, Ο κρητικός ζωγράφος, 75–76. 48 Cf. Chihaia, Portrete de ctitori, 99–100; M. Neagoe, Neagoe Basarab, 52 On the iconographic types of St Christopher and the meaning of his Bucharest 1971, 101; Năsturel, Considérations sur l’idée impériale, 399, presence in eastern Christian art, in particular, cf. I. M. Djordjević, Sveti fi g. 1; Nastase, L’héritage impérial byzantin, 17, fi g. 12. Hristofor u srpskom zidnom slikarstvu srednjeg veka, Zograf 11 (1980), 49 The maniakis, perivrachionia and epimanichia are parts of the medieval 63–67 (with earlier literature). ruler’s garments as symbols of imperial (royal) power, cf. Marjanović- 53 Cf. Djordjević, op. cit., 66. -Dušanić, op. cit., 35. 54 We come across a similar comparison of the Romanian ruler with St 50 The appearance of the loros in the shape of an “x” could already be seen Christopher in the katholikon of the monastery of Docheiariou and it in ecclesiastical art from the end of the XII century, while in the fi rst half of concerns the case of the Moldavian voevod Aleksandru Lapușneanu, cf. the XIV century it became widely accepted in the paintings of archangels, Dionisopulos, op. cit., 171–172. 215 graphic axis of which consists of the fi gures of a man and a child. If, in Koutloumousiou, Vlad appears to be a disturbed ruler, who wishes to lay emphasis on the legitimacy of his authority and his dynasty55 because of the unstable political situation in his own country, in the Great Lavra he appears with the self-assurance of a powerful monarch. From what has been said till now, there is no doubt that the Wallachian prince contributed to the painting of the katholikon of the Lavra, given that part of the iconographic programme expresses a particular political and religious ide- ology, composing the image of the post-byzantine Romanian orthodox ruler. On the other hand, the painted model of the katholikon testifi es to his participation in the more general renewal of the church that became necessary after the great earthquake in 1526.56 Bearing in mind the previous observation, it is rea- sonable to question why the name of Vlad Vintilă is not mentioned in the dedicatory inscription from 1535 related to the painting of the katholikon or in some other inscription, which would refer to the renewal of the central church after the earthquake. Unfortunately, we do not possess data that would enable us to give a reliable answer to this question.57
55 Vlad Vintilă, who was known to be a member of the Drakulești – one of two rival branches that occupied the throne of Wallachia – commissioned portraits to be done of his father, Radu the Great, and Mircea the Old, as the progenitor of the family and common ancestor of the Drakulești, on the northern and more representative facade of the Koutloumousiou katholikon. This family procession also included the renowned member of the Danești, Neagoe Basarab, whose representation should be comprehended as the ex- pression of the great respect the new patron had for the most important Wal- lachian prince of his time and the principal restorer of Koutloumousiou. It is a donor-dynastic picture of the Romanian type, of the kind we encounter in the narthex of the main church of the Argeș monastery, which refl ects the exalted social position of the donor, his aspirations to become the legitimate successor of the patronal activities of his predecessors, and the need of the Romanian voevod to emphasise the legitimacy of his power in a period of intense internal strife in Wallachia. Therefore, we believe that the donor portraits of the Wallachian princes in Koutloumousiou were painted before the fi nal victory of Vintilă over the rebellious boyars in 1534. Cf. Dioni- sopulos, op. cit., 148. 56 Then the wooden roof of the refectory and the central dome of the katho- likon of the Lavra were demolished, cf. Μ. Γεδεών, Υπέρ της ιστορίας της εν Αγίω Όρει Μεγίστης του Αγίου Αθανασίου Λαύρας, ΕΑ 22 (1902), 240. 57 According to the testimony of John Comnenos, there was a Greek inscrip- tion carved on the lead roof of the porch, above the narthex of the main church in the Lavra. This Greek doctor believed it referred to the renewal of the church by the Wallachian prince Neagoe Basarab (“και την Εκκλησίαν εσκέπασεν [ο Νεάγουλος] όλην µε µολυβένιαις πλάκαις, καθώς φαίνεται γεγραµµένον εµπρός εις την µεγάλην πύλην του Νάρθηκος, επάνω εις αυτό το µολύβι της µεγάλης καµάρας”, Ι. Κοµνηνός, Προσκυνητάριον του Aγίου Όρους του Άθωνος, Venice 18642, 13). Vasilij Grigorovič Barskij later copied this inscription but mistakenly wrote in Cyrillic letters the year of renewal Fig. 11. Vlad the Drowned and Vlad Vintilă. Monastery of Argeș, that was carved in the numerical value of Greek letters. According to him, the inscription read: “.2' 2 F '!2 / : **' 55*23 narthex (drawing: A. Lecomte de Noüy) ) G 7! CLD (934)” (V. Grigorovich-Barskiĭ, Vtoroe poseshchenie sviatoĭ Afonskoĭ gory, S.-Petersburg 1887, 10). Millet, nian original documents always precedes the name of the ruler (Nastase, Pargoire and Petit published the inscription, which was most probably de- op. cit., 3). A. Pippidi, on the other hand, stressing the important errors stroyed during the great restoration of the katholikon in 1814, replacing the of the inscription, suggests a different reading: .2' 2 ∆ράκουλου: mistaken letter sign CLD with the date ΖΛ∆ (7034 = 1525/1526), whereas, **' 55*23 ) E" ΐ! 7!
61 The emphasis on Byzantine imperial tradition of the monasteries on the Mount Athos is connected to the prosperity of the Greek people and the awak- also presented by P. Năsturel, Mélanges roumano-athonites (1), Anuarul ening of their national awareness in the 18th and 19th centuries. The result of Institutului de Istorie A. D. Xenopol XXVII (1990), 1–3. this occurrence is also the frequent appearance of the two-headed eagle (with a 58 For the content of the inscription v. supra, n. 2. crown, a sceptre and a sword in its claws) in the decorative architectonic stone- 59 Cf. supra. masonry we fi nd on the monuments on the Mount Athos. For a more detailed 60 In the inscription beside the fi gure of Mircea the Old, today the only account, cf. Μ. Πολυβίου, Το καθολικό της µονής Ξηροποτάµου – Σχεδιασµός visible portrait on the facade of the northern lateral conch of the Koutlou- και κατασκευή στη ναοδοµία του 18ου αιώνα, Athens 1999, 105–106; Α. mousiou katholikon, the name of Aleksios I Comnenos is inscribed, cf. Φλωράκης, Άγιον Όρος: Λιθανάγλυφα, Athens 2001, 68, et passim. Dionisopulos, op. cit., 223–224. 62 Cf. Dionisopulos, op. cit., 158–159.
217 Из раз им пе ри јал не иде је јед ног ру мун ског вла да ра у ка то ли ко ну ма на сти ра Ве ли ке ла вре
Ни кос Дио ни со пу лос
Три месе ца после ступа ња на престо Влашке, 12. слав ном све ту. Као но ви Ни ћи фор Фо ка по ја вљу је се не јану а ра 1533. годи не, војво да Влад Винти ла (1532–1535) из- са мо као ле ги тим ни на ста вљач вла дар ског и кти тор ског дао је Ве ли кој ла ври хри со ву љу у ко јој на во ди да је ду бо ко пре да ња осни ва ча Ве ли ке ла вре, сим бо ла ви зан тиј ске дирнут вели ким тешко ћа ма свето гор ских мана сти ра, лише- цар ске иде је, већ и као бра ни тељ хри шћан ства у бор би них ктитора и запу ште них. Зато он обећа ва помоћ „пошто- про тив не вер ни ка. Ту иде ју ис ти че и укр ште ни ло рос на ваном и царском мана сти ру назва ном Вели ка лавра, који је гру ди ма кти то ра, сим бол кр сто но сне при ро де ва си лев со- на челу цело куп не Свете Горе и у којем леже мошти светог ве вла сти, као и лик све тог Хри сто фо ра по ред Вин ти ли- Ата на си ја Атон ског“, с об зи ром на то да су „све ти ли шта ног пор тре та. Ако је при су ство представе ви зан тиј ског пала у посед невер ни ка који су их злоу по тре би ли“. Винти- ца ра Ни ћи фо ра Фо ке по себ но ве за но за им пе ри јал ну ла је одлу чио да доде ли Лаври стални годи шњи приход од кон цеп ци ју вла сти, лик све тог Хри сто фо ра као ду хов ног 10.000 аспри и још 1.000 за по кри ва ње тро шко ва пу то ва ња узо ра осве тља ва њен па нор то док сни вид ко ји пред ви ђа мона ха који би дола зи ли у Влашку по мило сти њу. Заузврат ко нач ну по бе ду хри шћан ског све та по мо ћу но вог сту ба војво да тражи од братства Лавре да упише у триптих кти- пра во слав не ве ре – ру мун ског вла да ра. Са ико но граф ског тора имена члано ва њего ве поро ди це и, уз то, да им поје аспек та, упо ред ни рас по ред пред ста ва све тог Хри сто фо ра један пут неде љно службу и поми њe њихо ва имена током Христо но сца и Влада Винти ле са сином допри но си том па- поде ле пића у трпе за ри ји. Недав но чишће ње војводиног рале ли зму пона вља њем истог моти ва, чију основну иконо- ктитор ског портре та у като ли ко ну Лавре – за који се сма- граф ску осо ви ну чи не јед на му шка и јед на деч ја фи гу ра. трало да је портрет визан тиј ског цара Јова на Цими ски ја Нема сумње да је влашки војво да дао прилог за – пока зу је да је Винти лин прилог био знатно већи. живо пи са ње като ли ко на Лавре. Бар део иконо граф ског Пор трет се на ла зи у на о су, на ју жној стра ни се ве ро- програ ма изра жа ва посеб ну поли тич ку и рели ги о зну иде- за пад ног пот ку пол ног ступ ца, тач но пре ко пу та пред ста- оло ги ју нару чи о ца, док сам насли ка ни модел като ли ко на ве Ни ћи фо ра Фоке, а по ред фи гу ре све тог Хри сто фо ра. сведо чи о њего вом учешћу у широј обно ви цркве, неоп ход- Вин ти ла, по лу о кре нут пре ма ол та ру, др жи мо дел ка то ли- ној после вели ког земљо тре са 1526. годи не. Нарав но, по- ко на. Оде вен је у со мот ску ко шу љу укра ше ну пе ривра хи- ста вља се пи та ње за што се име Вла да Вин ти ле не по ми ње о ни ма и на ру кви ца ма; преко кошуље је све ча ни каф тан у кти тор ском нат пи су о жи во пи са њу ка то ли ко на из 1535. од бро ка та са ма ни ја ком и ло ро сом. Војводину гла ву кра- го ди не или не ком дру гом нат пи су ко ји би го во рио о об но- си отво ре на на зу бље на кру на са кри но ви ма. Пор трет је, ви глав не цр кве по сле зе мљо тре са. На жа лост, не рас по ла- као и оста ле фре ске у ка то ли ко ну, из ве ден ру ком чу ве ног же мо по да ци ма ко ји би нам омо гу ћи ли да да мо по у здан сли ка ра крит ске шко ле Тео фа на Стре ли це 1535. го ди не. од го вор на то пи та ње. Је ди но што се мо же прет по ста ви ти При ли ком ре ста у ра ци је, осим чи шће ња фре ске од сто лет- је сте да су де ко ра ци ји ка то ли ко на фре ска ма до при не ли и них на сла га ча ђи, са ли ца кти то ра укло ње на је на кнад но ми тро по лит Ве ри је Нео фит – чи ји се пор трет на ла зи на до да та бра да. Што је нај за ни мљи ви је, де сно од до на то ра, за пад ном зи ду на о са – и Влад Вин ти ла, те да је по сле из не- ис под сло ја пла ве бо је пре сли ка не по за ди не, по ја ви ла се над не Вин ти ли не смр ти по ду хват осли ка ва ња цр кве пред у- деч ја фи гу ра об у че на у цр ве ну ха љи ну, ру ку мо ли тве но зео сам Неофит. Због тога се само он поми ње у ктитор ском ис пру же них пре ма ол та ру. У нат пи су из над те фи гу ре нат пи су на за пад ном зи ду на о са, уко ли ко мо на си ко ји су ис пи са но је име мла ђег Вин ти ли ног си на – Дра ги чи ја. у не ко по зни је вре ме об но ви ли тај нат пис ни су на мер но На жа лост, пр во бит ни нат пис уз лик кти то ра из бри сан је из бри са ли Вин ти ли но име. Исто се, без сумње, де си ло услед ви ше стру ких по знијих по ку ша ја да му се дâ друк- са леген дом уз ктитор ски портрет, а могу ће је да је том чи ји са др жај ис пи си ва њем име на Јо ва на Ци ми ски ја као при ли ком до шло и до по кри ва ња Дра ги чи је ве фи гу ре. У дру гог кти то ра Ве ли ке ла вре. ком су пе ри о ду из вр ше не те бит не про ме не на кти тор ској Све до чан ство о по сто ја њу Вин ти ли ног пор тре та ком по зи ци ји та ко ђе је те шко од ре ди ти. С об зи ром на то да на ла зи се у ста ром про ски ни та ру Ве ли ке ла вре ко ји је на- ла ври от Ма ка ри је Три го нис по ми ње у свом про ски ни та ру пи сао ске во фи лакс ма на сти ра Ма ка ри је Три го нис 1757. Вин ти лин пор трет, за кљу чу је мо да је до тих из ме на до шло го ди не. Реч је о је ди ној са чу ва ној пред ста ви ру мун ског по сле сре ди не XVI II ве ка. Сма тра мо да тај акт од ра жа ва вој во де са ја сно де фи ни са ним вла дар ским ин сиг ни ја ма же љу Све то го ра ца XVI I I и на ро чи то XIX ве ка да учвр сте ви зан тиј ских ца ре ва и сред њо ве ков них бал кан ских су- она пре да ња ко ја су се од но си ла на по што ва не и про сла- ве ре на, то јест са ло ро сом, ма ни ја ком, пе ри вра хи о ни ма вље не ви зан тиј ске ца ре ве осни ва че ма на сти ра. Та ко би се и на ру кви ца ма. Осла ња ју ћи се на уз о ре сред њо ве ков не на гла ша ва ње ви зан тиј ског цар ског порекла све то гор ских вла дар ске тра ди ци је, вла шки кнез при сва ја цар ске озна ке ма на сти ра мо гло по ве за ти са про спе ри те том грч ког на ро да с на ме ром да ја сно по ка же сво је вр хов но ме сто у пра во- и бу ђе њем ње го ве на ци о нал не све сти у XVI II и XIX ве ку.