NOBLE WORKERS AND UGLY OERL.ORDS
Class and Politics in the Editorial Cartoons of Three Toronto Newspapen During the Early 1930s
Bv
SCOTT CUNSTON VOKEY
Queen's University Kingston, Ontario, Canada Septembzr, 1993 Copyright O Scott Kinston Vokry. 199s. National Library Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 canada Canada
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS...... iv
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION...... 1
CHMER TWO:PRUDENT WORKERS AND BIG BUSINESS CHISELERS: THE REPRESEWATION OF CLASS AND POLTICS...... -32
CHAPTER THREE:FLOWERS FOR THE DEAD,NEGLECT FOR THE LIVTNG: UNEiMPLOYMENT, RELIEF, AND OTKER CLASS-EhBEDDED ISSUES...... -6
CHAPTER FOUR: TOP WTS, WALKING STICKS, AND DEAL WOMEN: CARICATURES OF INDIVIDUAL POLITTCIANS AND OTHER SOCIAL GROLT S...... -94
CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION...... 133
FIRST APPENDIX: Map of Toronto Neighbourhoods...... 147
SECOSD APPENDIX: The Telegram's 1930 election pamphlet...... 148
THIRD APPENDIX: Relief Regiaration Form...... 1 52
FOüRTH APPENDIX: Suggestions for Further Research...... 1 53 - - BIBLIOGRAPHY...... lx During the earIy 1930s Toronto, like the rest of the courury, was mired in the mÏdst of an econornic crisis so dom that it forever altered the socio-economic and political order of bvth societies. During the Great Depression the normal mains between the different classes, political social and ethnic goups were severely aggravated, rdting in physical and emotional conflicts, as well as the solidification of geographical divisions or ghettos within the city. These antagonisms were clearly evident in the editonal cartoons of the Evening Telegram, Toronto Star. and The Worker. The rnanner in *ch these crises marrifested themseives hothe intense ideological and class conflicts of the period was exemplified in the cartoons of Toronto's three polemically opposed newspapers: the Telegram, Slm, and Worker. The editorial cartoons of the three papers contained political, economic, gender, racial, and unkpdy urbm Toronto elements and bisses tbt refleeted the contemporary socio-economic, political, and cultural order, as well as the artists' own set of prejudices and stylistic codes. These codes and biases were inhefently political and were inevitably linked to the class basis and belief systerns of their newspapers' staffand target audieme- This project focuses on what the content and the code of the editorial cartoons of the Tekgram, Star, end Wwkrr disclose about Toronto, adthe larger Canadian society during the early 1930s. The cartoons demonarate that there were distinct visions ofthe different dasm, ethic groups, genders, politicians, political doctrines and parties, as well as the significant issues of the day. These difierences were a reçult ofthe phical and class basis of each pctper: bec= they respectively represented the conservative, liberal, and radical press within the eity, the Telegram, Star, aiid Wmkw ge~erally eddressed theire conceni3 in ways consistent with their political tenets. The resultant cartoon clash represented one example of the battk of legitirnation within the media of a given society. This thesis was completed with the indispensable asustance of fàmil y, friends, colleagues, Memonal and Queen's Universities, as well as other mdmduals and wgttnkatiOh4. My supenkor Dr. Bryan Palmer, has strongly influencrd my academic perspective and has functioned as an ideal mentor by showing me the path and allowing me the personal autonomy to learn nom the expenence. His intellectual guidance and persona1 challenges were only matched by his deep sense of empathy and hk hand of f%endship. Similady, Dr. Gerald Tulchinsky exemplified both the ideal pedagogue and the philanthropie sage, showkg an inipett~)~4gming man the true meaning of wisdom ïhe embodiment of integrity and diligence, both men only offered support and encouragement when I fded to do the same. A Merthanks is exîended to Dr. Gregory Kealey and the naat LabdLe Travail who peaked my interest in this area and have eontnKlously acted as niendiy allies. My coHeaguesktheMAprogramme,h Carneron, Amanda Crocker, Erin Melvin, and David Regeczi among others, offered unfailingly open ears, h+fbl advice, as weil as the more important gifts of compassion and fkiendship. Their personal and professional aid played a very important role in the completion of tk project. My f&y, e4 dways, Mpteyeda vital rote in enabhg nie to punue my audies and to survive a personally trying year. Although they have not dways understood exactly what prompted me to wander down this road each and every one of them never failed to offer encouragement at just the rigbt moment. My parent's direct ciue and cormm was only edipsed b y their position aç honest, diligent, exemplary role models; whiie my sisters and their families were also quite kind and considerrite to their k off punwsibling. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ne Workr 20 June 193 1 The Worker 7 January 1933 131e Worker 23 December 1933......
TororrtoStar 30 October 1933 TorontaStnr HlJune 1933 ...... ktween50-51.
Evetlhg Telegram 29 November 1930 Evmirig Telegram 25 Qril 1932...... between 5 1-52.
The Worker 8 Apd 1933...... benveen 53-54.
Evenirzg Telegram 20 July 1 932 Tomm Srar 7 December 1929...... between 54-5 5.
Evenitzg Telegram 9 Jul y 1 93 3 Evening Telegram 14 August 1 93 3 ...... between 75-76.
Torobzto Star 24 April 1 93 0 ToronfoSm 29 September 1932...... between 76-77. me Worker 17 Decernber 1932 me Worker 22 March 1 93 0 7he Worker 4 April 193 1 The Worker 8 .Jdy 1933...... -berneen78-79
Toror~toStar 24 September 193 1 îororilo Sfm 16 September 1 932...... between 80-8 1 .
Evettitzg Telegram 9 October 1930 Everzhzg Telegram 1 4 Apri 1 Everzing Telegram 27 November 193 0...... between 8 1 -82.
The Worker 26 April 1930 17te Worker 30 Decernber 1 932...... between 85-86.
Toroilto Star 1 8 September 1 929 TororzfoStar 17 January 1933 Toronto Sm 1 9 September 193 3 ...... between 87-88.
Evetzitg Telegram 1 5 August 1 929 Eveniizg Telegrmn 24 January 193 1 Evetzi~gTelegram 1 1 May 1932...... between 90-9 1. Evenirrg Telegram 23 April 1933
Evenitzg Tekgram 13 December 1 93 0.....-...... am...... between 120- 12 1.
Toronto Star 9 April 1930 Toronlo Slar 20 Apd 193 1 ...... berneen 17 1- 127.
Toronto Star 29 March 1932...... between 122- 123.
The Worker 2 1 February 193 1 71re Worker 9 Apd 193 2...... between 174- 1 25.
Evening Telegram 29 March 1 93 2 Evenhg Telegram 20 October 1933 Toronto Star 6 Apnl 193 1 ...... between 127- 138.
Toronto Stca 13 January 1933 ...... between 129-130. ne Worker I 1 October 1930 The Wwker 19 November 1932,...... between 130- 13 1
The Worker 3 December 1932 The Worker 24 December 1933...... between 13 2- 13 3.
Evening Telegram 3 0 November 1 93 3 Everzing Telegram 27 December 1933 Evenirg Telegram 12 January 1933 ...... between 1 33- 134.
Tororrto Sm27 December 1929 TororzfoSm 4 January 1 93 2...... between 134- 1 3 5.
Torortro Star 1 1 October 1930 Tororzto Star 27 December 1930...... between 13 5- 13 6.
Evenb~gTelegram 19 December 193 1 Evetzing Telegram 23 December 1 93 0 Evenh~gTelegram 27 December 1929 Everrilzg Telegram 10 December 1 93 0...... between i 3 6- 13 7. ABBREWATIONS
AFL-herican Federation of Labor
Ald.-*!derUm
CCF-Co-operative Commonwealth Federat ion
CLDGCanadian Labour Defence League
CPC-Communist Party of Canada
CLP-Canadian Labor Party
CNR-Canadian Nat ional Railway
CPR-Canadian Pacific Rai lway
FUGFarmers' Unity League
GTR-Grand Trunk Railway
ILP-Independent Labor Party
LON-League of Nations
LSR-League for Social Reconstniction
NUWA-National Unemployed Workers' Association
PAC-Progressive Arts Club
RCMP-Royal Canadian Mounted Police
TLC-Trades and Labor Congress
TTC-Toronto Transit Commission
UFA-United Farmers of Alberta
U FO--United Farmers of Ontario
UWA-Unemployed Workers' Associations
WUGWorkers' Unity League Chapter One: Introduction
Hiaoriem are weii acuinomed to interpreting the whole range of enen records, aatistics, and to a certain extent, oral recollections, but few employ illutrative sources as a means of examining past events and ideas, or the popular perceptions of historical process. Hesitant to recogize editorial cartoons as legitimate histoncal sources, historias have ohrelegated the jocular image to an aside of social history. As Peter Bailey states in his essay on the comic arip,
''Ally SIoper 's Hurf-NoIidzy ", "historians generally have been slow to exploit graphic evidence and where it is provided it most often serves as illustration for points adduced fiom other materials rather than as substantive evidence in its own right with a considerable interpretative potential."' This is tmly unfortunate, as cartoons nor only depict the personatities and the customs of the paa2,but reveal subtle, not so subtle, and even subversive, visualized cornmentaries on the events and ideas of a given period. The visual image is of particular interest to the historia because it ofien succinctly reveals the ideological, social, economic, gender, and other biases of both its creator and its target audience.
This thesis seeks to deconnnict the popular: to employ the cartoons' metaphorical and symbolic meanings, or "metalanguage for disc~urse"~,in order
-- -- 1 Peter Baile', --Ail- SIoper's Ha-Holiday: Cunuc Art in the 18SOa" Hisrory WorkshopJournal, 16 (Sp~g1983). p.6. hdeed. as Nicholas Garland argues thc only people chat dytake cartaanhg seriously arc thc urtoonists thcniselves: Nicholas Garland. "Fine Art and Cornic Art; Cm You hwProperiy if You Want TOTKi4 Journal. S7:5400 (N~~~emkr1989). p.7ï9.
' Cartoon's depicr social hino- via conumes. sangs. milolloquialisms. slans slogans. banners. khions in food and dnnk street scenes. folklore. etc.
3 Ray Moms "CuituraI Amlysis through Semiotics: Len Norris' Cartoons on Offtciai BihgudmL" "Rei.iew of Sbciologv and -4nrhropologv, 28 (May 199 1). ~2.27-31. to examine the social order of Toronto during the depths ofthe Great Depression.
.h analysis of the metaphors and symbok present in the cartoons dows for the
discovery of some of the unintended rneanings masked during the production and
transmission processes as well as providing an anafysis of the more obvious
contemporary cartoon code. The symbolic language or the signs employed by the
cartoonists and the narrative codes that they shared with their audiences at that
time will also be explored.
As Warren Susman demonstrates, during the 1930s 'there was in the
discovery of the idea of culture and its wide-scale application a critical tool that
could shape a nitical ideal, especially as it was directed repeatedly against the
faitures and meaningtessness of an urban-indud civi 1ization4 Amid the
socio-economic and political tension resulting fiom the extreme leveis of
unemployment and poveny, no Canadian city represented the clash of classes,
ethnic groups, and ideologies as well as Toronto during the pend 1929-1933.
The economic, social, and political crises of the Depression 1930s were clearly
evident in the eity's newspapers and wirhin them, their editonal cartoons. The
intense ideological and class conflict of the period is exemplified in Toronto's three polemically opposed newspapers: the Ewtit~gTelegram. Toror~toSm, and
The Worker.
Çince the newspapers were the min media source of the day, the cctmons
found within them represented one of the most important image-based sources of
' Warren 1. Susman. Cuiiurc as Hision.. Thc Transformation of American Societv in the Twentieth Ccntw (New York L9û-t). p. LN. information for people at that time. The lower Ieveis of literacy and the relatively widespread trust in the printed word and newspapers at this time merhighlights the importance of the editorial cartoon. Furthemore, dunng periods of crisis such as the Depressioq gaphic art usually flourishes as it takes inspiration hmthe changes in and energy surrounding the resultant political ciimate. Robert Phillipe views the Great Depression as one of the great periods of political prints during which "images played an emraordinary role in mobilizing social conscience and public opinion Powerful conviaions were matched by powerful visual impressions.. . The editorial cartoons of the three papers studied herein offer a rich sacio-poliucal commentary as weil as a generai ove~ewof developrnents within Toronto, Ontario, and Canada as a whole throughout the 1930s. Examined in their historical conte- the cartoons' ideological, politicai, econornic, racial, regional, gendered, and uniquely urban Toronto elements are exposed as evidently part of an ideologicaily-based manipulation of images designed to convey a desired message to a selected audience.
Historioeraphical Tradition
This thesis builds upon a large body of work that examines what certain manifestations of popuiar culture Say about the socio-economic and political order at a given historical moment. As weli as a range of works on culture. popular culture, class formation and consciousness, this nudy employs Richard Johnson's workmg definition of culture: ". . .the common sense or way of life of a particular
Roben Phdlipe. Politicai GraDhicr Art as a Wcamn (New York 1980). p 16. class, group or social category, the cumplex of ideologies that are actually
adopted as mord preferences or principles of life,'" as its theoretical point of
departure Ideoiogy is here understood in the descriptive sense, r&rring to the
set of beliefs peculiar to a specific group or class. and not in any directly
theoretical sense.' Cultural hiaory is usually prefaced by a promise that an
examination of popular culture wiU reveal a higher, more meaningful socio-
economic or political stnicture at work. These structures include those that
construct and maintain categories such as ciass, gender and race that rank
different cultural forms, and that help maintain other established authorities.
Nicholas Green and Frank Mort propose a practical theoretical direction for cultural history:
Hinorical work on cultural formations needs to be conceived as an attempt to understand the conditions of formation of Our historical present in the cultural domain.. .Hiaorical understanding of these issues can enable us to consider more adequately the alternatives around specific cultural struggles-to supplement forms of political caiculation by a historical perspective.s
Thus, an examination of the historical developrnent of cultural conventions and established 'noms' reveals a great deal about the existing power structures and rationaies for these structures present in society. The editorial cartoons of the
6 Richard Johnson -Three Problematics: Eiements of a Theory of Workmg-Class Culture." Workine-Class Culture. Studies in Historv and Theon- (New York 1979). p.234.
' Although tbis thesis generaUy agrees ulth the interpretation of Grarnscian hegemony put forth in Stuart Hall, Tuiture. the Media. and the 'Ideological Effi'," Mass Communication and Sociew (London 1977), pp. 3 1549: as a cornples entity that opemes to decertain khds of interpretations Iegitimate and others illegitimate and the media as basiuily reproducing society's structures of dominatioa it dionly use 'ideolog~.'and 'hegemony ' as descriptors in ordtr to stay clcar of possible theorctiul quagmircs.
'Nicholas Grccn and Fran)r Mon Viniat Rcprrsilcnmn and Cultrnal Pob."Bfont, 7 tt982). pp.64-5. tbree Toronto papers during 1929-33 convey a sense of the attitudes, policies, and
dictsover dm di~iSiOR4~tmmqdey~? FM, cornmuftisrq aïxi other
topics as well as the people that shaped them during that time.
The domininit cuitureor culknes in a society weata, ma+nritk, and
(re)generates conventional power structures, definitions of meaning, as well as the
body of know- desenbedas 'common seme'. Since culture translates and
codifies meaning, those that control the culture production process in a sense
direct what is viewed as knowledge within a society. Roland Barthes refers to the
underlying socially determined collective representation that turns the cultural and
historical into the natural as the contemporary 'myth'.~conomicrelations of
production are important contingent notions that influence the production of culture as "control over matenal resources and t heir changing distribut ion are ultimately rhe most powerful of the many levers operating in cultural production."'0 However, cultural expressions are much more than abstractions of
social and economic relations and have a wider role than merely maintaining and reinvigoratinç social structures of domination. Culture is not simply and wholly a product of the market as some more deterministic Marxists assume." Such a deterministic view of culture denies the existence and power of agency on the
9 Roland Barlhes. Image Music Test (London 1982). p. 165.
IO Gnham Murdock and Pctcr Golding. "Capitalism Communication and ChRelations." Mass Communication and Socictv (London 197ï). p.20.
II For esample Wiiiis siatcs Lhat: -The market is thc sourcc of a permanent and contradictocy rcvolulion in eve-y culturc which sveeps away old limits and dependencics. The mdccts* rcstless scarch to find and rriake new appetites raises. wholesale. the popular cmency of symbolic aspimtion. nc cmmqmq tn debascd nid hfisitiûrran., but aspirations mm circulate, just as do commodities. Ttiat circulation immocably makes or fin& its own new worlds." Paul Willis. "S~mbolicCreativity," Studvioa. Culntrc An Infroducton- Rmder (Londnn 1997). p2L5. collective level as rnanifeaed by oppositional cultures and ignores the possibility
of individuai readmgs and recepions. Culture is as cornplex and diverse as the
people that create it, Iive with it, read to and against it, because it represents the
dialectic between social being and consciousness. Thus. culture influences what
people are, what they aspire to be, as well as the conventions and social niles they
observe and the roles assigned to them by outside forces. As Raymond Williams points out, hinorical examinations of culture can also reveal alternatives to present power relationships and contemporary values:
1 would then define the theory of culture as the nudy of relationships between elements in a whole way of life. The analysis of culture is the attempt to discover the nature of the organization which is the cornplex of these relationships [and as such it must] make the interpretation conscious, by showinj historical alternatives; to relate to the interpretation to the 12 particular contemporary values on whic h it rests. . .
Mthough cultural institutions and traditions institutionalize specific patterns of relations between social groups and classes, these patterns are by no means totally omnipotent or impenevable nor simply determined by the economic base.
Since this is essentially a project in cultural history that shall focus on what editorial cartoons as cultural expressions reved about the experiences of the mernbers of a society under strain, it shall utilize a Thompsonian definition of ciass:
By class I understand an historical phenomenon, uniQing a number of disparate and seemingly unconnected events, both in the raw material of experience and in consciousness.. .. class happens when some men, as a result of cornmon experiences (inherited or shared), feel and articulate the identity of their interests as between themselves, and as against other men
'' Raymond Williamr The Lone Revolution (London 196 L).. pp.46 and 53. whose interests are different from (and usually opposed to) theirs. The class experience is largely detemined by the roductive relations imo whic h men are bom-or enter involuntarily .IP
Thus. class is more than a socio-economic by-product or a label appiied upon an
unknowing populace; it is the way in which culture appropriates experience.
Thompson cldes that ccClass-consciousnessis the way in which these
experiences are handled in cultural terms: embodied in traditions, value-systems,
ideas, and institutional f~rms."~'The key here is human agency: the experiences
and consciouuiess that this sense of action and purpose generates within the established perimeters of the relations of production. This latter point is crucial, and as Richard Johnson cautions: "If class is underaood only as a cultural and political formation, a whole theoretical legacy is impoverished and materialist accounrs are indistinguishab te from a form of ideali~rn."'~Thus, economic and social relations and the ways in which they are manifested and acted upon in cultural tems are the key detenninants of class. Class and culture are therefore interactive and inseparable but one does not simply determine the other as in some simplist ic economic equation.
Since culture is viewed as a general pattern, the historian must be especially conscious of the value judgements and the seiective nature of both contemporary cultural production and historical documentation. Hiaonms musr examine non-oficial as well as offkial records in order to establish the rnost accurate picture of the past partem of culture possible. Green and Mort's assessrnent of the construction and manipulation of culture by hinonans is
appropriate:
Historiogaphy is a highiy professionalized disùp line with an elaborately codified language which .. . connructs audiences in a particular way.. ..Work on culture must identiQ the historicaliy specific fonns of the plemnelpower couplet, as part of the efforts to shifk representations and behaviours. I6
Thus, if they are not carefui, historians can re@ existing cultural conventions and
unjust power relat ionships by uncritically affirming al1 of the prevalent social
constructions of meaning and the divisions that accompany them. Unfominately,
many historians have often relied solely on those methods and sources produced
or selected by past elites. This thesis bolsters the argument for a wider, more
inclusive, more democratic and, therefore, more accurate employment of
particular historical sources and general cultural anaiysis.
Popular cuiture is not completely hegemonic because jus as there
dissenting polit ica. and 'deviant ' social groups, there also exist oppositional
cultures as well. Moreover, popular culture cannot be viewed as monolithic as it
contains contrasting often conflicting and contradictory forces and e.upressions.
Oppositional cultures can manifest themselves through organized groups or out of
an individuai's sense of isolation As noted by George Lipsin ''Most
oflen.. . culture exists as a form of politics, as a means of reshaping individuai and
collective practice for specified interests, and as long as individuais perceive their
" Richvd JohnsM. -Threc Roblcmahcs: ELcm 16 Green and tMort "VÏRepresentation and Cultursil Poliiics." pp.65 and 67. interests as unfilleci, culture retains an oppositional potential."17 This point was not los on the vested interests behind the three newspapers examined, nor by any other influentid group which has sought to change or defend the established socio-economic and political order of their society. Popular culture represents the "dialectic of cultural aruggle"'8 between containment and resistance because it: consists of those cultural fomis and practices-varying in content from one historical period to another-which constitute the terrain on which dominam, subordinate and oppositional cultural values and ideologies meet and intermingle, in different mixes and permutations, vying with one another in their attempts to secure the spaces within which they can become influentid in framing and organizing popular experience and consciousness.lg Popular culture is such an important category of analysis because it reveals a great deal about the custorns, moral preferences, political stances, and general character of particular classes and other social groups. Politicaily rnotivated goups are especially quick to empioy any and al1 types of media at their disposa1 in order to manipulate popular culture in order to win public opinion to their side. The printed image of the editorial cartoon is an effective tool among this arsenal of politicized artistic and communicative devices. The editorial cartoons of the Telegrnm, Sm,and the Workrr both represent and reveal a great deal about the very intense, partisan-based clashes between newspapers and their politicized supponers that existed between 1929 and 1933. t1 George Lipsitz. Time Passages. Collective Memon. and Amcrican Popuiar Culturc (Minneapolis 1 %)O), p. lG I9 Stuan Hall -Popular Culture and the State" POP* Culture and Sociai Rclsùons (Philadelphia 1986). p. 19- Art is political by way of its view of the eaablished socio-economic and political synem, which is either supportive or criticai of that ~enchedorder. Through its method of production, purpose or intended message, art often conveys an overt as wetl as a subtle mrnnmitarg. on the society in and for which it is produced. Janet Wolff contends that since works of art are 'the products of specific hinorical practices on the part of identifiable social groups in given conditions, [they] bear the imprint of the ideas, values and condit ions of existence of these groups, and their representatives in particular artists." The editonal cartoon is an even better manifestation of these phenornena than other more conventional forms of art because it is definitely intended to be an accessible cultural fom produced for mass consumption. However, an analysis of cartoons cannot descend into the kind of determinism that equates foms of media with a hegemonic base and refers to al1 forms of communication such as cartoons as "ideological state apparanises."l Editoriat cartoons are much more than visualiied relations of production or smoke-screens for Ming ciass tensions because of the wide breadth of topics they address as well as the aspects of human agency present at each stage of their production The iconography rnanifested in editorial cartoons very deliberately evokes imagery and symbolism that is recognizable, comprehensible, and meaningfbl to its contemporary audience. --- " Janet Wolff_The Social Production of Art (New York 198 1). p.49. " Althusser gr~upedal1 institutions as either repressive state apparatuses such as the my. prisons. etc,, or ideological state apparatusa such as edumtion. tegai, cultural and communication -stems. ail of which are unified in merining and purpose by the ideolog). of the mling class: Louis Althusser. wIdeoIogyand IdeoIogical State Apparatuses," Lenin and Philosophv and other Essavs (London 197 1). pp. 136-37- Moreover, popular culture also has impressionistic, interpretive' and diegorical aspects, which aim to both change and maintain past beliefs and practices. The gaphic models and nereotypes contained in editorial cartoons are powerful reference points in the evaluations and social transactions of popdar life as they act as "repositories of cultural rneaningm2'that provide the historian with an 'unofficial' look into the past. Edward Smith believes that cartoons are "the most universal and democratic form of visual an in a modem society . . .[because they] often desome point about the nature of man rather rhan about the nature of individual men."z3 Cartoonists can represent the established view of society, cnticize that view, present a counter-image of, or an alternative direction for, that society. Images have always been employed and manipulated by those who hope to maintain. as well as those who want to usurp, power within a society. Cartoonists have played key roles in the construction of new 'myths' in absolutist, totaliîarian., and democratic societies, "And one can safely say that just by looking at the cartoons published in a country's press, one can measure exactly the amount of press fieedom, and of democracy, that that country enj~~s."~" iMore specifically, caricature has often played an important role in the "range of -7 - Janet Wolff, The Social Production of Art. p.4. '> Edwud Lucie Smith. The An of Caricature (Idiaca 198 1 ). pp. 19-20. '' This quote was taken fiom Wen Vlachos a puûlisher of S;LtiTicai Yugoslav newspaper who rvas ixnprisoned by the Soviet govemment during the 1970s: Fria Behrendr, The Freedom of the Politid Cawni~"2dh Cenru~ Sfudes. 13/14 (December 1975). p.77. terrains both hinorical and actual on which the image of the body has been fbnctionally mategic" as it has helped conamct both ideal and inimical figures." Certain aspects of the production process are also of concem, as the cartoonist was not only influenced by his cultural and political background and experienceg but by his place in the newspaper ind- as well. Editorial influences, pressure fiom publishers, collaboration with other artias and writers, as weii as the burden of daily publicatioq di have important affects upon the produciion of editorial cartoons. In addition, as an image the editorial cartoon is both affected by and affects the text that surrounds it: '?the meaning of an image is changed according to what one sees immediately beside it or what cornes immediately after it. Such authority as it retains is distnbuted over the whole conte= in which it appears."26 Yet, as Lipsitz cautions: "Images and icons compete for dominance within a multiplicity of discourses; consumers of popular culture move in and out of subject positions in a way that allows the same message to have widely varying rneanings at the point of re~e~tion."~~Thus, it would be reductionist to assume that editoriai cartoons are part of a hegemonic attempt to coalesce an audience into swallowing the politicized messages contained within them wholesale. Nikos Stangos quite nghtly adds another agent in the determination of meaning in art, the viewer: 'The artist, the work of art (the object) and the viewer should in their totaiity, dictate any consideration about Onc auchor cites the body politics of Nazism and ucopian bodies of Hollyvood as two pertinent c.mpk Colin Mcrcer. "CompLicit Plcriuifes," Po~iilyCulturc and Sacial Wans. p.67. '6 John Berger. Sven Blombcrg Chris Fos. Michacl Dib. and Richard Ho1 lis. Wsof Seeing (New York 1973). p-29. -+- - George Lipsiiz The Passms, p- 13. art.''28 The symbols, metaphors, and intended meaning of the artist are added to the eqeriences and knowledge that shapes each individual's 'readiug' of the piece. It is therefore essential to understand as much as possibie about the social conditions that represented the context within contemporaries read the editorial cartoons of the three Toronto newspapers during the Depression. The point made by postmodernist semioticians about the somewhat arbitrary connection between the signitier (material aspect: cartoon) and the signified (mentai concepti cartoon's point) message is also a valid concern and one that needs addressing. Cartoons, like any other fom of communication, are subjected to processes of productioq circulation, consumptioq and reproduction that ofien subtly influence or directly manipulate the intended message of that medium. In addition, cartoons are systems of signif~cationthat consist of signs that only produce meanings through their interaction with receivers. The process of reading is acttiaily quite demanding because it involves 'Yhe capacity to identify and decode a certain number of signs.. . [and] the subjective capacity to put them into creative relations between themselves and with other ~i~ns.''~'Influences on the reader include other texts, images, problematics, and any other discursive formation that shapes their perceptions of the image. Indeed, Banhes identifies three different levels of reading: the informational and the symbolic, both of which are intentional, and the third more Nikos Stangos. -1WWon'' (O John Bercer. Sdecced Essavs and Anides: The Lwk of Thin= (Bungay L972). p. 13. 29 Terni quote as found in Stuart HalL 'En&-" Culaire Media. hwage. Workinp, Pamrs in Cdiural Studies. 1972-79 (London 1980). p. 12 5. personal and therefore more di ficuit, the signifiers-signified level. 30 Barthes and other semioticians such as Ferdinand de Saussure and Charles Pierce have rightly espoused that meaning results from the negotiated interactions between the sign, interpretant, and the signified object. Indeed, the scant arnount of evidence on whether audiences correctly perceive, understand, and react to the intended message of editorial cartoon3 is ambivalent and wrought with interpretive, cultural and temporal probterns. However, editorial cartoons share a cornmon code or levicon thaî 'konsists both of signs and of rules or conventions that determine how and in what conte= these signs are used and how they can be combined to form more complex messages."32 This code is determined by the social conventions supporting communication, which includes the prevailing historical, moral, socio-economic and political conditions that shape this set of niles. Indeed, most theorists suggest that iconic codes such as those represented in cartoons are more 'naniral' or intrinsically meaningfùl than linguistic ones? This thesis negotiates these interpretative concerns by quantitatively and qualitatively andyzing a large number of cartoons over a four-year period. Yet, in order to avoid the kind of "pon facto determinism" of empirical excesses about which Thompson wams, one musr take into account the background factors that 3 I Dcl Brinkman "Do Editorial Cartoons and Editoriril Change Opinions." Journalisnr Quarte*. 45 (Wintcr 1968). pp.724-26 disagrees \\i& the findings in LeRoy Carl. "Editorial Cartoons FaiI to Reach Many Readers," Journalism Quarterlv. 45 ( Autumn 1 968). pp. 53 3 -3 5. 32 Idui Fisice. IntrOduction to CommunicaLim Saidies (London 1990). p. 19. help determine the meanings behind the cartoons.'" This will allow for an examination of estabLished trends as weil as the more exceptionai uses of politicized iconography in Toronto newspapers during the depths of the Depression. The Editorial Cartoon Obviously editoriai cartoons are a reduction of an ide% a conclusion without an argument, effective because of succinctness, poipnancy. and topicality. Cornplex ideas that wouid require a lengthy wrinen explmation can be expressed into a single metaphor contained in a fairly srnaIl image, important messages can be emphasized by a particdarly dramatic or large drawing. The three main processes that the cartoonist employs to achieve this effect are co~~de»zsatio~z, cornbbza~ion,and domesfication." Condensation uses aereotypes and sym bolic metaphors in order to reduce complex phenornena or specific events to their apparent shared core via a single image. Combination blends real, rnythical, matera or moral elements and ideas from different domains into a composite that retains identifiable pans of those constituent elements. ft ofien involves the use of animal or animal parts anached to a reai perron's body or face as well as mythical figures or symbols that help create an extended or dualistic metaphor. Domestication converts diEcult and unfamiliar ideas into something close and concrete by "highlighting mutual elements and masking unique ones and by '' Ray Morris. "Vid Rhetoric in Political Cartoons: A Stmcnir;ilist Approacb- Jletaphor und Sw~bolic.-lctivi'r, 8: 3 ( 1993), pp.?OO- 1. focusing on reperitive patterns to minirnize novefty and mental adj~strnent".'~It is based on a premise that the majonty of the audience has neither the proper set of experiences nor the information necessary to fully understand the issue or events addressed in the cartoon in aii three of these procwes the manipulation of eaablished, recognizable, and meaningfûl binary opposites is crucial for the wiccess£d transmission of the carioonist's message. Thus, cartoonists present their ideas through one or more of these processes as well as specific encoding systems. Cartoons cm contain two types of encorlirip systems: mimetic, based upon facial features and drawn from beliefs about what faces betray about the character and intelligence of the subject, and arruIogic, when the artist turns the subject's body into something very different based upon the editorial perception of that person.J7 Personal caricature is oflen more than an assault on an individual's appearance: it is often a physiognomic attempt by the cartoonist to convey the subject's supposed mental and moral attributes graphically. Since physiognomic illustrations and other types of caricature evolve according to what is popular and accepted; rhey skillfüll y reflect the values, stereotypes, and social mores prevalent in a society at any given time. These values and stereotypes knction to aid information processinç on an individual level by "systematizing and simplifying information available to a perceiver, protecting that perceivers value stmcture" and on a collective level through "offenng culturally accepted explanations for '- Nette Hill. The Carter Campaign in Retmspect: Decoding the cartoon^.^ Sèn~iorico.23: 3 1-1 ( i978), p-309. events, by juai-ing group actions, and by providing a means for groups to differentiate t hemselves 6om other groups." '' Caricatures are negative definitions, or stereotypes, which dramatize situations throu@ the definition of targets, the integration of public sentiments, and the use of ridicule techniques. Caricatures interpret 'naùons, figures, and events to create metaphoncal situations that help to supplement the news presentation wirh statements of 'meaning"'." Personal caricature is perhaps the best known form of the editonal cartoon and also, conceivably, the most powerful. Even more than the delineation of events and ideas, the depiction of specific individuals hm consistently been a powerful weapon or propagande tool depending upon the manner of its deployment. Caricature derives much of its power from the cornmon belief that a person's face reveals a lot about their mental attn butes and moral character. Indeed, as Lesi ie Zebrowitz nates: "'Face reading', or physiqnomy, hrts persisted from ancient times to the pres-ent... [and considerable evidence suggests that] people's faces influence perceptions of their motives as weH as their traits. Theçe effects do not merely reflect racial, gender, or age stere~t~pes.''~However, the artist cannot diston his subject's face too '' Charles Smgor and Mark Schaller. *-Siereotyxsas Indhidual and Collcc~iveRepresentaiionr.. Stmhmand StcmmPmq Nd Macrac. CMaStmgur. and Miles Hcwstonc. Eds (MxYork 1996). pp. 19-2 1. In addition in the words of one unoonist: -cIichcs sometimes represent the oniy suiutiom to Rmiprobtcms, such as Ltieiight bufb mma person's head as ai idu-. Ruy Paul Nelson Humorous illustration and Cartoonine, A Guide for Edi ton. Ach-ertiscrs.and Artists (En@mood Cliffs 1%). p.74. 39 Lanmcc StrcicIm. "On a T)mrrt of fditical Cnicamc." Conipararit~Siubies in .'oaeg and Flistoy. 9 ( 1966-67). p.438. much since in order to succeed, the 'language' of caricature mua be understood by the conniminj public. Most cartoonins strive to create a consktently recognizable image of favoured subjects ofien employing the same L'particuIar facial trait as the rign of the individual in question, so that viewers cm expenence the pleasure of instant recognition."" Although sornewhat more difficult with nations. ciasses, and ethnic groups, cartoonins such as Avrorn Yanovkzy, George Shields, and D. Hawkes developed artiaic conventions that built upon popular stereotypes of these social groups in order to present powerfui messages. Stereotypes help provide meaning because they are mental representations of people, places, and things which can fùnction to both reduce the complexity or enhance the information being supplied in a particular instance. Recent research into the phenornenon has revealed that: Stereotypes influence what information is sought out, attended to, and rernembered among members of social groups [through] systematizing and simplifying information avaiiable to a perceiver, and protecting that perceivers value structure [whereas they] serve groups by offenng culturally accepted explanations for events, by justifying group actions, and by providing a rneans for groups tu differentiate thanselves pmttkly from other g~ou~s.~' Since caricatures are thernselves stereotypes, the symbols and codes used by the cartuonists rnust be stereotypes recognizable by contemporary audiences in order to have an impact. Stereotypes or codes are based on schernas or knowledçe stmctures 'that specify the defining features and relevant artributes of a given :' L. Perry Cunis. Apes and Aneels. The Irishman in Victorian Caricature (Washington 1997). pp.X\ni.-,Wt 1. 42 Stereoh'pes are either madésted as goup schemtis, group prototypes, or euempiars. Charles Stangor and Mark Shailer. -Stereotypes as Individuai and ColIectivc Representations." Stereotwes and Stereotming pp. 18-19. concept."'3 Schemas give meaning to social information and therefore aid both -oroup and individual information processinJ. Schemas are especially important in caricature, which is essentially the creation of an image-based stereotype. Like schemas, prototypes and praaical exempiars also coustitute dinerent forms of stereotypes. The creation of the stereotypes found in the editonal cartoons of the Telegram, Stm, and Worker during the early 1930s are a direct reflection of not only the biases of the cartoonists and their editorial staffs but also of the socio- cultural conventions and belief systems prevalent at that tirne. The political cartoonia creates these representational situations through the use of a 'satiricd arrnoury', a cartoon code, which includes: hardened metaphors of political jargon, 'universal' metaphors, static symbols, allegory, animalistic metamorphosis, contrat of scale, 'tabs' of identity, legends and speech balloons, and the use of expressive shapes and co~ours.~Examples of universal meiaphors include such wide-spread si=- as light for good and dark for evil, static symbols comprise items such as flags and maps, while examples of 'tabs' of identity have included Hitler's moustache and Prime Minister Bennett's top hat and corpulent belly, to narne just a few. Caricature by definition creates, rnaintains, and revises iconographie stock characters, types, and physiognomic conventions. Cartoon symbols are inevitably tied to the dominant code or codes of meaning within a society, or as William Murreli asserts: 13 Charles Smgor and Mark ScMlcr. "Stcreot>pcsas Individual and Co1lccth.c Rcprcscnmtions." Stereotwcs and Stereot\ning,. p.7. 44 Latwence Streicher. "On a Theon of Political Cariaturc." pp. 437-8. for identity 'tabs' and use of charactet speech; consult John Gcipel. The Cmoon. A Short Nston. of Gn~hicCorne& and -Satire (London 1972). and E.H. Gmbrich. Medi- on a Hobby Hmmi6 otfier ess;rrs on the Tkeon. of Art (London 1963). pp. 130-142. fiw the orher stylistic dmices. One might argue that the persistence of a symbol depends largely upon its popdar qqxd 0r me kt~bateit to the inertie or even to the indifference of the general public. It is rather more likely that cartoon symbols remain effective only as long as the issues, parties, or institutions they symbolize rernain powers for good or evil." %&es these symbols are so powerful or the caricature so dominant that they act as a synecdoche or form of visual shorthand. Carîoonins employ exaggerations, incoqruities, dinortions, aiiegory, and humour, as well as the gross and sublime to mock the intended target or to comxnunicate the desired message They establish irnagery in their cartoons through the choice of seîting, characters costumes, and situations that they portray. Stylistically cartoonists have their own combination of consistency, simplicity, vagueness/clarity, shadows, outli~es,contrast, attention to details, the use of actioh value of props, optical illusions7and the overall composition of the cartoonG Cartoans present either the arust's picture of reality, a message about what ou@ to be done, a mood which telis us how we should feel about a certain event or issues, or a combination of any of these elements. A poll of editorial cartoonists revealed that over 95% of them felt their main priority was to make their audience think; to entertain, illustrate problerns and issue calls for change were distant second ch~ices.~~Cartoonists believe that they make an important '' William MuneLi. "Rise ;rnd Faii of Caxtoon Sjmbok.. The Anierjcun Scholor. 4: 3 (Summcr 1935). p.315. 46 For an escel tent esamination of the use and cvoIution of, the techniques and stytistic devices of cartoonhg sec Roy Paul Nelson. Humorous iiiustration and Cartoonin " MetRiffe. -Id Sdand Roger Van fhmcrm.-8ehind the Editorial Pjge Cimoon," Journa~imQuartet&. 62:2 ( 1985), p.380. social contribution via their role as unofficial critics as evidenced by the cornrnenrs of Jeff MacNelly: Political cartoonins violate every mle of ethical journalism - they misquote, uifle with the mith, make science fiction out of politics and sometimes should be held for personal libel. But when the declears, rke politicai cartoonin has been getting closer to the mith tban the guys who write politicai opinions."8 Cartoons are obviously afEected by cwrent evem and the persodties that help shape those events, but are also strongly influenced by the personai bias and ayle of îhe artist as weil as the political climate in which he works. Coasequently, there are as many styles as there are individual cartoonists, but sometimes, stylistic mannerisms and senses of humour follow ideological patterns that reflect those of the newspaper they exist in. The Newspapers Sewspapers have traditionally been seen as either part of the dominant classes' maintenance of hegemony by Marxist media critics or as pan of the creation and perpetuation of 'educated culture' by their liberal counterparts. James Cumn states that the banle over press readership is really about rhe maintenance of social order and, more specifically from the Victonan era onwards. the bourgeoisie and upper-classes hoped to "secure the ioyalty of the working-class to the social order through the expansion of the capitaiist press.'Ag Yet the direct impact of the media is ofien overstated. Paul Rutherford cautions * Jerq Aoller. Jane Mitmore. PhylIis Malarnud. William Marbch. and Nancy Stadtman, "'lhc Fincr Art of poli tic^,^ .\éwsweek, 96: 15 ( 13 ûctober i98O). p.74. '9 hmes Curran. ThePress as an Agency of Social Control: an Hinorical Perspective." Ne\vspaoer histarv Gom the sevmeentti cemm CO the present dav Eds George Boyce. James Curran. and Pauiine Wingate. (London 1978). p.58. that "the mass media cannot alter, either dramat icall y or quickl y. an individual 's decided views about w&-known issues- indeed, the media seem most effective when they endeavour to reinforce existing opinions."50 However, the content and fom> of media prdonsare controlled by the owners of the newspaper and are directed by their editon in order to gradually and subtly shape public opinion around the important issues or values of the day. Rutherford dariiies that like other medium of mass media, newspapers are agents of 'legitimation' that: Have a wide variety of social.. .effects: agenda-set* (ordering the prionty of issues or values in the public domain), mobilization (caliing the people to arms), stereotyping (fixing images of particular ideas, events, or occupations), conferring of natus (the creation of heroes and villains), manipulation of mood (emphasiung some collective emotion, such as optimism or resentment), and socialization (the education of people in the 'proper' wap of thinking and behaving)." Until the late nineteenth ce-, Canadian newspapers were almost always organs of one of ihe country's two political parties. Acting as a newslener and b00ne.r of that party and as a critic of the opposing party, the newspaper served as a piatforrn for political parties, a source of entertainment and inforrnatioq and a rneans of social control. Funded by party patronage the newspapers of the time "seemed essential to give a paRy substance, to make it a community of ideas and interests as well as a formidable foe able to compete in the game of politics.. .[thus they] played a central role in legitirnizing the patterns of authority."" Frorn the 1890s onwards there was a prevaiiing trend away fiorn Paul Rurherford A Victorian Authorin-: the driilv press in latc nineteenthantun. Ca& (Toronto 1982). p. 7. " Paul Rutherford. A Vinorian Authori~.pp.7-8. " Paul Rutherf'rci. A VidoMn Authori~.pp22L and 227. the Party organ to the more wideiy focused popular daily newspaper. Advertising had wrpassed party patronage as the main source of newspaper revenue and "in order to anract advertking, it had to extend its circulation; and in extending its circulation it could aot afford to remain a Party orgaq and thus forfeit readers of other political ~tri~es."~'Higher cons, intensified cornpetition, centralization, and consolidation dl firced editors to evtend their audiences across Lines of party support, as well as class background. In fact in their review of newspapers up to the late 193Os, Stephenson and MNa@ bokHy concluded that: There are, generally speaking, no extrerne opponents of either c'class" or "mass" appeal among Canadian ciailie%and there is, partiy for that reason, perhaps a higher average of general reader-interest in most Canadian dailies than is found in their opposite numbers in either the United States or Great ri tain." However, this was an e-xaggeration that ignored the fact that newspapers still clearl y identified themselves wit h eit her the cause(s) of conservatism, liberal ism, or a new possibility, radicalism, or the classes associated with these beliefs. For example, the rivalry between the Telegram and the Sfar went beyond business cornpetition as the former represented "'the respectable, pro perty-owning, Conservative Anglo-saxons of the Victorian age.. .[whereas the latter] was the radical voice of the rising new labour unions and the industrial class they represented."s5 The Worker would hardly have agreed that the S~aror any other " H.E. Stephenson and CarIton McNaugk The Stow of Advectisins in Canada. A Chronicle of Fiftv Y- (Toronto 1939). p.265. Simitar conclusions are rcached by Paul Rutherford A Victorian Authorib: Mary Vipond The &iass Media in Canada (Toronto 1989): and Dougias Fctherling The Rise of the Carriidkm New- (Toronto 1990). '' H.E. Stephenson and Calton McNaught. The Stem of .4d\.enisuig in Canada. p.267. " Ross Harkuess JE. ntkinson of the Star (Toronto 1963). p. 1-47. paper except itself was radical; it denounced other papers as commercial rags and referred to itself as the ody mie representative of the Canadian working-class. The editorials and the matching cartoons found in these three Toronto newspapers provide ample evidence of the sumival of partisanshïp and an intensification of political rivalry throughout the 1930s. During the 1930s Canadian newspapers were motivated by a blend of commercial interests and partisan id~ences.~~Both factors affected coverage of the significant events of the day and becarne even clearer when the papas covered specifically class-based issues according to the distinct political direction of each paper's cartoonist and editorial staff. This was especially true for the Korker. Sm,and Telegram, as al1 three were decidedly partisan and often openly campaigned for federal and provincial parties, municipal candidates, and specific political policies. They aimed to influence a voting public and secure, as much as they could, particular decisions in the public arena. In fact, each paper's cartoonist often depicted the same important event in decidedly different ways, and these papers ofien had a 'war of words' with each other (the S~arand Telegram's lengthy feud was legendary). while their editors ended up as targets for the opposition cartoonist's pen. As a succinct manifestation of a paper's political sympathies, editorial cartoons also trace the development of a paper's editorial evolution as well as 56 Although many media hïstorians bclievc that a dean break from par'. organs kgan during the cariy 1900s. too much hsis bccn made of this movc towards the 'truiy' independent daily. Shifts towards poli tical inde pendence. commercial management, consolidation and centralization were dcfinitely taking phce in the Canadian newspaper industr).. but the Depression caused hem to suIl and the did not fùily establish themselves until the mid-to-late 1950s: Mary Vipond me Mass Media in Canada and Douglas Fetherling The Rise of Canadian News~amrs.both &marute 1850-1900and 19WL96ûs as distinct pcdin Canadian newsppr developmcar, highlighting what issues were popular and unpopular with each representational group. Rutherford's point about the editorials of Victorian newspapers can be equdly applied to the editorial cartoons of the 1930s: Redthe editorial was a type ofpopular literature and ~nsëquentiy consmicted around fairly well established structures of thought .. ..New thoughts succeeded by ntting into an existing philosophical fiamework, which intensified rather than altered the message of their philosophy. Newspapers became the champions, in whole or part, of distinct perspectives on Me and a4airs which repetition made familiar, indeed welcome to their audiences j7 Aithough evidence of exposure to media and its effects on the reader is far fiom conclusive, most researchers conclude that people generally prefer media sources that present information and opinions agreeable with their own. David Sears and Johnarhan Freedman found that most peopie have a psychological preference for compatible information and have a set of predispositions that includes "sex role, educational status, interest and involvement, ethnic status, politid attitude, aesthetic position, and, indeed, any way of charactensing people that rnatters to th en^."^' This helps explain why editors of this time had a tremendous effect on their paper's operations and news coverage, were unapologetically partisan (still periodically funded by the established political parties), and thus ofien had tremendous contests Mth one another." As leaders of newspapers that were 9 Paul Rutherford. A Viciorian Auihorih-. p. 1-17. '* David Sears and lohnathui Freedman -Selenive Espostxre to Ropaganda.'* Public Opinion Quarter(v, 3 1: 1 (Spring 1%7), p. 1 96. s9 This rivairy invoirrd opposiùoui editorial positicms on most mJttrcal isaier aipponllig rivai candidates in al1 three lexels of elections. personal attacks on opposing staff members. and sometimes even ended in likl suits. Robertson and Atkinson were both said to lx men of %fiesMewiIIsw who fought hard for their -sense of sovereignty. and did not intend to rehquish it." Ron Poulta The Paoer Tkrant John Ross Robertson of the Toronto Telegram (Toronto 1971). pp.2 12-14. engaged in a politicized war with each other, editors and their canoonists were responsible for shaping the diredia and audience of their partich papa. This ideologically based manipulation of images designed to wnvey a desired message to a selected audience was best personified in the cartoon clashes of the Star, Telegram, and Worker during the early 1930s. PeMitai Background of the Toronto Star, Evi?ninn Tde~xrun,and The Worker John Ross Robertson and his successors at the Telegram were true Tories who expressed cornpiete loyalty to the British Empire, Btitish traditions, Conservative politics and their manifestations in Canada Tte Star, in contrast, was imbued "with the liberal philosophy.. . [that] contained a strong infusion of social welfare thinking" consistent with Joseph Atkinson and Hany C. Hindmarsh's concem for the "'underprivileged,the handicapped, and the victims of inju~tice.'~Robertson and his Orange-Conservative successors detested the liberal 'Holy Joe' Atkinson and al1 that the Star stood for, whiie the editorial staff at the Worker dismissed both and most others as the 'imperialistic capitalkt fascia boss press'. As the organ of the Communist Party of Canada, the Worker "educated the workers on the need to achieve socialism and was an ideoiogical and political weapon of the worki~ehss in its stniggle against the b~ur~eoisie.'~'Indeed, as the following chart illustrates, these three papers62 60 Hindmarsh was Atkinson's son-in-law. and serveci as the Sfar's Ci- Editor. W.H. Kestertori. A Hislow of Jounialisrn in Cana& (Toronto 1967). p.87. held unambiguously oppositional political stances, although on the margins their positions might occasional1y overlap somewhat: Table # I 1 ISSUE Evening Telegram Toronto Star ( The Worker 1 1 1 t r 1 I AOtectinnicm Free Tmde 1-Raietanan Revolution Restraint in tasationand ' Poiicies wtuchfavour Socialistic production spenhe. economic gronth. and distribution of I i iveaiti~ Public omership of Public oumership of 1 State conml of al1 utiiities. utiiities and- major industries. transportaiion. Social Orientation Orange Order Support for labour Dictatorship of the Dmvinism SmaU -1" liberaiisn ~roletariat. Conservative at all three King and Fedexal ErdPeriodStalinist levels; very supportive Liberais, supportive of Ultralefüsm fier pars of PM Bennett some Farmer-Labour purges in 1929-3 1. and CCF wiicies. : Municipal Politics Anti-red: pro Chief Freedom of speech: Against capitaiist- Draper's 'Red Squad'. supporteci U of T Profs. backed policdsmte LSR CLDL. repression: release 1 'Kingston Eight '. Low Taxes 1 Organiseci conuol. long- Anordable Housing Organic growth , tem ciiy planning. Decent Relief 1 'Real- Ernpioyment Cartoonists generally share the ideologies of the papers for which they draw, and although there have been a few notable exceptions, the three artins examineci herein were definitely not among them 7?ze Worker's main cartoonist was Avrom Yanovsky (1 9 1 1- l979), a Ukrainian-Canadian who briefly attended several art schools and worked for vanous labour-union newspapers before 6 1 Communist Party of Canada, Canada's Partv of Socialism Historv of the Comrnunist Partv of Canada 192 1-1976 (Toronto 1982). p.22. '' The information in this chart is the combined pmduct of pri- research and msiphts from Kesterton: Ian Angus. Canadian BoIshaiks. The Earlv Years of the Communist Parrv of Canada (Montreai 198 1). Ron Pouiton The Pauer T'Ross Har- JEAtkinson of the Siar, and William Rodney, Soldiers of the international. A Histow of the Communist Patv of Canada, 19 19- 1929 (Toronto 1%8). joining the Party. He helped form the Progressive Arts Club (PAC) wirh other art* and writers of the CPC in 193 1 as wdas an artists' union with locds in several different chies by the late !!330s.~~George Shields (1 872- l%Z), was a loyal employee of the Telegrum for 62 years who ahsat as a Consenrative member of City Council hm1923 and in the Ontario legislature from 1926.~ Since no biographical information exists for the Star's D. &wkq one can assume it was a pseudonym for either one of the staff members or a commercial artist. Regardles, his cartoons were stylistically consistent and never broke from the Iiberal stance of the paper during the period. Although these cartoonists had no set place within the established newspaper hierarchy, they usually had a close relationship with the editor, who often directly or indirectly influenced the content of their cartoons. 65 The Tetegram's cartoons can thus be used to trace the development of conservatism and Conservative policies in City Hall, Queen's Park, and Ottawa. The Star echoed the development of small-1 liberaikm on the social fron~the Liberai party on the Federal level, and maintained support for provincial and municipal Liberals. The communist Worker, in cmtrast, mirrored the zealous, sectarian, ultra-lefi, often 'undergroundist' policies put fonh by the Comintern during its Third Period. " Sean m.Radical and Revolutio~es.The Kistow of Canadian Communism From the Robert S Collection (Toronto 1998). pp- 46-7. 6i Peter Desbarais and Te- Mosher. The Heckfers. A Historv of Canadian Politid Cartoonhg anda Cartoo~stsfistorv of Canada (Toronto 1979). pp.227 and 250. 6' 6' Sometimes a sponsor and a riTiter also influenced cartoon production as seen in the cartoon communication cbart in: Randall Hamison, The Cartoon Cnmmiinicaîion to the Oui& (Beverly Wh 1981). p.16 The three Papen obviously operated nn ditferent levels of intliience not only due to their politicai affiliations but also becauce of the varicd sizr of their audiences as drrnonstrated by the following table on circulation figuresh6 Tahle $2 1 ! I î'ear Star ! Telegrrini W'orker 1 1 41 1 1 1 1 1923 171) 125-175 570 127 93&137 704 Est, 1700 , / i i f I ! I 1930 i 173 101-175961 133954-1-10262 1 I I I ! f I 1931 i 175961-18186 1 140262-145 186 ' 3 00û-j 000 1 f 1 ! j i 1932 19062&210454 1 145 18G138799 i I f i 1 ; The Stor expcrienccd a stcady ~~on-thin circulation white the li.lc~grurnpeakrd in late 193 1, and began to decline afienvards. --Circulation in the PM market in Toronto was dominated bu the Ewmng -li.fcgru~~throughout the 1 FUS,‘^^ but the .\iur emrrged as Toronto's larsest daily dunng the rarlv 1930s. For the most pan, rnernbers of the CPC admit thnt it \\-as a stniggle to kcep the Cli)rk~*ralive during most of the early 1?30s, although its numberc did increase somewhat as a result of !he Pa? 's repted clashes with the Toronto police and the subsrqucnr imprisonmrnt of its leaders. Obvinusly the Ib'orkrr had nowhrre near the direct influence of eirhrr of the t~ornainstrenm papers. yet it did remnin one orthe most 60 The tiçures for the -9ur and 7'e.l1'prcr111:\ers taken fiom the first and Iat hzlves of the sur\.eyed annurn of Canadian .Adverrisine Data. .Advtnising. Neïvs. Rates. Circulations and Other !n-formation (Toronto 1929-33 1. while the Worker estimates came from William Beeching and Phyllis Clarke, Eds.. Yours in the Strusgle Reminiscenccs ofTirn Buck (Toronto 1977). pp. 146 and 15s. significant radical papers of the time and it certainiy raised the ire ofthose in Canada's mliq &eh. ThThi4 wtline klps reveai how the three newspapers fit into or sought to challenge the established social order of Toronto during the earb 1930s. Tkesis Outline This thesis add~essesthe cctnoorts tkmsdves and focwes on what they reveal about the political and socio-econornic conditions that existed in Toronto during the earty years of the Great Depression. The anal ysis is both quantitative and qualitative; databases of content will be combined with detaiied examinations of individual cartoons groupeci around wbject marier. More specifically, in the second chapter I examine the cartoons that address class either overtly or through overtona of cliws consciousness or class specific messages. fhis includes both quantitative data of the cartoons' content as well as analysis of cartoons dealing with people specifically dernarcated as capitalist, middle, or working-class, and images involving the different corresponding political philosophies. Chapter three focuses on unemp 10 y ment, rei ief, strikes, crime, taxation, and housing as issues that intensified pre-existent political, class, gender, and ethnic divisions within the city of Toronto and Canada at large. Ai1 of these issups are contextualized in order to get s sense of the editorial direction or the 'spin' on various issues as well as eaeh paper's attitude towards the existing statas qua The fourth chapter deals with the representation of significant political parties and frgwes, and contrasts them to the rnanner in which women, minorities, editors, lr Dougias Fetherling The Rise of the Canadian Newspaper. p. 1 13. and police were pomayed in the cartoons. The concluding chapter synthesizes the meanings behind the clmnging editoriat and ideological pwitions of the cartoons, relating those positions to the socio-economic and political environment of Toronto in the early 19300. Overall, this thesis demonstrates that the editorial cartoons of the Evenztzg TeIegram, Toronto Star, and ne Worker represented pvfitically-based manipularions of images intendeci to transmit set messageri to a previousl y selected audience. Accordingly, both the content and ayle of the cartoons are examined in order to analyze in depth the individual meanings and the overall cultural codes in operation in these three Toronto newspapers during the eariy l%Os. This form of analysis places the political, econornic, racial, regional, gendered, and specifically urban Toronto elements of the cartoons in ttteir appropriate historieal context. Chapter Two: 'f nident Workers versus Big Business Chiselers': The Representation of Class and folitics Editonal cartoons are frequently labelled 'political cartoons," but they need not necessady have anything to do with politics. Yet, the vast majority of the cartoons in this sîudy were political in one form or another, as the cartoonists &en acted together with their editors to support a particular pdicy decision or to launch a MO-pronged artack against politicai enemies. The examination of editorial cartoons that follows focuses on both the content and the style or code of the cartoon image in order to highlight the politicised distinction benueen the new spapers' coverage of events during the Depression. It examines the overatl nature of al1 cartoons appearing fiom mid 1929 to the end of 1933, focusing on issues directly involving class as well as those associated with traditional class demarcations. As such it provides a clear example of class nrug3le, which reveals that the battle over legitimation between competing groups is intensely politicised and class-based. The me In order to utilise the information presented in the cartoons a detailed spreadsheet was constructed for each year of each paper that categorized every cartoon according to the topic(s)' represented. The 2402 cartoons ranged hm1 Jdy 1929, chosen to p~ovidea ~easonablesample before the stock market crash, 1 The 52 caregories wcre as follows: 18 politicians. 3 soci~conomicclasses. 2 occupational. 1 for womcn and minoritics rcspcctivcl~,9 municipal and S nationaUpro\incial issucs, and 10 gcncral c1assirrcation.s(international, economic, etc.): which varieci slightly according 10 the ncwspapcr and Lhe year âepictcd to the end of the wom part of the Depression, 3 1 December 1933. There is an mavoidably wide range in the total number of cartoons suppiied by each paper due to the fiequency of the paper's appearance and inconsistency in quantity of cartoon production The Star's Hawkes took an annual three month summer vacation, Shields of the Telegram did not produce anything during the first four and a haif months of 1930, and the Worker was a poorly funde4 ermically produced weekiy, which might well not feature a cartoon in any given issue. Some preliminary expianations of the data are in order before progressing any fùnher. The data is organised in order to show the tendencies of each newspaper. Due to differences between the papers in the quantity of cartoons al1 cornparisons are done in terms of percentages in relation to the totals of each individual paper for this period. Secondly, since the cartoon subjects are usually complex and multidimensional, rather than simplified and ovenly single-issue oriente& individual cartoons are often grouped in numerous categories at the same time. The sum total of the overall averages is often greater than 100%, demonstrating that many of the cartoons simultaneously represented more than one category. Finally, the overall averages are not done in relation to the total, but are a simple mean of the three papers' specific annual averages. This method of calculation offset the numerical imbalance between the three papers, so thar a comparative picture of each paper's representation of issues couid be conducted. Table $3 establishes the dominance of concern with a generalised political-economic content, confirming that the vast majority of editorial cartoons were inspired by policy issues centrai to governing authority. I Paper Totals Political AVG Economic AVG Social AVG Generaf AVG Worker . 1929 12. 9- 75.00%. 9 75.00%1 5 41 -67%; 01 0.00% 1 pp -- 1933- 47. 46. 97.87%- 41 . 87.23Oh 33. 70.21 Oh1 O; O.0O0h Total 140. 133- 95.00%- 122. 87.14%: 82- 58.W0h. 2 t 7.43% Star 1929 91 86 94.51% 40 43.96%1 26 28.57%1 1. 1.10% p- pp 1933 233 199. 85.41%- 124.532%: 64727.47%; Total j008 850 84.33Oh. 495*49.11°h, 167.16.57Oh: 1021 1O.4Z0h 'Tetegram 1929 153' 128 83.66%. 51 33.33%1 24 15.69%' 14i 9.15% C - 1933 304 270 - 88 -82% a 132 43.42%- 72 23.68%: 19 6.25% . Total 1254 1062 84.69% 508 40.51%. 203 16.f 9% 109 - 8.69% Dwing the 1930s cartoons were even more political than today, lending credence to Blair Neatby 's idea that politics became quite popular because it 'kas not seen as the art of the possible but as a means of salvation."' The cornmunists, who - H. Blair Ncatby. "Poli tics: the Opiatc of thc 1 330s." Canadan Foruni. 50 (Apri [-May 1 070). p.20. Frank Undcrhill originally commcntcd on thc 'rc~ivalof politics' in an ApRl 1930 letter to the Cunadinn Fontnt. which cm bc found in FomLifc and Lctters 1920-70 Eds. J.L. Granamein and Pctcr Stcvcns. (Toronto 1972). pp.7 1-2. equated political and economic issues, and saw a close conneaion between thern and social concerns, depieted such i44Ue4 in the vast majority of the? cartoons. Ln cornparison, the Star and the Telegram had only about half as many econornic as potitieal cartoons. while only a mal1 minority dealt with social issues. These two papers also had many more cartoons on general concems such as the weather, sports, new inventions, vacation dety, holidays, and other pastimes. Nevertheless, each paper reflected the heightened concem over the poor economic situation fach Canada and the rest of the industriaiised world as echoed in the general rise in the fiequency of carîoons addressing economic issues (greater in 193 1-3 3 than in 1929- 1930). This closely reflected public opinion, since during the end of 1929 and for most of 1930 Canadians felt that this was but another of the oft-occumng recessions that would be over soon enough.' Yet, it became painfully obvious that Canada and its rising industrial centre, Toronto, were in the midst of a major economic crisis. The stalemate in the wheat trade, large debt loedecline in investment opportunity, and a lack of foreign capital compounded the effects of a catastrophic stock market crash, disastrous drought on the prairies, and the significant decline in the prices of Canada's other raw material expons. Between 1929 and 1932 Canadian industrial production fell by a third, the gross national product sank by two-fifths, the volume of imports dropped by 55% and expons by about 25% as "next to the United States, Canada experienced the western world's 3 Unemploymeni was early believed to be seasorta1 and "more property descnbed as a 'recession* han a 'depression'." August 1930 editonrzl ~UnernploymentMust Be Tacklcd." Forum. Life and Letters 1920- 1970, p.74. The fa11 in stock prias \\aseariy perceived as a correction of over- most severe de~line.'~By the beginning of 1933, the number of unemployed in Canada peaked at an estimated "7 18, 000 or 30.4% of the labour force." As an industrial, commercial centre, Toronto was especially hard hit by the dramatic decline in productivity induced by the drop in foreign investment and export The averages pesented in Tabk 114 Whconfirm the expected and reveal some surprising trends: Table # 4 inflated bonds and both mâlllfestations of economic collapse were thoughi best solved by decisive. sho n-lived. ernsrgency masures. ' R DowFranck Richard Jones. and Donald Smirh Destinies- Candian Hhrv Since Confederation (Toronto 1996). p.260. ' Roger E. Rien.--A Clarb of bests: Dcpen- anci the Municipal Roblem During che Great Depression." Jomal of Canadian Srudies. 14: 1 (Spring 1979). p.50. 6 .4mong the provinces Ontario comyhad the greatea percentage of ummployed workers, and Toronto in particuiar, with its large manuf'cturing sector, had the largest numbers of unemplo_ved per capifa among Canadian cities: Dominion Bmuof Statistics, Seventh Census of Canada 193 1. Volume VI (ûuaw 1936) Table 1, p.2 and Tablc L p. 1268. Predictably, cartoons relating to national issues were the most frequent, followed clmely by international concerns which were oflen depicted dongside an obvious Canadian focus. Provincial topics came third (moa being single category cartoons}, whie municipal issues falso mostiy single category) came far behind, represented by roughly 11% of the cartoons. Reflecting its mandate, the Worker vmy predictably had a balam of national and international issues, Aile provincial and municipal concerns were rareiy shown. It spent a great deal of timeontraaing the wonderful conditions in the USSR with the inequity and injustice of the Canadian capitalist system, focusing on the malfeasance of the Bennett govemrnent. Et3 few provincidly concerned ca.rtoons mostly dealt with trade unions, premiers, and strikes, while the administration of relief was the main municipal focus. The Sfar and the Tekgrmme fairly evenly balanced in their cartoon representation of al1 four categories with the exception of local political issues. which was dominated by the Tekgram. International topics such as the Indian independence rnovement, trade with the USSS Amencan elections, and British protection, were covered very differently by each paper. Indeed, both rnainstrearn papers only seerned to agree on their condemnation of the Japanese aggression and Gennan repression This contras between the two papers dso extended to the national and provincial topics as significant events were interpreted through the lens afpoliricai partisanship. The major distinction bemnthe two major daily newspapers however. was in the dispdy of their cartoon coverage of municipal events. The Tekgram invested considerable effon in, and had great effect upon, municipal politics, a.until the laie 1940s its support was aimoa always necessary for victory.' Before examining how issues of class and class-consciousness were manifened in the editorial cartoons of the three paperq a brief description of Toronto society dunng the early 1930s is necessary in order to fùliy understand these class divisions. Toronto's Socio-economic and Political Order Toronto was the second largest city in Canada and was quickly gaining on its old rival Montreal throughout the 1920s. Many people were flocking there From the surrounding countryside, the rest of Canada, and other countries in order to take advantage of the booming industrial developments. From the tum of the century every neighbourhood and suburb of Toronto had enjoyed large growth rates that averaged around 13% per census8 The city was also expanding geographically and had incorporated Mme of the surrounding communit ies Naîhan WpsMayor of AU the Pm2 ,e (Toronto 1967). p 6 1: attests the Telegram "had great influence in the municipl WcLw.a fact made blatantiy evident by the victory of its own Ci& ncws editor, Bert Wemp in the 1930 Vayodty campaign S An eshate based on the census &ta compiled in Appendix I of James Lemon, Toronto Since 19 18. An iliustrated Histon. (Toronto 1985). p. 194. including York and East York Things seemed so prosperous in 1927 that Commissioner of Finance George Ross, reported that: The city is prosperous and thers is a nrong community feeling, which has manifested itself in the municipal ownership of transportation, light and power systems, watenvorks and other public services. The citizens take pride in the splendid condition of the city, its cleaq weU lighted streets and boulevards and its fine parks and recreation centre^.^ The city incorporated the Taronto Transit Commissios improved the harbour, upgraded almost al1 of its roads, and invested in the Canadian National Exhibition and Toronto Hydro. The fïnaiised version of a thorou& extensive, 10%- = term city development plan was drafted. The Toronto Stock Exchange, banking and insurance industriesf ali showed phenornena1 growth whiie the construction and manufacturing sectors continued apace. The city's Centennial Commitîee went so far as to conclude that: In one hundred years the assessed value of property in the city has grown from less than half a million dollars to more than a billion: the population of fewer than ten thousand to seven hundred thousand.. ,There is no willing leisure class to-day. Everyone works as opportunity offers, and fidspleasure in the labour of his hm&. The spirit of diligence and ardour in the day's work has been transrniîted from jeneration to ~eneration.~' Torontonians were proud of their city and, libre rnany other urban dwellers in North herica, mosi of them thought that tnis boom would be everlastin_o. Toronto's later nages of growth in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries brought large numbers of central and eastem European immigrants. Indeed, a glance at the table below reveals that while Toronto was ni11 largely a 9 1927 Commissiones's Report: James Lemoa Torom Sime L9 18. p. 19. 10 Jesse Eklgar Micidieton Toronto's 100 Years (Toronto 1934)- p. 150. British dominated, Orange conservative city, by 193 1 its 63 1 207 inhabitants were slowly becoming more diverse. ' l Ethnic British ~ewïsh ltaiian Fr& German Polish 1 Chinese 1 0th- Origin i % / 80.9% 7.2% 2.1% 1.7% 1.5% i I : Labour Manufa- ' srnicri ' MOI+ ,-ce a-i ma force / ctwing 1 The 193 1 census represents a peak in the number of immigrants arriving in the city as the large wave of immigration ended in the late 1920s and al1 but stopped completely in the 1930s. Between 190 1 and 193 1 the percentage of Toronto's population claiming British origin dropped fiom 9 1.7 % to 80.9% while the city's non-British population jurnped From 17 000 to 120 000 people. l2 This increased diversity led to socio-economic and ethnic divisions that were entrenched in the spatial differentiation of the city,13 as well as an increasingly hostile series of feuds among the suburbs and wards. Ethnic enclaves became self-contained communities closed off from mainstrearn Toronto as "many of the :' This mMe rcpraents a cumbimtion of the dmfound in Tables VILI-X: lames Lcmurr. Toronto Since 1918.. pp.196-198. .. - - Danicf Hiekrt. Thc Social Geugrrrpb of Tororrtu in 1 93 1: a stuc of rtsidcntid diffchntiation and social suucture." Journal o/Hisrortcaf Geography, 2 1 : 1 ( 1995). p.63. !' Daniel Hieben -The Sociai Geography of Torom in 193 1." condudes that Tor- waz primarily dhided by ethnicity. occupational difierences were also influentid although they were less strong and visible. p-71. immigants who settled or sojoumed in the Ward had very little knowledge or contact uith other nearby Toronto neighbourho~ds."~~ There were marked differences in the qdtyof housing occupation and earning sratus, educational level, political power, and even the spatial zones of operation open to 'immi~ts'as opposed to the preferred 'Canadian' majority. In general, the upper-ciass lived in Rosedale, West of and near High Park, and the McCaul street area downtown; the rniddle-class iived in Parkdale, Eghton, The Beaches, around High Park and Dufferin-Bloor; while the poor British and working-class 'Canadians' lived primariiy in Cabbagetown There was a Little Ltaly at Coilege and Grace, a Chinatown just west of City Hall, Jewish ghettos at Kensington market and another hown as The Ward West of Yonge and above Queen street, among other generally impoverished, ethnically-based r~ei~hbourhoods."These neighbourhoods represented more than a spatial divisioa they were essentiaiiy counuies upon themselves because a completely different set of mords, customs, laws, and languages predominated within their jurisdiction. This sense of separateness frequentiy led to conflicts with the majority "since their settled British and acculturated neighbours saw the city differently, they misundentood the newcomers' behaviour" and resented the perceived intrusions. l6 As the Depression worsened the disparity between the " Rokn F. Harney. -Erhnicity and Neighbourhoods." hmGatherine Place: Peo~laand Nekhbourfioûds of Toronto. 1834- 1945 Ed. Robert F. Hame).. (Toronto 1985). p. 15 '' Robert F. Hame?. D-Heibenand James Lemon al1 agree on rhese basic di\isions: Pleasf rce Map, Appendir #l. weaiihy and the par genemlly increased as did'ihe nurnkr and intensiy of the conflicr benveen the leaders or"thme varied communities. These fellds were ofien politicised and prsonî!iced, as ci? cornci! meetinas- kciime a battirgniund for turtl resourcrs, and reputations The acrimonintis personal relations on Ciy Cound. the despente financial situation, and the grnerd social anxiety associatcd with the heightened economic disparie and phtical conflicts prevalent dunng the Depreressi~nhe!ped makr Torontonians very tcnsr and qitated throqhout the early i%Os. The downtum in the public attitude \vas noticahle as early os Janunry 1930, when the rlecromre rejected incurnticnt Sam McBride and his espansionary citp plan for the stoic Bert Wcmp and his modt:mion plaihm.17 The impac: of the Depression on Toronto was swere. devastaring, and destructive. 1-ocal workcrs who had lost their jobs cornlrined with the iinemployed from other regions tvhn came thrre looting br work 10 _rive Toronto the hrgest niimber ofjobless (in relation to itc total populxion) in the country. This decline is perhaps best repressntrd by the drop in !he vl!nr: ofesisring- building pemits hma high- of S5 I million in 1918 to 530 million in 1930 ta a paltp sum of S4 rnillioii in I 933." Xlorcovcr. sincc thc ci-. numbsrr of wvorkrrs laid off kcausr of a lack of internaticna! orders. IF. IR3 !, 17O' of the citfs workers wre unernployed, hy 1933 rhis nurnher clirnkd to . ..- - - . . 1 - .As wilt be demonstrated latcr, this was one of the tiercest battles in 'I'omnto's histov. a the Iidep-oar's Ma-ioi- CC'eiiip itei ruwly Jd'ikd Sicr fàvourite XIcBride and his S 1 9 nii lliuri dollar pian by a count of19 650 to 27 777: tirban planning in Toronto would not be rebvrn unrit the zoning sustem of i937. James Lornon. Toronto Since 19 18. p. 43. R f G.P.de T GIxebreok. The Sto- of Toronto (Toronto 197 1). p.707. 30%, while in cenain neighbourhoods like East York it was as hi& as 45% of those men whom were able to work. lg As a result, during the eariy 1930s 'Toronto the Good" was becoming a hie less 'good' as pre-existent social divisions, obviously exacerbated by tough times, flared to new heights of antagonisrn. This brief examination of Toronto's plight during the depression supports the idea that social divisions and the ideological conflicts that accompanied them were aggravated dunng the period. The predominance of class among these augrnented social divisions most clearly distinguished the radical Worker from its two mainstream counterparts. Class and class issues were at best ambiguously defined in the cartoons of the Slm and Tekgram, whereas the Wurker very clearty and frequently dealt with class and explicitly class-based issues. Table # 6 1 Pa~er ! Totals Workina-Clas AVG l MiddleCIass : AVG CaeitaIiSts ; AVG ] Worker 1933i 47! 30 63.83% i 1 2.73% 76f 34.04% Total 740 99 70.71%; 7 5.00%' 65; 46.43h l star I 1933/ 233; 5 2.15%1 1 0.43% 13; 5.54% Total 10081 14 1.39OAi 3 O.3O0r6 30; 2.98% 19 James Lemon Toronto Sincc 1918. p.59. Obviously, the Worker was the paper rnost concerned about class: it represented the wtxi&@ass abeut thirty-five timeç, and the capitalia-class about ejght rimes, as often as the Star and the Telegram combined. Both the Star and the Tekgmm skirted cfass issues iuid generally only dealt with class when they caricatured specific greedy or corrupt industnalists or personified groups such as the 'Montreal power barons'. The middle-class bourgeois ekrnents, categorised as such due to their specific professional grouping, were only depicted in a small fraction of the cartoons in al1 of the sunreyed papers. This fundamental difference between the Worker and its rivals was not only in the obvious frequency of class representation but, as wivill be demonstrated later, in the manner in which the cartoonists portrayed these different classes. This disparity in content and style also manifested itself in more direct political expressions of class-conscious~ess. The representation of the four political belief systems in Table #7 below very clearly reflects the mandate and editoriai direction of each of the fhree papers. -. 1933; 4?! ?2125.53%! 51 10,640161 9. ?9.?S%t 1ZT 25.53% Total ' 1401 29' ZO.Tf%i 261 f8.57% 1 II' 7.86%' 48' 34.29?! -- f ! Star Total $008; 391 3.87%} 52 1 5.16% i 7 O. 69% , $3- <.2S0r6 i The Worker spent a greiit deal of timecodernning both Canedian ruid foreign capitalists and the politicians they controlled for their militaristic, imperialistic, adleter, fascisr ways. To Yanovsky and the other Communists, al1 three were inevitably tied to the eviis inherent in capitalisrn and were ofken not even distinguished hm-ch 0th. The Slar employed a more gent le approqch prefemng to champion pacifism until 1933 when it became more critical of German fascism end kpanew aggression. Indeed, by 1932-33 many on the liberal-left were becoming alarmed at the situation in Europe prompting Frank Underhill among others to wam that: "It is now taken for granted by nearly everybody that the collective synem of maintaining peaceful international relations has broken dom adthat the worki has begun the slow drift into another imperidist war."' rUthough the Smwris quite vocrtlly critical of both militarism and imperialism and the repressive poiicies of the Hitler and Mussolini govemments, &y about 1% dits cartoons dealt with either Fascism or Nazism directly. The Telegram was also cntical of militarism, although it focused more on Japan's invasion of China and subsequent snubbing of the League of Nations than anything happening in Germany or elsewhere. Fascism was not reaily an issue untii the Iate 1 %Os, ruid arguably never much of an issue in Canada since fascists never numbered more than a few thousand. In contras with the other two papers, the Trlt,grarn had a lot of pro-British Emperialism and anti-Communkt cartoons: belief systems that Shields and the editors thought were in direct opposition to each other. Yet, the maiastream papers were hesitant to distinguish between theoretical conaructs preferri ng to address specific examples of each instead. For example, Hawkes and Shields caricatured Japanese soldiers walking on a typified 'Chinaman', as opposed to images laden with overtly symbolic and theoreticai meaninjs as the rYorker was wont to do. Thus, in addition to the &qwncyof subject content, the distinctive content, tone and codes used in the editorial cartoons are also part of the politicized manipulation of the canoon image. Class Conflict via Cartoons Since this essay employs a Thompsonim view of class formation, in which experiences are "handled in cultural terms" and echo the dialectic of materia! interaction between ecunornics and culture, the subtk and not su subtle ways cartoonists communicate messages about members of certain classes are an important aspect of the social relations of the Great Depression. Wwworkqs were depicted as opposed to their bosses, for example, illuminates the sympathies of the anists as weli as the stance of their newspapers, scafTolded in a coded conception of class conflict. This sense of class relations stretched beyond mere caricatures of leeding unionists w Conservatives; it incorporated many other socio-economic and political issues that were divided along class lines. Throu-out the devdopment of Canadian editonal cartoons, "The two main characters of the cartoonists' history represent opposiiig sides in a form of class warfare. Their persisteme, decade afier decade, indicates that the coriflict is very real ahhough governed by convention and tempered with humour." 'l This was quite tnre of the cartoons found both in the Slar and Telegmm as they profesqed a distant sympathy or a sense of 'fair play' in their depictions of the unfonunate unernployed or the particular industnalist who acted %O greedily. This idea of temperance did not apply to the communist cartoons however, as they ponrayed al1 capitalists as parasites, and al1 worket s as exploited, heroic, producers. Unlike Hawkes and Shields, the communist Yanovsky aimed to do more than jovially mock the elite classes; he bped to cajole the working class to ~qvolt by dnirnming up haned for the 'boss class'. Yanovsky developed a polemic in his depictions of class conflict in ways quite similar to those of Amencan radical &as: ''The enemy was pomyed as criminal, savage, and grotesque. Corpulent and baici, his body suggened waste, impotence, and emascdation.. .The worker on the other hand, possessed the saintly qualities of heroism and self- sacrifice.. .7, .22 The fira cartoon (20 June 193 1) is an example of this contras between the noble qualities and aenhetic beauty of the persecuted working-class with the evil bmtality of the ugly, overlord capitalist class. Notice how the wage- cuning capitalist is mimeticolly depicted as rnaniacally demonic as exemplified by Sir Joseph Flavelle who is tyrannising a stmggling worker with the demand that 'wages must corn down'. In cornparison the worker is portrayed as noble and strong, bearing his oppression to the best of his abilities. Yet, Yanovsky always presented such images in order to anger hi9 audience into action as represented in this example by the caption which nates 'But the workers will answer any attacks upon their living conditions by organizing for nmggle against the Bennett Starvation Government, unemployment, and wage cuts'. Indeed, during this period the Worker became known for fervent slogans such as 'FIGHT OR ST.4RVE' and 'ORGANIZE AGMNST HUNGER'. .-, -- Elizabeth Faue, Communiw of Suffe~gand Stni.de. Women Men and the Labor Movemcnt in Minneamlis. 191545 (Chapcl Efili 199i). p.82, Stephen Hess and Milton Kapian me Ungenriemanlv Art. A Histon. of Arneriun Politicai Cartoons (Netv York 1975). pp. 14345. and Richard Fi~geraldArt and Politics Cartoonists of the Xlawes and Liberaror (Wespon 1 973) al1 agree on this point. hioreover. the radical anin -MW inspire hate and en\? by showing bt leaden are moral ckgmeratcs who y(: urtdrxnlng of what they receive Fmrn the mm...The subversive cartoonist is also required to atrack al1 of the nomof the qstern.- adds Charles Ress. The Political Cartmn (East BMck198 1 ), p. 133. The second cartoon (7 January 1933) is an example of how capitaiins were also ofien portmyecf as simianesque epicureans who enjoy the easy life on the slavish labour of their repressed employees. Generally, Yanovsky drew rnzmelzc cartoons, which ponrayed workers as large, strong and heroic, while capitalias were weak, and morally suspect, believing that "A man's presence is dependent upon the promise of power, which he embodies. If the promise is large and credible his presence is striking. If it is small or incredible, he is found ro have little presence.'" Size the4 represents moral power as the large, heatthy worker dwarfs the diminutive, ronind capitalin in a representation of the inevitable outcome of the class struggle. Yet, it can also represent repression, as a nurnber of Yanovsky7scanoons depiet huge, megalomaniac eapitalists suppressing the pitifil working-class with its economic and military might. In a third example (23 Decernber 1933) the working class, in stark contrast, is portrayed as a muscular, handsome, considerate, communally oriented group interested only in ecomic and social justice. Nthough created before the adoption of 'Sociaiist Reaiisrn' as officiai Comintern and CPC pohcy,24the Wiwker's cartoons contaid most of the same sectarian themes and stylistic conventions employed in later Party publications. The faces of workers and capitalists were n>imr/ic reflections ofthe CPC's view of borh groups, complex " Adopted as olficial poli- durùig Seventh Congres of the Comintem in the nimmer of 1935: CPt. Canada's PartT- of Socidimr p.110. According to Moisei Kagn Sociaiist Rcalism ms supposed to be a natunl, "concise mmmaq- of the ideas of the classics of Marsism-Leninism who FuifiIIcd the historic miccof dining the basic prhciptes of the creatitr: mahad of sxialist art.": Moisi Kagan. The Fomtion and Development of Socialist Arc." Socialin Realism in Litmture and Art E&. Mikfiail Parkiiomenko and Aiexander Myasnikov. (Ahcotv 137 t ). p. i 6 1. ideas such as wage-cuts and budgets were condensed into symbols such as a bloody dagger and kvyweights, while contrasted character configuration reveals the body politics of Communia artists during the Third Penod. Hawkes shared a similar, though definitely milder distaste for self- interested induarialists, which reflected the Iiberal stance of his editor, Joseph Atkinson. The wealthy and powerful were ofien depicted as self sh fmls who cushioned their already posh existence by stealing fiom ordinary citizens. Notice how in the first example (30 October 19SS)the 'Privileged Big Business ChiseIer7 is anaf~~callytransformed into a skunk that is raiding the 'Canadian Consumers' Interests Coop'. Noting the sirnilarities between that type of man in both Mrica and Canada, Mr. Canadian Public Opinion is coming to shoot the bothersome varmint in the upcoming fideral by-elections just as President Roosevelt did in the U.S. Hawkes sornetimes employed malogic figures, symbolised by the burglarizing skunk, to constmct a type of moralistic contrast between 'go&' and 'evil'. In a second cartoon ( 10 June 1933) Hawkes also employs a rnilnelic 'stock', idyllic, pastoral, farmer tigre to represent the producing classes as a whole. The upper or capitalist class is depicted as an obese, extravagant fool who has fallen into the 'depression' ditch due to his own 'improvidence' Hawkes frequently domesticatrd ideas such as public opinion and consumer interest by merely labeling characters as such. Other issues such as the Depression itself were symbolised by a ditch along the 'business highway7 into which the wayward businessman could fall. The farmer in the second cartoon is atso denoted as a # -4 . . 7 7 \ f b ;Canadian Pub. Opinion: Roorevelt'i not the only man that'g troubled with thow vizmintr. i I Farmcr Prudcncc: 1 rnay be abIe to pull your car out of the ditch. but you'l1 have to drive n good deal slowcr. friend. 1- moral quality, prudence, in contras to the wealthy motorin, whose character and actions exemplify improvidence. B y i 933 negative caricatures of businessmen and politicians and populin appraisals of fmers and worlcers such as the two examples above were quite cornmon in the iiberal press. The Stm and its pious Methodis editor, Joseph Atkinson, were especially concerned about the growing inequities between Torontonians, caHing upon the wealthy to do their Christian duty and help those less forninate than themselves. Shields and the ridegram were far less critical than their rivals, and very few cartoons even hint of class. Though supposedly a 'fi-iend of the laborer', the 7élegrm never supported labour candidates, increases in relief rates, nor any other mechanism for aiding the unemployed which may have increased the taxes or diminished the power of, the Toronto elite. The working-class was portrayed as an unsophiaicated, uneducated mass totally dependent upon the ruling class. The first example (29 November 1 93 0) is quite representative of t his paternalistic atîitude as the country bumpkin, yokelish, fmer reacts with selfish, nationaiistic joy upon hearing the misfortune of his pers in Argentina. Here Shields creates a simple rnirneric caricature of an average Canadian farmer who is delighted at the realization that after two years of low prices and demand he will finally have a market ready for his wheaf due to the misfortune of farmers in Argentina. Depictions of commercial values and the Danuinistic nature of capitalist cornpetition such as this were cornmonplace in the Telegram as it assumed they were both natural and mord. Moreover, the cottapse of the international wheat market overshadowed the stock market crash as far as its devastating effect on the PARDON -THE-SMILE 1 .E-IG~I-.ER-"\Vc can't make;it.; we ntklil CU 1 off n lot of.ttiose cars in tlic rcar." : 1 .TACK. CANUCK-"IYhy. not .tut off thnt .pi Canadian economy was concemed since it was the major resource in an expon- dominated econorny. Indeed, as Thompson and Seager point out: ...the most serious problem of the wheat econorny in the 1930s was that there was too much wheat, not too Iittle. Increased productivity because of mechanization and huge crops from Argentina and Australia glutted world markets. A bushel of No. 1 Northern that had earned a fmer S 1.03 in 1928 was worth 47$ in l%O,37$ in 193 1, and 29T in 19Xl.'5 This patemaiistic support for the pre-existent moral economy and the hierarchy it helped maintain in Canada was a deliberate and consistent theme in the Telegrum throughout the early 1930s. The second cartoon (25 Apnl 1933) represents the kind-hearted nature of this patemaiism as Shields expresses concern for the workers or the common good as symbolised by the progress of the train. This is one of the better examples of Shield's mtalogic cartoons as CNR President Sir Henry Thomton is turned into a luxurious and unnecessary passenger car that is siowing the progress of the entire train. Canadian everyman, Jack Canuck, suggests to the engineer that he should cut the 'Thornton car' instead of the 'workers' cars in the back in order to make it up the 'Depression Grade' hill. However, this is not as altmistic as it first appears since Thomton was constantly being attacked for his excessive salary and general incornpetence during a period when the railway's debt kept increasing. Although the Telegram stopped far short of suggesting a realignment of the power of production, it was quite critical of those corporate heads that arrogantly dismissed their workers' suffenng while receiving record salaries. This populist disavowal was especially heated for those politically opposite to the L5 John Herd Thompson and Allen Seager. Canada 1922- 1939. p. 1 95. Telegram as well as those 'big-wigs7 fiom Montreal, and as a personification of bot4 Sir Henry Thornton, was one of the Telegram 's favourite targets. The Telegram's popdia criticisms of compt politicians was a imocuous attempt to redirect the atîention of the Canadian public away from the structurai problems with their country's econornic and poiitical systems. Cartoons Covering Political Belief Svstems The distinct political positions of the three newspapers clearly came to the forefiont whenever one of the papers presented a cartoon that dealt with traditional imperialism and its brother rnilitarism, or the newer doctrines of communism and fascism. Althou& al1 three papers invested considerable effort in condemning the increased miiitansm of the European and Asian powers, the Worker was the only one to extend the criticism to Canadian policy. To Yanovsky and the editorial staff of the Worker militarism was inherently comected to impenalism, and since Canada was a willing participant in the British Empire it was as guilty as any other imperialist state. The exarnple (8 April 1933) demonstrates the intercomectedness of these three doctrines in the Cornmunisr press. Along with England and France, Prime Minister Bennett is pushing a tank representing 'Japanese Imperialism', which ruthlessly crushes helpless Chinese civilians on its way to the Soviet Union. Yanovsicy was also one of the fira cartoonists to assail Hitler's Germany and in this example his use of the swastika symbolises that for the Communists fascism was an absolute evil that had to be opposed wherever it appeared. The Telegram was an active proponent of British imperiaiism, which it thought was the highea form of goverment yet devised. Shields and the editorial aafTat the Telegram did their utmost to support the Empire and Canada's connenion to it. They therefore opposed biackenzie King the Liberal Party, CCF, CPC, and any other group that threatened to sever Canada's ties with Bntain or move closer to the United States, which they thought wodd threaten Canadian independence. Part of their more positive support for both the Empire and Canadian sovereignty included an unflinching approval of RB. Bennett and the Conservative Party's Canada First tariff protection policy. As the example (20 July 1932) illustrates, this support also included an agreement with the initiatives taken by delegates at the ultirnately unsuccessful Imperia1 Economic Conference of 1932. The Telegram gave continual support to the Conservative Party's attempted renewal of the National Polic y of protective tariffs and Prime Minister B emett 's ill-fated endeavour to extend this across the British Empire. In contras to the Communist Worker and the imperialist Telegram, the S~arprefemed a more independent, distinctly Canadian sense of nationalism. The Star did not disapprove of the British Empire but thought it should be a "league of fiee and equal nations" and asserting Canadian nationalism 'bas the h'smost consistently proclaimed policy".26 Since its inception it had supported the Liberal Party and its endeavours in this are* a link that was solidified by Joseph Xtkinson's persona1 fnendship with Mackenzie King. Indeed, on the few occasions rhat King is portrayed in Hawkes' cartoons it is always positive, as in . -. " Ross Harbsess, I.E. Atkinson of the Star. pp. W and 86. TRUE CANADIAN POLICY the example (7 December 1929) that refers to him as 'Canada's Son'. During the late 1920s and early 1930s natiodism was inseparable £kom the tariff issue: the Star supported King and his 'Canada First' policy of open negotiations with al1 trading partners while the Telegram agreed with Berinen's National Poky, refemng to the Liberal plarform as a 'sel1 out' to the Americans. Ail three papers agreed on the evils of fascinq alihough the intensity of their attacks and the number of cmoons devoted to the subject were dininctly determined by the political nature of the papers. Obviously, the three papers held very different views on one of the mon controversial subjects of the period, cornmunism. They ranged fiom the Worker S cornplete and unqueaioning approvai, to the Star's tacit suppon for the communists7right to fiee speech and assembly, to the Teiegram 's absolute rejection of anything socialistic. This heavily politicized, class-based clash, which repeatedly manifested itself in the heated banle over free speech and assembly on the editorial pages as well as in the streets and parks of Toronto throughout the early 1930s7is discussed in the next chapter. Cha~terThree: 'Flowers For The Dead, Nedect For The Living': Unemplovment Relief and Other Class-embedded issues As the Depression wore on Canadians began to lose faith in their economic and political systerns clinging desperately to anything or anyone who ofEered a solution to the cnsis. As Mackenzie King found out, maintaining the natus quo was not an option that Canadians would tolerate. His notorious statement that, 'With respect to giving moneys out of the Federal Treasury to any Tory governent in this country for those alleged unemployed purposes, I would not give them a five-cent pieceyylincensed the Canadian public and turned many voters over to the Conservatives. Conservarive Leader, RB. Benne~prornised Canadians that he and his party would not only "blast a way into world markets"' by raising tariffs but would 'Lfind work for dl, or pensh in the attempt." The CPC and other third parties did not mn al1 that many candidates and were virtually ignored in a campaign that was reminiscent of those under the old two- party system? As a result, Bennett and the Conservatives won impressive inroads into the Liberal strongholds of Quebec and the Prairies and formed a majority govemment in July 1930. John Herd Thompson and Allen Seager. Caoada 1921- 1939. p. 198. - John Herd Thompson and Ailcn Seagcr. Canada 1922- 1939. p.202. 3 lanies Struthcrs No Fad t of Thcir O\m: Unem~lovmentand tfie Canadian Wclfare Statc I 9 14- -194 1 (Toronto 1983). p.45. This diffcrence in the leaders approach polrirized the I9N elcftion campaigu. and \vas the subject of a pamphlet of editorial cartoons prodird by George Shields and the Evening Telegruni: sec Appendir #2. ' ûnly eleven Progressives nwived ivhile Labour or& el- Heaps and Wwdnvorth in Winnipeg. and Machis in Vancouver: John Herd Thompson and Men Seager. Canada 1922- 1939. p.205. Meanwhiie the eight CPC candidates only polled a total of 6034 votes: hm Avakumo\ic. The Communist Partv in Canada p.94. The newly elected Conservative govemment moved quickly, calling a Speciai Session of Parliament just five weeks &er the electioq as Bennett hoped to make good on his ostentatious campaign promises. The govemment's fira move was an across-the-board tariff hike, the second was the passage of a Relief Act that was to provide $20 million dollars for joimly funded relief projeas. Tariff increases had been a popular rnethod of appeasing both rnanufàcturers and nativias since the early 1890s and were a naturat firn choice for the federal governent because they required only minimum effort. However, by increasing its tariffs Canada entered into a self-defeating economic war with the United States, Bntain, and the rest of Europe since it cut off the markets for its key expons.' The Relief Act was equally damaging because it brought no change in stated junsdiction; municipalities were to put up the majority of the cost of these projects. Since there was no major change in the Relief Acts of 193 1-33,6 most Canadian cities had to borrow money and sel1 bonds by 193 1, and by 1932 many of these same cities were declaring bankruptcy. 5 in fact mic chi cl Hom states that federal monce policies were &ost totally non-esistent as Ottawa preferred to uage a type of economic \var with the United States. Britain, and othcr industrialized countries: -Introduction." The Dcprcssion in Canada. Rmmnses to Economic Crisis Ed. Michiel Hom. (Toronto 1988). p.5. lamcs Struthers States thrit the 1930 Relief Act dikided the costs of projccts 50% municipal. 25% pro\ïncial, and 25% fedeml. Aithouph the main purpose of the 193 1 Relief Act \vas to provide food and fuel for drought-stridcen Southern Saskzitchemn, it also included farm placement pmgrams for singlc men, and commitîcd thc Fedcnl goverriment to put up SOC of men. dollar spcn t the resi to bc split equaliy between the Province and the Municipaiity. The 1932 Relief Act began the 'brick to the land' projects for families in the cities. The Department of Immigration and Colonizatioa dong \,?th the railways had Mped 74û6 families 1, ho had adequate capital to Fan farming get established between 1930-193 1. In May 1932. W.A. Gordon Minister of Immigration and Colonization as well as Labour. initiateda scheme that gave 9500 to farailies wishing to get offrelief bu atternpting to set up a fm:No Fadt of Their Own. p.69. Toronto was no exception to this downward trend as there was a marked decline in tax revenue year deryear throughout the 1930s. Assessments were Iowered as the amount of arrears, defaults, and the total con of relief kept increasing annually, but this did little to alleviate the worsening situation In 1930 Toronto spent $1.2 million on relief projects and a little less than $400 000 on direct relief7 The 193 1 Census nates that Ontario had the highest percentage of unernplo yed workers (37- 5 7%), while Toronto alone had 2 19 88 1 men and women over 20 years of age out of work.* This predicament only compounded itself since the cost of relief rose annuaily while tax revenues and aid fiom the federal government kept declining, forcing municipalities to cut back on ernployees and their services, which worsened the problem still. As a result, almost every municipality in the metropolitan Toronto area fell into financial insolvency between 1932-K9 Relief, however, was not the concern of al1 Torontonians as not everybody was as unfortunate as those who had to depend on the city's charity in order to survive. Those in the professional and clericd occupations had the lowest levels of unempioyment and despite suffering pay cuts they were ofien better off than before the Depression. Moreover, as Michiel Hom points out for most in the upper classes and a small proportion of the skiiled wage-earners: - Rogcr E. Riendeau. -A Clash of intercsis." pi 1. 8 Dominion Bureau of Stsitistics. Smenrh Census of Cm& 193 1. Volwnc IV. (Ottawa 1936). pp.2-3. 1268-70. 9 Toronto. Forest Hill. and Swansea were the oniy esceptions: Roger E. Rienhu. -A Clash of Interestru p.50. Materially, at lean, life was good to that minonty who had the incomes that allowed them to take advantages of deflated prices and the glut of sellers in the labour market .. . govements continued to rely mainly on the-tried indirect taxes which weighed more heavily on the poor than on the well-to-do or the cornfortable middle-class. Io As a remit many members of the upper classes seemed to be more concemed about how their tax dollars were being wasted on useless relief projects or, worse yet, stolen by fiaudulent recipients of direct relief Such concens were reflected in officia1 government policy as exemplified by the composition of, and suggestions made by the Henry govemrnent's Advisory Cornmittee on Direct Relief as well as the federal governrnent's Whitton Report in the Spring of 1932.' ' Depression issues and experiences were related to class divisions in society and were, in representational ways, actual surrogates for class and the tensions surrounding it in a capitalist order in crisis. Obviously, the most important and prevalent issues in the discourse of the day were how to handle the massive levels of unemployment and the resultant demand for relief. This obvious class-based division of interests was reflected by the coverage of these issues in the editonal cartoons of the three Toronto newspapers: "' Michiel Hom -The Great Depression: hn and Resen~"The Depression ui Canada. p.175. For Unemploynent bu occupation goup see: Seventfi Census of Cana&. t 93 1 Table 87. p. 1304. ' ' Chycd by the generai mgerof Ford Canada. Wallace Campbell. ihis male and business domimtcd scvcn membcr Cornmittee had no doctors. public hulîh nurses. nuuitionists. or mybody elsc familiar wvith questions of food preparation. Its =port callcd for -standanzcd rclicf investigation and voucher forms. standarizcd rcsidenq requirernenu, and a 'phcdpoli-' to~vards&en& to eliminate the 'begging'. 'panhaadLing'. and 'ansiety caused by the presence of unknown and unauacheci men in the community,"' However, it did not establish an? minimums of relief and evcn it's maxi.murn ceilings were found bu the Ontario Mediul Association to k inridequate. The Whitton report cchoed many of these same concerns with a special emphasis on the bel ief that the municipdities were improperly spending relief fiuiding: James Struthers. mc Lirnits of Afiluence: WeU3re in Ontario. 1920- 1970 (Toronto 1094). pp.S4-88. Paper Totals Unemployment AVG Relief AVG Crime 1 AVG IHousinci 1 AVG 1 i Worker I 1 929 12 1 1930 22 6 19311 27 11 19321 32 11 1933 47 17 I Total 140 46 1 I Star 1929 91 1 1.10% O 0.00% O 1930 235 9 3.83% O 0.00% O 1931 221' 241 10.86% 4 1.81% 3 1932 228 12[ 5.26% 7 3.07% 6 1 1933 233 7 3.00% 6 2.58O! 4 Total 1008 53 5.26% 17 1.69% 13 I r Telegram 1929 153 2 1.31% 2 1.31% O 1930 186 13 6-9gahI 8 4.30% O Total 1 12541 491 3.91%1 371 2.95%1 11 The data helps reveal the political alignment and the probable composition of each of the newspaper's audiences. For instance, the communists ponrayed unemployment and relief in about a third of their cartoons since rhey believed they were siens of the coming collapse of bourgeois capitalism. The CPC also continually called on the federal government to establish a minimum standard of living across the country and organized as many people as it could to help çenerate support for this belief. l2 Few of the ïClep-amTs cartoons addressed unemployment, and when they did the majority were either critical of the King administration ( 1929-30)or were an endorsement of the efforts taken by the Conservative govemmems in Parliament, Queens Park, and City Hall. Meanwhile, with the exception of 193 1, when he spent a lot of time criticising the Bennett government, the Star's Hawkes ignored the actual issues of unemployment and relief until 1932. This change, which also occurred in the other papers, coincided with an incrûise in unemployment, a cut in proposed relief expenditures," a move Grom relief work to direct relief, infighting between the three levels of government. and a deeper sense of anger and despair on behalf of the Canadian public. l4 Previous to the Depression, relief was financed by a combination of private charity and civic gants fiom the Division of Social Welfare, which were administered by the House of Industry. However, this institute was poorly equipped to handle the massive numbers of people in need and the grocery bags it " The CPC. through its Worken' Unie League. continually demanded a nonsontributory unemplojment insurancc policy. access to frtx health insurance and eduution and a minimum wge for Canadian workcrs throughout the early 1930s. Its Farmers hity League campaigned for insmce and rehabilitation to fmers mined bu the drought on the prairies as well ris an assistance program for Young famen: CPC. Canada's Pmof S~ialism..p.68. The Li'liL was aided bu many non-- workers who were orguiised into the manu Unemployd Councils across Canada wvhich were un&r the auspices of the National Unemployed Workers .hmciation set up in My193 1 : Iwm A\-akumovic. Thc Cornrnunist in Canada. p.75. 13 The 193 1 Feral Relief Act only ddivered $28.2 instead of the $50 million promised duc to burcaucntic bungling and the federal governmcnt's financial concems: James Stnithers. No Fauit of Their Ovn pp.54-55. 14 Although inesact, a reading of Broadfoot 's collection of recollections Ten Lon Years 1 929- 1939. Mernories of Canadians Who Suniveci the Depression (Markham 1975) and the letters round in L.M. Grayson and Michael Bliss. The Wretched of Cana& Leuers to RB. Bennett i 930- -1935 (Toronto 197 1). reveril that people were losing patience with the esisting state of affairs. dinributed were sadly inadequate for the average fmily. l5 As a result of the confusion thar the massive numbers of those coliecthg and applying for relief caused, the city eaablished a number of different offices that eventually became the Public Welfare Depamnent in March 1932.16 This department ended the wasteful duplication of services and aiso began a series of relief work projects around and outside of the city. Projects undertaken by the depanment included sewer and waterrnain construction in Mirnico and Etobicoke, rock fabricated into road metal in New Toronto, and hopeless 'back to the land' projects to the north of the city. l7 Municipal relief works were generally not very successful because of the expense, 'red tape' and political corruption, failure to use appropriate machinery, poor selection of projects, and inadequate sustenance. For example. "Ontario's provincial average of $86.00 for three weeks' work was nowhere near enough to keep a farnily with no other resources offdirect relief."ls Regardless, relief projects were abandoned by a combined lack of political will and fùnding, as the more economical direct relief became the chosen rnethod after the Dominion- " Conclusions reached by H.M. Cassic&. Unemolornent and Relief in Ontario. 1929- 1932 (Toronto 1332). and affirmed by the Cmpbcll Report in 1932 and the Ontano hiedical Association's publication "'Relief Diets' one ywr tatcr. only a fhdy of five in uhich dl children were under thc five yars of age could receive ri minimum adequats food ntion under the Campbell Report.* Yet the OMA was ignorcd bu Queen's Park: James Stmthers. The Limits of PLmuence. p.80. 16 The Ckic Unempioyenî Relief Commiuee was established in October 1930. This \.ris followxl by 3 Civic Emplo'ment Office to help nith allocating men to work and then a Central Bureau for Uncmployed Rclicf for the disrribution of relief. By 1933 the Public Welfare Department had taken over all of the duties previously performed bv the House of Indus@ as wcll. I - James Lemon Toronto Since 19 18. p.60. Proklncial Conference of Apd 1932. Bennett and the Tories had decided that in light of Britain's move off the gold standard and their own government's deficits that now was the time for econornising; the provinces did not have the power nor realiy the desire to object. This change in policy only compounded Toronto's financial problems: municipal expenditure soared 37% from 1926 to 193 i and by the end of 1932 the city had close to 100,000 on relief and a deficit of over $1 million. l9 The cuts in transfer payrnents fiom the federal and provincial govenunents forced municipalities to both Iower the amount of relief and to tighten up the requirernents for receiving it. Unemployed workers now had to prove themselves absolutely desitute before receiving any aid from their municipal officials. Applicants could not possess a bank account or insurance policy and relief was also conditional on the elimination of any 'fnvolous' expenditure as: The recipient of a relief voucher had first to surrender his liquor permit and his license and driver's license if he had managed to keep his car. In most cases his telephone was discomected. Norhing was allowed the man for ciçarettes or tobacco or haircuts or a new~~a~er.'~ However. the cartoons of the two mainstrearn papers did not mention any of the rallies against unemployment, nor any of the organizations, such as the East York 19 M.t.nicipal e-qmditures went from $30.4 in 1 326 to S-I 1-6 million in 193 1. a figure no t equailed again until 1953: Table X'W of James Lemon. Toronto Since 19 18, p. 199. This perhrips explains why officials such as the Depsirtment of Riblic Welbre and the City's Chief Tai; Collecter. Bert Laver. uas proud of cutting off 8300 f'miiies [rom relief. For total municipal eqcnditures se: Glazebrook The Ston. of Toronto. p.209. on relief in Ontario see: James Struthen, The Limits of Affluence. Indeed the situation became so despente that at the 1935 Dominion Mayor's Conference the popular slogan lias 'relief from relief. " Joseph SchdL Ontario Shce 1867 (Toronto 1978). p.286. Workers .4ssociatior~'~which were the direct redof this situation. Beginning in 1932, the Stm joined the Wurker in reflectinjthe concern of Harry Cassidy and the Unernployed Research Comrninee that relief provisions were not adequate for either meeting families' expenses or even providing a healthy diet." Indeed, since many of the unemployed now had nothing except relief, an aiready demonstrated inadequate source of suaenance, many of them began to be evicted fiom their homes. Coverage of houshg concerns was in this context particularly telling: the Sfar did not have any canoons, the Telegram had only one, whereas the Wurker presented a nurnber of cartoons condemning the evictions of unemployed relief re~i~ients.'~None of the papers' cartoons rnentioned the Toronto Housing Commission nor that the average workers' wages in 1933 were less than 60% of " Founded during Iune 193 1 East York Workers' Association included siueand discussion groups. deputations to city council. coliective srniggie for food shelter and clothing It also orgmïzcd a Rclicf Strike fiom 5 Novernber to 18 Dec 1935 but \sas defeated due to relief cm: Patncia V. Sch& The East York Workers Association. A Rcsoonsc to the Great Deoression (Toronto 1975). .-a .-a -- -The food allotmces for families were in many places not large enough to gummec the maintenuicc of the mcmbcrs in hcaiih and eficiency. In no cicy chat \vas studied did direct relicf meet the f'dL costs of maintenance of dependent tamilies on an adequate minimum scale.. .." Haq Cassi*. Unem~lo\mentand Relief in Ontario 192%1932, p.? 13. Cassidy's report cNlenged Bennett's belief that unemplo>ment codd be sotved bu emergency maures anci niggested the necd for more substanual relief. 'Tim Buck suggesis diat during L 93 1 Lhere rvere beciveen 12 ûOO to 13 000 aicrion notices scn-ed in York and Toronto alone: Tirn Buck. 30 Years. 1922-1952. The Ston- of the Communist Movcrncnt in Canada (Toronto 1952). p.72. which is perhaps an csriggeration, Buck also points oui that rhc CPC's National Unemploycd Workers Associations organiseci 'fl'ing squacis' of unemployed men tvhich stopped many of these evictions Corn achdiy occurring Yom in the Stmggie. Reminiscences of Tirn Buck, p. 155. Patricia V. Schuk The East York Workers Association. also commenu on the frequency of evictions at this time. hmzhgly. neirher of the other ppers ' urtoons even mentioned exict ions despi te a fair amount of witten press coyenge on thc issue. what they were in 1929, making renting much more dificuit. '"'Wousing was probably one of the moa visible areas of decline in standard of living since shelter allowances were often not included in initial relief payments," forcing many people to move to cheaper lodgings, share with fiends and relatives, or be evicted from their homes? Moreover, like many socio-economic problems, housing was more the concern of 'foreigners' than ~n~lo-~axons,'~and thus, would not be a major issue in the Telegrnm or even the Star. Since Toronto was a fairly expensive city to live in, as the number of unernployed increased so did the number of homeless. Partly as a result of this and the more positive developments in Amencan social policy, members of the industry formed a National Construction Council in February 1933 and bejan to campaign for a public housing policy.t7 However, housing did not get much press until the Toronto-based Bruce Report in 1934, and did not get any mention in governrnent legislation until the Dominion Housing Act, part of the Bennett governrnent's so-called 'New Deal' legislation in 1 93 5 .'' Yet homeless transients were a continuai source of concem for a11 three levels of govemment. '' Toronto rentr for loivcr incomc workers. wcre among the Iwr fiordable in the coun- during this pend: Richard Harris. -Working-Class Home ûunership and Housing Mordability Acros Canada in 193 1." Histoire Sctaie-Soc101Hisron. 1937 (May 1986) pp. 128-29. " Roger E. Riendeau. -A Clash of Interes&." p.55. '' -Genenlly. families of British background lived in the most desirable housing. followed by Jcws, western and eastern Europeans. and frna(ly those of Asian ongin." Daniel Hicben. The social geography of Toronto in 193 1-. p.G. .- - Indus-. partners included the Canadian Consuuaion Association Engineering institute of Canada ChnadiYi Manufricturers' Association. Trades and Labour Congress. and the Canadian Chambcr of Commerce: John Bacher. -One Unit ivas Tm Manu: The Faiture to Develop a Canadian Social Housing Poli- in the Great Depression.- Journal of Canadan Studies, 22:3 (Fa11 1387). p.52. Politicians feared the large roving bands of single men," and believed them to be a source of disorder with a potential for revolutionary activity. For instance, one of the many members of the RCMP assigned to spying on Communist and radical activity reported that although: Communism arnong ex-soldiers remains confined to the Workers' Ex- Service rMen7sLeque.. .[it would be a big mistake] to analyse the strength of the revolutionary movement on the basis of the membership of the Communist Party, which, in my opinion, would be very unwise as the majorïty of the sympathisers are members of *liated organizations who are continuously carrying on revolutionary propaganda.30w This fear of transients first prompted the development of provincial highway constniction camps and later the federal relief camp system in order to remove these men from the cities and place them in the hinterland where they could hm nobody but rhemselves. 3 1 With the establishment of the relief camp system, -'Conservative unemployment policy was now reduced to three essentials: ------The Bruce Repon concluded -Thcre is a housing problem in Toronto. Therc are ce-~ noc les than 1500 houses that are unhalthy. dong wïth many others that are lacbg in the elementary amenities tht should bc present in Canadian cities." Michiel Horn Ed. Thc Dim. Tiurtics. Canadians in the Gmi Deoression (Toronto L372). pp. 194-95. Yct it \vas not until 1957 rfiat there \vas a Housing and Planning Association established in Ontario: James Lemon. Toronto Since 1918. p.79. " The nurnber of single tmmient men \vas apparently equivaknt to the size of Cmdian Corps of 1917. a nmbolic figure in light of the picstill exidkg in Canada as a rcsult or the Bolshevik rcvolution and Winnipeg Gencml Strikc: Pierre Berton The Great De~ression1929-1939 (Toronto 1 WO). p. 147. '' +-Appendix# 1: Communism Among Ex-Soldiers." Quebec Commander: R. C.M. P. Securiw Bulletins. The Depression Yearr, Part 1. 1933-34 Eds. Gregory S. Kealcy and Reg iVhit;rker (St. John's 1993). pp.4647. 3 I The 193 1 Unemployment and FmRelief Act aiiowed for the employment of over 40 000 men in estending the Trans-Cmcia highway across Northem Ontario. However. as uith man! of the rclicf projects undertaken in the cities. the f'ralgovenunent oflen had to lm rnoney to the pro\inces so that the? couId construct these camps men though the! refuscd to taZre an? direct responsibility over the situation. As a result tfiese camps were absorbed into the Department of National Defence's .stem established in Novemkr 1932: Laurel Sefion MacDon-ell. "Relief Camp Workers in Ontario diiring the Great Depression of die 1 930s." Canadan His~oricnl Revtew. 76: 3 ( 1995). p.206 maimaining law and order, forcing as many unemployed as possible out of the cities and back to the land, and preserving the country's credit ratir~~."~~ Astonishingiy, the Worker was the only paper of the three to include any cartoons on the relief camps during this period. The crime and the justice system category was highly politicized as it mostly dealt with the political 'crimes' which fell under, and the debate around the administration of, Section 98 of the Criminal Code of Canada. Surprisingly, there were no cartoons on ordinary criminai activity. Perhaps this was because 'ihe 'crime wave' predicted fiom the drifters never happened; Iike the rest of the economy, crime went into a slump in the 1930s."~~Torontonians, in particular, prided themseives on the lack of crime within their city believing that 'ke have no Bright young People of the uppemost social plane to afflict the police by doing paper chases at three in the moming. Neither have we a criminal quarter filled with Apaches of both sexes preying upon decent so~iet~.'~"A few orher cartoons dealt with the Kingston Penitentiary riots and prison reform, as well as the preferential treatment of cenain classes of inmates. However, the vast majority of cartoons dealt with the banle around the infarnous Section 98 of the Criminal Code. Section 98 became entangled in an animated and sornetimes bitter debate over the right to free speech: .Any association, organization, society or corporation, whose professed purpose or one of whose purposes is to bring about any governmental, " James Srnuhers. No Fault oîfheir O\rn p.95. 3 5 John Herd Thornpson and .Ailen Seager. Canada 1922- 1939. p.267. 3-1 Jesse Edgar ~Middleton,Toronto's 100 Years (Toronto 1934). p. 149. indumial, or economic change within Canada by use of force, violence or physical injury.. .or which shall by any means prosecute or pursue such purpose or professed purpose, or sha11 so teach, advocate, advise or defend, shall be an unlawfùl a~sociation.'~ Xnyooe attending a meeting 05 speaking about, distributing, printing. or selling the titerature of, or even renting a room to, any organization suspected of committing such offences would also be guilty of the same criminal activity. Not only could such dissenters be arrested, but they could have al1 of their possessions seized by the Crown as weH. Throughout the early 1930s the free speech issue was of such tremendous importance in Toronto that it pitted the newspapers against one another and divided the city into two hostile camps. On the ri@, defending Section 98 and representing law and order, were Chief Draper and the Police Commission, Attorney-General W. H. Price, the Canadian Christian Crusade, Orange Lodge, Canadian Legion, Globe, iWad nml Empire. and the Telegram. The lefi-1 iberal opposition consisted of the Toronto Trades and Labour Council, the Fellowship of Reconciliation. CCF, CPC, United Church's New Ourlook, the Camdinft Forim, the Star. and to some degree, Sarrrrdny Mght. 3G The fiequent source of editorials, letters to the editor. and even a petition frorn University of Toronto professors, the " John E. Crankshw. Cranksha~v'sCrimuial Code of Cm& (Toronto 1935). pp. 103-5. 36 Both James Lemon Toronto Since 19 1S. p.58. and Michel Hom "'Free Speech Within the Law': the Letter of the Sisty-Eigfit Toronto Professors, 193 1." Onrurio Hisrop. 72: 1 (March 1980). p.28. concur on this basic division. The repercussions of this politicai polarisation \\rre quite significantas myof those on the liberal-Ieft. inc1uding Frank Underhiii. Harry Cassi*. Frank Scott. and Eugene For- helped fom the League for Social Reconsiruction during the faii of 193 1 and drafi the manifesto of the Cwpentive Commonwealth Federation in Ide 1932: see Michiel Hom. The Lame for Social Reconstruction. intcllecturil Ongins of the Democntic Left in Canada 1930-19-12 floronto 1980). They were locked in a vicious stmggle ~5ththe very well enmched Consemative emblishment on a local level against thc Police Commission Wvor McBride. the ancient Judges Coatsworrh and Morson) and their colleagues on the Provi&i~land federal scenes. banle over Section 98 was quite intense. 37 This was especially true for the ?Yorkrr and the CPC as the enforcernent of Section 98 threatened their very The editoriai cartoons of the three papers retlened this intensity and cornrnunicated a great deal about the ideolo@cal stance of each. Most remarkabiy, however, only around 1% of the cartoons found within the Star and the Telegram dealt with free speech and Section 98, as compared to 15% of the Wmker's cartoons. From 1929- 193 1 Police Chief Draper and his Red Squad's arrests of communists and other &-speech advocates in the public parks of Toronto were the subject of most of these cartoons. During 1932-33, the Workrr included rnany cartoons condemning the arrest and treatment of Tim Buck and the seven other Comrnunist Party rnembers kept in Kingston Penitentiary. This was panly due to the need ro defend its leader and other Party aalwms, but also out of financial concems since "direct prosecutions for seditious libei and blasphemy proved not - - ' The U of T petition concludeci: 'The attitude which the Toronto Police Commission has assumed towards the public discussion on social and political problcms makes it clear that the n&t of free speech and hre assembly is in danger of suppression in rfus city.. ..We wiish to rtffirm Our belief in the free public espression of opinions. however unpopular or erroneous.- From The Evening Telegram. 15 Januq 193 1. p. 1. This lcttcr made the front page of evcs Toronto dail?. and the debaie around the issue continued to dominate the focal news and editorial sections of ttiese papers for m-en1months. " A brief chronologv of irnpow men&:Winter 1928-29 CPC refused Nls-forced to campaign in the streets. Janw 1329 Ban on meetings held in a foreign language by PoIice Commission 22 Januq 1929 CPC meehg busted up after Mas Shur auempted to gi\.e speech in Yiddish. 22 Febmiq- meeting busted up: CPC decided to step up confrontation dwing the spring- 1 .4iigua 1929 large dernonstration for Peace at Queen's Park Buck arrested More he couid speak: Professor Meek rouphed up in slQnnish. Meetings on 13 and 27 of August also broken up b~Toronto police before they could start: Lita-Rose Betcherman The Litùe Band The Clashes Between the Comrnunists and the mlitiul and leal establishment in Cm& 1928- 1932 (Onana 1983). pp1468. only ineffeaual but positively boosted the sales of radical papers".3gUnlike the Telegram, which supponed Bennett's cdfor an "Iran Heel" in relation to the treatment of 'foreign radicals', the Star was quite critical of al1 three government levels' handling of the issue and was a strons supporter of fiee speech during this period. A similar division in editorial opinion and cartoon content can be seen in the three newspapersyexplorations of issues of political economy such as arikes, taxes, tariffs, and political comption. Table # 9 Paper lotals SW-&es AVG .Taxation AVG Taritfis AVG Graft AVG Worker 1929 : 12, 11 8.33%. 0; 0.00%: O: O.OO%, 01 0.00% Star 91 ' 0 ' 0.00% i 1 1.10% 18 19.78% 1 1.10% 1932 305 Oi 0.00%1 5 1.64% 25 8.20% 33 10.82Oh 1933' 304, 0 0.00% 23' 7.57% 6. 1.97% 15 4,93% Total 4254' O 1 0.00% ' 45. 3.59% 90 7.18% 103 8.21% " James Curran. -The Ress as an Agenq of Social Controt: An Histoncal Penpcctivc." Ncwsmmr Hision. from ihc smcntccnth centurv to the prescnt dav. p.6 1. A panicular divergence separates the three newspapers' coverqe of tariffs and strikes. The Workrr was the polar opposite of both the Star and Telegram in this regard as it prefemed to ignore the tariff issue with the exception of two cartoons on the anti-Soviet 'blockade'. in cornparison, the Star included many cartoons that attacked the protenive tariffs championed by the Telegram and the Consematives it represented. Both papers took a strong position on Bennett's Economic Empire idea and the Imperia1 Economic Conferences of 1930 and 1932. whereas the Worker preferred to acclaim the Workers Econornic Conference that also took place in Ottawa in the summer of 1932." However, the number of cartoons on rariffs bgan to drop as proteaionist poiicies proved themseives ineffective, and even the Telegram aopped defending such legislation in the spring of 1933. Both mainstrearn papers almost completely ignored strikes, despite the hct that they were increasing in fiequency, success. and violence in and around the Toronto area du&g this period. More predictable perhaps,"l was the rise in violence associated with these protests as the early 1930s represented one of the mon turbulent periods of strikes in Canadian hist~r~.'~Toronto experienced It l John Herd Thompson and Allen Seager. Cm& 1922-39 . pp.2 19-22?. '' Tonditions in Canada during the early 1330s furnished a ready-made justificauon for agiiation mass protesr and \lolence. Cansida was pmiculuty hard hit during the depression, bccausc of its estreme specialisation and dependence upon exp& of a few swple foodstuffs and raw materials whilc the political consematism of the people and the decentrafised. federal structure of the sovenunent made it dificul t to hise cffcctive means for deaihg nith a major economic crisis.- SmMrushaiI Jarnieson. Times of Trouble: Labour Unrest and indumial Conflict in Canada, 1900-66 (Onawa 1%8). p.234. '' Close to 6% 01 suikes dtedin violence or militq intervention uith 47 incidenu of nrike- relrited collective ~iolencein Ontario alone: Gregory S. Kealey and Dougiru Cruikshank -Strikes in Canada 189 1- lgSO,"in Gregory S. Kcaley, Workers and Canadian Histon. (Montreal and Kingston 1995). pp.358-59. major nrikes in its clothing induary during 1930 and 195 1, smaller ones in other sectors of manufacturing and construction, and even relief strikes in 1933. Meanwhile, arikes erupted into senous conflicts in nearby Stratford and Thunder Bay dunng 1933 as well. Unlike its counterparts, the Worker had a fairly subaantial number of canoons on arikes, especially Stratford and Estevan, as the Communists not ody believed they represented concrete manifestations of class conflict, but they clairned responsibility for about 75% of al1 the strikes in Canada during this period under the auspices of their Workers' Unity League (WUL)." Bot h mainstream papers preferred not to champion the working-class, but tipped their suppon to the 'average taxpayer7 as evidenced by the rnuch larjer number of cartoons addressing state policies in the area of increasing government revenues by taxation. In their 193 1 budget the Conservative govemment increased the federal sales tax from 1% to 4%, and reduced persona1 income tax deductions, a trend that was continued in the following year as the sales tau was bumped up to 6% whiie personal deductions were further reduced.* Finally, the cartoon coverage of grai? appeared in al1 three papers. but was most prominent in '' Ivan Avakumovic. The Comunist Pmin Cm& p.70. The CPC made a lot of noise about thc \-iolcncc in Estevan Wt rcsuIted in the dath of thrce workerr as well as rhc use of rhc army in Stntford The? viewed the latter suike as a ~ictoryover ihe compnics. pro\incid, and municipal governments which had to "conccde defeatmagainst the -unie of the workers and public opinion": CPC. Canada's Pxtv of Socialism, p87. Although Morton suggcsts the workers made oniy minimal gains. hc agrees wich the CPC that the suike did help lcad to a political change in ci' hall and Quccn's Park as well as how govcrnmcnts ddtwith indusrial activih: Desmond Morton. "Aid to the Civil Potver: The Strritford Strike of 1933." Ining Abclla, Ed. On Strike. Sis Key Labour Suuedes in Cwda 19 1949 (Toronto I 974). p.88. fJ Making matters worse Corpontions got off quite lightly. and the rvcalthy e\en got a ias reduction and a break on dividends froni Canadian stocks: John Herd Thompson and Allen Seager. Canada 1922-1939. pp.2 13-2 16. In the meantirne. from 1930 to 1933 taxes went from 16.5% to 26.5% of the nationai income: h4khiel Hom. The De~ressionin canada, p.9. the TeIegram, which had a higher level of cornitment to covering political corruption in protection of 'the public interest'. The final lia of municipal and public seMce issues catalogued also reveals some interesting findings about the cartoon content, class biases, and political beliefs of the Star, Telegram, and Worker Paper Totals i UtiIifies i AVG : T.T.C. AVG Li- AVG i Car Pro& AVG i Worker I 121 O! 0.00%; 0: 0.00%. Oi O.OO%i O! O,0O0h Total 140: 1i 0.71%/ O. 0.00%; Oi 0.00%; 01 O.WOh I I 1 I I 1 Star I , 1 929 ' 91 : 2: 2.20% i O 0.00%: 16, 17.58%: 5 5.49% Total 1OQ8i 531 5.26%j O; O,OO%i 60; 5.9S0,i 1O r 0.99% I t I Telegram r 1929. 153! 4; 2.61%i 51 3.27%; 9 : 5.88% t 8 5.23% Total 1254: 951 7.58% 9 0.72% 56 4.47%. 25 1.99% Not surpnsingly, the Worker had only one cartoon that dealt with any of these Toronto-specific concerns (which dealt with a wage-cut to railway workers), since it declared itself to be the paper of 'the Canadian worker'. The Télegram contained more cartoons on these municipal issues (liquor was the exception since it ofien involved provincial, national, and international legislation as well as municipal), than the Stm. Representation of the Toronto Transit Commission was almon always in regards to the acrivities of the chairmen, with one exception thar praised its role in municipal relief work There was no mention of the fact that the Commission laid off more than one-quarter of its employees during the early 1930s in either of the papers.45 Cartoons in the trafic category dealt with the increased number of fataldies and the problems of general road safkty in ~oronto,~and the rest of Ontario during this penod. Liquor regulation and the utilitiedraiiways categories were very poiiticised since they usually contained caricatures of those involved in making provincial and municipal policy or in scandals involving Prohibition, Hydro or the Canadian Pacific Railways. Keeping with their political alignments, the Star defended those associated with the Liberal Party and condemned those Conservatives who were involved in these issues. Obviously, the Telegram took the opposite course of action and was especially adamant about uncovering Mackenzie King's role in the Beauhamois Hydro scandai. "'The liquor question was one of licensing arrangements, as proponents of a new bill wanted to sel1 beer and wine by the glas in established hotels. The resulting debate was very nasty as 'wet' and 'dry' politicians from al1 25 James Lemon Toronto Since 19 18. p.77. 46 Toronto had the most automobiIes of any Canadian ci&. reportedy twice as many as Monrreal as early as 19 16. by 1926 there ivas a TraffIc Commitree; and safety was a major conceni during the late 1920s-early 1930s: G.P. de T. Glazebrook The Storv of Toronto, p. 199. 4-' The Beauhaniois Power corporation which had received a fWhydroelectric development licence donated S700 000 to the Liberal Party. This deal tas especially controversial. pibting Senator Andrew Haydon on Lhe hot seat anddamPenhg the re-election campaign of Mackenzie King: see J. Castell Hopkins. Canadian Annual Rmieiv of Public Mairs 1930-3 1 (Toronto 1932). p. 113. parties clashed over an issue that quickly came to exemplify the class, ethnic and other social divisions within Toronto and Ontario in generai. This politicized differentiation in content looms much larger when the parricular tone and code of some of these cartoons is examined. Unem~Iovmentand Relief Perhaps nothiag is more symbolic of the Great Depression than the ravaging unemployment and the various mechanisms of relief developed to combat the scourge of joblessness. Yet as we have seen, neither issue was particularly well addressed by the mainaream papers, as social issues such as the degradation of unemployment and relief, wage cuts, and evictions were almost solely the domain of the cartoons found in lefiist papers.J8 In fact, even when Shields drew a cartoon about unemployment it was aimost always either a politically partisan attack upon, or an appraisal of, a specific politician and/or his (in)action in cornbating the problem. Shields used combirza~iotiand rnimeric devices to show the heroic, strong, and robust Bennett, Henry, and Stewan fighting off 'politics' or the 'unernployment dragon' or to depict the dumpy Prime Minister King irritating Jack Canuck by ignoring the probiem by 'looking at' the .herican situation. Two typical e-xamples reflect this pro-Conservative, uncritical approach to the unemployment problern. The Telegram's cmoons were never cntical of the capitalist system. In the first example (9 July 1Ç3 i), the personified worid is ridiculed for wandering off by itself and falling into the 423 This hints towards a national consensus as it concurs uith the conclusions reached bj- Bettina Bndbup- and Yolanda Kinsnill: -Poverty. Politics and the Press: A Cartoon History of the ûcpression Ycars in British Columbü (Vancouver 19n). I-IEAVE. 1-10 I PRIMING THE OL' PUMP valley of 'Depression' like an errant child. The suggested solution is that 'capital', 'labor', 'pulpit', 'press', 'governing bodies'? and 'an everybody' pitch in and pull the world back to the cornfortable plane of 'normalcy'. The Triegram expressed the view that the Depression was a normal, temporary correction in the global economic system but seerningly comradiaed itself in its constant appeals for positive thought and colledive effort. The ideal situation among the various segments or nakeholders of society was also a persistent theme of the Telegram: Shields never illumted a single confIict between labour and capital in any of his cartoons between 1929- 1933. Shields and rhe Telegram remained staunchly pro- business, displaying very little sympathy for the plight of the unemployed worker or those on relief. Shields sometimes even blarned the 'purchaser ' for the unemployment problern as suggested in the second example (14 Aug 1933) as 'Mr- Purchaser' reminds his peers that 'We've got the only remedy right here in our own hands". Again Shields domesricated the economy for his audience by implying that it is a simple pump that only requires some consumer spendinj to 'prime' it and some 'confidence' pumps to set the job-creating business mechanism into action. This notion that the Depression was a result of a la& of consumer and investor confidence in the market was a persistent theme of the Tdpmthroughout the early 1930s. The Sfur was almost equally partisan in its approach to unemployment as the very few cartoons on the subject during King's (24 Apr 1930) tenure hint that it was merely the normal seasonal pattern repeating itself. Reflecting the Prime hlinsterTsbelief that the unernployment of 1930 was nothing more than the seasonal slump combined with low wheat prices, Hawkes sketched a sleeping Jack Cannuck, here symbolizing the workforce of the nation, getting rested for the new work season to begin in the Spring. This optimistic cartoon was typical of the Star's position at that time: this crisis would pass just as others before it; Canadians merely had to have some patience. Dunng Bennett's reign a far more critical stance was adopted. as the Star now believed unemployment was a sipnificant problem that required more effective govemment intervention than the Conservatives were providing. The Star mocked the tarïff raising policies of the Federal Tories as outdated and ineffective. maintaining a persistent cal1 for more rational govemment intervention in order to stimulate the economy and create jobs. The neglect of Canadian veterans as seen in the second example (29 Sept 1%l), was a persistent theme of Hawkes since it was a powerful reminder of the failures of a govemment that could not even provide for the men ffom whom it asked so much. There is an ovenly moralistic message in the contrast between the statue soldier at his most jallantly heroic moment and the wounded, unemployed veteran neglected not only by the govemment but by the Canadian public as welLJ9 The liberal-lefi and communists alike cnticized any order that could ask a man to nsk bis life for his country and rhen provide him with nothing upon his retum. The unemployed '9 Vetetcrans conveyed a great deal of sympathy as aell as fear as esempliricd b-a spial fund- nising duiner hcld on 27 March 1930 that Iaunched a campaign to raisc $50 000 for unemploycd vetcnns in Toronto: Lita-Rose Bctchem, The Little Band p. 1%. veteran was also a powerfül symbol because of his capacity to bear arms against the state. The Worker's cartoons on unemployment were far more criticai of the established political order and of the capitalist system in general. Linemployment was a systematic failure that represented yet another manifestation of the injustices of the capitalist socio-economic hierarchy and the class war it perpeaiared. Since labour was also a commodity whose price declined with supply, unemployment was seen as a great benefit to the capitalist class that profited eorn it. Yanovsky claimed that capitalists did not care about the predicaments of their workers, viewing them as expendable cogs in the production process. In the fira example (1 7 December 1932), two coq, bloated capitalists in preponerously oversized coats relate their complete sense of indifference about the plight of unemployed workers whom it is suggested may fieeze to death as a result of low winter temperatures. The caption on the themorneter reads 2 jobless fieeze to death', suggesting the ultimate callousness of the ruling class. Paradoxically unemployrnent was seen as a sign of the collapse of the capitalist system and simultaneously as a catalyst for organizing the working class. This apparent contradiction is dealt with in a second cartoon (22 March 19301, which cottdemes capitalism and suggests that organising the workers is the first sep in the eventual revolution against the capitalist regime and the evils it produces. For Yanovsky and the CPC the choice was clear: if a worker followed the rules of the current order the best he could do was slavery, jail, or death whereas if he helped organise his peers they could achieve a noble new order together. ïhe CPC, through its WUL and WWA, hoped that it could organize both the employed and unemployed workers in common cause against the state and the capitalin class it represented. Cartoons such as rhis one were part of a suaained drive that also included the organisation of unions, unemployed councils, and a National Day of Protest against ~nern~lo~rnent.~~ .-hother ideologicd device employed in many of the Worker's cartoons was the faceless crowd, a cornmon stylistic device of radical artists used to suggest the unity of purpose and nah~~alsolidarity of the working class. Very similar themes and stylinic devices were empioyed in the cartoons on relief because to the communiçts, this issue was inseparable from unemployment. Perhaps more than any other issue, relief represented to the Worker's staff and audience the inequity of the capitalist system and the evils of the class war it perpetuat ed. Blarne was accordingly apportioned to the sirneanesque demi-human who dishes out 'siops' fiom a garbage bucket to the bread-line masses (4 April 193 1), while the state relief effort is sketched as an eye-dropper dangled, carrot-like, before an obviously mainourished family (8 Juiy 1933). Again the message is consistent: Yanovsky presents a mimeric image mocking the morality and intelligence of the capitalist class combined with a cal1 for organization against the abuses of unemployment exemplified in the caption on the boaom of the first " Thc National Day OC protes occurred on 23 Fcb 193 1. The ovcrail effccts of the iMn arc disputable since as one author smes "The major strikes during the early 1930's were nearly al1 in these industries (iogging and mwnilling, coal and metal mining textile rnanufacturing. shipping and longshorïng) and in most cases. under Communist leadership." Stuart Marshall Jarnieson, Times of Trouble. p.2 16. Wtiereas a more critical colleague suggests that -The ody lasting achievement of the WüL vas the isolation of thousands of left-wing labr militants fiom the mainstream of Canadian labor." Ian Angus, Canadian BolshaiksJ p.274. cartoon. The difference in the communin presemation of dolins out relief was not coincidentai: the second canoon was drawn two years later than the firn and it cornmunicates the heightened sense of desperateness of those collecting relief at the tirne, laying the accent on the relegation of reliefs cruel paucity. The second example is reflective of the popular CPC slogan "Fight or Starve" that often punctuated the p%es of the Worker as the mIogic 'big hand' of govemment is finely outfitted in a suit and cufflinks as opposed to the thin, poorly clothed working-class family, which is obviously malnourished as a result of the inadequacies of relief. Amazingly similar messages are found in the Sfm's cartoons on relief as Hawkes personified the sense of angst and despair that accompanied the rising relief rolls. By 193 1 Canadians were becorning increasingly angrier and more vocal as their economic situation became more desperate: Mr. Bennette Since you have been elected, work has been impossible to get. We have decided that in a month from this date, if thing's are the same, We'll skin you dive, the first chance we get Sudbury Starving ~nern~lo~ed.* ' Early cartoons (24 Sept 193 1) in the liberal paper presented the humble relief recipient as prone to the stormy weather of 'hunger and cold', desened by the federal government. The discarded 'govemment promised relief is contrasted with the current rate of relief, dornes~icatedas a dock to which the unemployed worker is chained. Images of despair such as this were cornmon in Hawkes' '' 20 May 193 1. from: L.M. Grayson and Midiael Bi& Edr. The Wrctched of Canada p. 13. - STILL WAITING FOR- THE RELIEF SHIP 70 COME THE UNEMPLOYED "OLIVER" ASKS FOR MORE a cartoons as the Depression Iingered on and the true despondency of relief recipients became public knowledge. A later cartoon ( 16 Sept 1932) employed a classical Literary allusion in a much more critical pomayal of the capitalist system: the 'moneyocracy' master, who may be Finance MUliaer Rhodes, dishes out relief employrnent to the orphaned Oliver and the rest of the unemployed as mother Bennett looks on in the background. This mimetic, domesticated, ciassical 1iterary imaging was a favounte mechanisrn of Hawkes who often used it to refer to the notorious arrogance and paternalism of the 'millionaire Bennett', and his ineffectual, feminized cabinet. Notable here are the phrases 'capitalist system' on the gain sack containing employment and 'politics' on Bennett's apron, revealing a more totalizing criticism of the existing order in Canada at the time. Anacks on Bennett and the Conservatives were an almost daily occurrence in the Sfar,but to question the entire capitalist system, even subtly, was quite rare amongst its cartoons and seems to have reflected the increased despondency of its audience at that time. The Telegram was quite predictably the least critical of the government efforts to conquer unemployment and develop adequate relief procedures. The very few cartoons on relief usually referred to the belief that the government was doing the best job possible, that things could have been much worse than they were, or that the privileged portion of the population had a moral obligation to look derthe poor. Such cartoons spoke volumes about the class character of the WISE HAKDLING LI~IFORTm~TFi&lr TTliings couklhe~,tv&' for bath of ua, mistcr." WAUINC FOR A HAND-OUT Icc crcam ancl ccikc! Iinc and thc brcag line. l paper's audience? For instance, a cartoon entitled 'Wise Handling' (9 October 1930) praises the important job of distributing the federai govemment's new relief package. The Honorable Gideon Robertson, ~Ministerof Labor, is seen ignoring the seltish cdls of those in the background dem;inding money so that he cm spread equally the $20 000 000 in relief 'butter' on the bread representing the Nne provinces. He also has a box of 'municipalities sodas' by his side suggesting that there will be enough funding for everyone, while on the wall Shields has included one more dig at Mackenzie King's 'five-cent' speech. Even more so than Hawkes and Yanovsky, Shields almost always domesricated economic issues such as unemployment and relief by presenting them as tangible household items. As a class issue pitting one element of society against another, reliefs depiction in conservative cartoons ofien drew on understandings of dangerously radical notions of 'social transfer': Relief was basicall y a transfer of money from one group in one part of t he city to another group in another part of the city. And both goups mightily resented the transfer, or the need for it. The depression opened the chasm between the victims of industrial society and the merely victimized.. . Since working-class areas, if organized, had numbers, political groups, especially of the socialist species, appeared a red threat to traditional civic govemment. 53 The Telegram used this potent challenge to both difise the situation by ursjng understanding on behalf of Toronto's wealthy citizenry ( 14 April 1932) and to '' The? also reflected actions taken by the govcnunent nich as Tanadian Rospcrity Week" during which Niemas showcd a bricf knnett propaganda piecc and allo\ved businesmen to go on stage bctwccn fcaturcs to givc inspirational speeches: Thompson and Scagcr. Canada 1932- -1939, p.209. 53 Michiel Hom. The Dcuression in Canada. p.252. displace the antagonism senerated by relief ont0 a few immoral politicians who selfishiy took advantage of the situation (27 Nov 1930). Class difference, in al1 such cartoon representations, were evident from the clothes and aance of the figures: the nch usually stood proud in theu top hats, walking sticks, and dresscoats, while the poor were hunched over in their more humble caps and coats. Generally however, Shields and the Telegram sought to play-down the class antagonisms generated by relief and were fairly subdued in their delineation of other controversies associated with the Depression as well. However, as we shall see in the following cartoons, this gentle tolerance did not extend to those, such as the Communists. who sought to radically alter the existent social order. Freedom of Speech and Police Repression Obviously, since they were the main targets of repression, the Communists vehemently opposed Section 98 and al1 its trappings. For the party it represented the capitalist aate's reactionary challenge to the right of al1 workers to organize as well as its panicked overkill to the comrnunist challenge. In reality, its main effect was to force the party underground because the Third Penod prohibited alliances with other 'social fascistic' fi-ee speech advocates.'" Indeed, after 1929 the cornmu nists supposedly could no longer organize demonstrations against Section 98, so they sought to challenge it in court through the Canadian Labour Defense League and in the court of public opinion through pleas in the ~orker.'' '' Imponant events from Au,w 1929 included: Dec 1929 Aaro Vaara and I apnus found guil- of sedilion During 193 1 CPC membership inc~eased.yet stiii only around 1JO0 and not 5000 as These appeals became more fiequent afier the party was declared illegal. its headquarters and the offices of the Worker raided, and nine of its leaders arrested on 1 1 Augst 193 1 on charges of conspiracy and sedition. Their convictions, the attempt on Buck's life during a riot in Kingston Penitentiary, and the acquind of .4E.Smith of the Canadian Labour Defense League generated enough public syrnpathy to ensure the release of Buck and the others and to eventually ovenum Section 98 as ~e11.'~Cartoons in the Worker reflected both the sectarian substance of the Third Period and its militant appreciation of the politics of 'class against class'." Tim Buck surnmarized the Conservative govemrnent's reaction to the CPC in what was to become the party's typically audacious fashion: To the sharpening demands and rising temper of the masses of unernployed workers, ruined small businessmen, farmers and dispossessed families, Canadian capitalists, through their federal government repiied with widespread arrests, brazen use of couns as instruments of Tory policy, deponation of scores of militant workers and the outlawy of the Communist Pmy of canada? ------RCMP believed 23 Februaq 193 1 meeting between Minister of Justice Hugh Guthrie. Commissioncr of the RCMP Colonel Starnes, Ontario Attorney-Qneral Price, and Chief Draper to make plans to destroy the. CPC. 1 1 August 193 1 raids on the HQ. LW. Uorker. mest of members in Toronto (Boychuk Buck Hill. McEwen. Popovic, Cricic). Cochrane (Tom Hill), Calm(Malcolm Bruce), and Vancouver (Sam Cam).2 November 193 1 Trial bep:Buck called it -An Objcct Lesson in Bourgeois Justice". star witness \\.as RCLWSp? Sergcant Leopold 14 November 193 1 al1 eight found guilty-5 vars cscept Cacic who received hvo ?cars plus deportation: al1 CPC propcrty scizcd was now forfcited Lita-Rose Betchecman, The Little Band pp.69-171. and Andrew Pamaby and GSK -How the 'Reds' Got Their tMm: Thc Communist Party Unmasks an RCMP Sn." LLT U) (Fa11 1997). 253-67. '' included among its activities \vas a irry militant petition singed by 196 356 workers and delivered to Prime WterBennea demancikg no t ody -the relcxse of Tim Buck and his seven comades and of al1 clriss \var prisoncrsu and rui end to mass deportations. but "the resigution of vour govemcnt Mr. Bennett." as well: Submission of the CLDL [O the Dominion Governntent & the Bennerf Papen. Thc Dir~Thinies, Ed Michicl Hom pp.470-73. " In late 1930 Sralin saed that Socialist pYlies were the -1ast Iesen-e of the capitaiist order' and 'the moderatc ulng of fascisrn' .a statement that qrnbolized the divisive Third Period of the Comintem as neil as the Stalinhtion of the CPC: see both Ian Angus Canadiari Bokheviks.. pp.260-65 and Ivan Avakumovk. The Cornrnunist hm-of Canada.. pp.554 for the effects this had on the CPC. In fact, the Worker made great political capital out of the situation, presenting the CPC as a martyr in a just cause.5g The customary characterization of the capitalist in 'Giving Them Their Orders' (26 Apr 1930) was enhanced by mimetic portraits of the police caricatured with apish facial features and mechanized body rno~ernents.~~The police seem particularly reprehensible because of their blind subservience to the evil capitalist; prompting them to ruthlessly flog the demonstrators whose only demand is 'work or wages'. As a result, the Communias typicaily referred to the police as 'Bulls', 'Cossacks', or worse, while the Worker, as the organ of the CPC. equated the shortcomings of the Canadian legal system with the injustices of capitalism. In a second cartoon (30 Dec 1933), Yanovsky uses the conviction of some of the Stratford arikers to parody the repressive capitalist 'class justice' system. The 'class prisoner' strïker, still suffering fiom the wounds inflicted upon him by the police, is pronounced silty by the windbag judge who is propped up by capital and state-sanctioned violence. Yanovsky uses the windbag to mzalogicnliy " Even to the point of igno~glegai victories whcn rhey occurrcd Lita-Rose Betchemn me Little Band pp.69-85. 60 The use of apes or ape-men is by no mems esceptionai as i t was not 0111' used to depict the Irish chiruig Victorian tinies but -Men h~eused apes and monkeys for seemly and unseemlv cornparisans ~3.hthemselves since time imrnemorial .. . - L. Peny Curtis ADes and Angels. p.,YXXIV. Added to the ktof philosophers. folklorias. and phvsiognomists who believed people ho resernbled animais shedthe same c~aeristia\ras the founder of 19~centuq criminal anthropology Lombroso. who argued criminals codd be recognîzed bu their morphological resernblance to apes."Leslie A Zebrowitz, -PQsical Appearance as a Bais of Stereottping" Stereot\pes and Stereotk~inq.pp. 97 and 105. Thus. in an interesting tuni of the rables The IForker porvayed the police as criminals: in the mord sense of the tem if not kgal. -. .- C;ipit:ilist poli[ icinns ~e\noiinçeClàss Prisoncrs As- C'rimin;ils- - -Sends -'Tnops 1n t o-~triki.trrtisin-fk~-~mc~)f-~~~*n~~d~ -. Ordei- .\ n 4 JVhi tew;isli Iheir ~\ïn(*i-in~inii[. (*oi:q>t. icin -. s~bolizethe judge because to the cornmunins the lesal synem served only the interests of capital and as a result was anything but just. AttorneyGenerai Price is seen holding the rods of capital and a bloody club symbolizing his use of the police and army to help the furninue and pouitry rnanufacturers of Saatford in their nruggie against their workers. Yanovsky often co~zderrsedissues such as this into a simplified contest between a representative worker and any one of a number of stereotypical capitalists or individual politicians. Here as elsewhere the message was clear: organize and fight asainst the capitalists, but in doing so trust nobody except the true representative of the Canadian worker, the Communist Party of Canada. This warning even applied to the Communist cornrades themselves as new recruits and organizers were given a pamphlet entitled "Rules for Party Work" that exerted them to be carefùl and above all else, 9on't betray Party Work or Party Workers under any circum~tances."~' The Star was generally supportive of organized labour but was even more in favour of the rule and protection of the law for al1 citizens of Canada. It lamented the manner in which Chief Draper and the Police Commission were trampling on the nghts of the citizens of Toronto: The police are not an army of occupation governed by authorities who have no responsibility to the 'inhabitants'. The police administration is, or should be, the servant of the publ ic!' and constantly asserted the value of free speech in a democratic society: ii Among titc nine other mIcs wcre \\amïnps not to kgnames, adchesses. incrirnina~g litcnturc. to not avoid yet do not take unnecessa- risks during Pam; work not to let spies follou- you to meetings. and other suggestions on how to avoid the policc: Scan Pur*. bdicals and Rcvolutio~es.p. 19. . . .Theright to free speech and the right of fiee assembly cost so much to seet and have been of so great a value to the race that those who know anything about it cannot consent to have them thrown awaym6' The Smalso disliked Draper's conservative supporters as weii as his suppression of any kind of public demonmation and his interference with Communist candidates in the 1930 federai election, consequently, The Star waged an unending campaign against his roqhshod methods. hdsince it was at the same time declaring that even a communia is entitled to the protection of the law... it was accused by panicky people of being an admirer of communism and of ~ussia.~ The Star: especially reporters RE. Knowles, Salem BIand, a popular Methodia minister, and Hawkes the cartoonist. believed Section 98 represented a contradiction because the law should enshrine liberty for al1 and not just a chosen few. The Srnr was the most vocal supporter of the protest letter of the sixty-eight University of Toronto professon and the only daily paper in the city to suppon the communists' right to free speech. Hawkes used some classic cartoon symbols to demonsuate ( 18 Sept 1 929) that the Globe and other voices of reaction were responding with undue repressioa as the communists were really nothing to worry about. Political fear is gendered as the 'hysteria' of the old woman Grandma Anderson of the Globe, while Canadian everymaq the embodiment of masculine virtue and fair-play, Jonnie Cannuck, looks on with disdain. The childlike challenge of an infantile leftism is cotzdecfied by being presented as a soapbox opposition too ineffectual to 6' "The Police and ihe Public". Editorial frum die Smr. 30 June 1930. p.& 63 -nie Professors Protest." Editorial from the Stm. 16 Jartuq 193 1, p.6. M Ross Harhes J. E. Atkinson of the Star. p.29 1. 1 ~rsndmaGlobe: '-Darmtae lay a hsn... cn' ma lrcen Jonnie Canuck. younc mon. rn- 1-11 1 let th' rnilitary oh yc ss wcel ai the ~olir. - MR. PRICE IS SEEING. . ''PED" .; . ?' . . 4 hlr. Price. who i3 a litt1e ntnr sichtcd: Sccp OUT cyc on that Ind. cSici. and ;un him out of thc country at the fir*: outbreak. He look3 Bol~hcvic:O mc. Ordcrly Andersan: "Sorry. sir. but did ye jar-r yersel'. sir?" . bother a seriously strong democratic order. -4s Joseph Atkinson editorialized: TheReds we have in Toronto are few in number and small in consequence. They would arnount to nothing if ign~red.'~~Thus, the SIPr supported the principles of £tee speech and the mie of law but wavered in this support when the CPC was deemed an illegal organization in the fa11 of 193 1. In another example ( 1 7 Jan 1933) of the communist non-rhrea~the two main proponents of Section 98, Attorney-GeneraI Price and Police Chief Draper were keeping an eye on a suspicious man wearing a sandwich-board advertisement for a production of Little Red Etiding Hood. Pnce's caricature was quite standard and tame in cornparison to Draper who appears more dangerously militarized and coercive with spurred military boots, warrant in hand, revolver drawn, a saber at his side, the classic symbolism used to depict iMussolini, Hitler, and other fascists. Mer 1932, questioning the intelligence of Draper and the Police Commission was gaining in popularity as exemplified by J.F. White's letter to the Cnr~adinrtFonrrn: But, having once adopted an indefensible position, they soon found there is no comfonabie way-station at an equal distance between the two extreme points of liberty and rigid dictatorship.. .and even those who would give their moral support to the campaign for 'stamping out the reds' will be inclined to doubt whether the Commission has suficient intellectual ability to distinguish between the 'disruptive' and 'respectable' elements in the community. 66 " 'Ailonson conilaued Thq- have been acknised di mund the world by the polie of the Chief of Policc and Commissioner Coatswonh Bu ulling out airnost the entire police force of the ciry to prevcnt Tim Buck making a speech in Queen's Park.. .the impression was created.. .that Toronto \tas seetfiing wirh Commlinism.. .-. "The Professors Protest," Editorial from the Sm. 16 Januaq 193 1. p.6. '' Letter enriticci .*PoliceDiaatorship" published in the Cnnndan Fomm in Febnÿ- 193 1 : Forum. Canadian Life and Leners. pp.75-77. Indeed, Hawkes mocks Pnce by hahlng hirn sugsen to Draper that the suspected man 'looks Bolshevic' and that the Iater should 'run him out of the country at first outbreak', a subtle criticism of the many deportations of suspected radicals that were taking place at the time. This Iink to fascism became more direct over time (19 Sept 1933) as Draper's methods turned more authontarian and Hawkes' criticism of hirn became more caustic in response. Hawkes relied more on the use of symbolic props in his cartoons on this issue than on any other topic, and preferred to satirize the imbroglio by portraying the characters involved in this drama as soberly and realisrically as possible. The Telegrmn was one of those frenzied groups that perceived and opposed Hawkes and the Srar as open supporters of Bols hevism. The Telegram was ahead of its time in regards to the Canadian 'Red Scare' as it frequently exaggerated the number of communists active in Canada, dramatized the horrors of the Soviet Union and called anyone who opposed Section 98 communists or communia syrnpathizers. It gave total support to Prime iMininer Bennett's 'iron heel' policy, it attacked the University of Toronto professors who petitioned against Section 98, it referred to the Sfor as the 'Daily Pravda' and 'Joe Sralin's iMouthpiece7,and even suggested that the United Church was a Bolshevik- influenced ~r~anization.''Beiieving that communists were evil, unchristian, foreign agitators whose sole purpose was to destroy a11 sense of order and morality in Canada, the filegram was a precursor of the Cold War. It was capable of tamng any liberal with the bmsh of communism and, in the early '' Ron Poulton. The Paocr Timt, p. 198. 1930s targeted Joseph Akinson of the Star and other political figures with considerable relish. In the first example 'BIG BROTKER OF LITTLE RED' (1 5 hg1929) Shields depicts the cornmunists as child-like, and therefore, insi-gïficant. Syrnbolically, the libertine Akinson has corne down fiom his Mynew building to personaily support the tyrannical reds and their right to 'seditious7 and 'blasp hemous' speech. Communists were also represented as ugly, hairy' foreign barbarians who angrily scream out their doctrines from their 'soap boxes'. Despite the fact that most of the CPC leadership originated fiom the British Isles, anti-Communist cartoons almort always depicted them as foreigners, usually Slavic, ÿith foreign dress and rough facial feature~.~~ A second exarnple (24 Jan 193 1 ), presents one of the '68 wise men of U of T' in full academic regalia leading his herd out to Pasture in the 'bad lands' of 'Communism' while a despondent Premier Henry cornplains that 'Howard [Ferguson] never told me that being Minister of Education I'd be cowboy to a bunch of mavericks'. '' Telegram editorials added that the 'Communists Should Not Be Assisted to Becorne Martyrs in Cause of Free Speech' and clarified that: 68 The memkrship of thc CPC was however. rnostiy composed of 'forcigncrs'. Indeed in the mrly 1930s Finns, &rainians. and Jews constituted between 80-90% of the mernbcnhip, a fact ht\vas fortificd over time since "The Depression contributed to the radi-on of East Eusopeans who had fewer srivings and less well-developed tcchnicril skilis [and lcss chance ai getting relie4 than Cmciians of Anglo-&on estraction" Ivan A~.akumovic,The Coamunist P3rty of Canada. pp.35 and 67. Moreover. "Since mon Communists wcrc laio\\li to be foreignen. it ivas erroneousty assumed that most foreigners were Communists: in the case of both groups. prejudice and antipathy were compoundcd" Lita-Rose Betc herman. The Little hdp. 7, 69 This refers to Ihe fact ihai both Ferguson and Henry simultuieoudy acted as the Minister of Education and Premier. m indication of the power and controver- surrounding the pst at this time 1l May 1932 A KICK-OFF ' BOS. W. H. PRICP4Anocenn tiip .ethout a rchirri ticket is the best cure for whnt /ilu.thcrn-" 1 But if the reference of the educationists is to incidents which took piace in Queen's Park in connection with gatherings of avowed Communins, the issue of free speech is not involved. The police are supponed by a majority of the citizens in prohibitin in a public place, a sathering which might lead to a breach of the peace.77r Again, for the Telegram the 'Reds' represented a foreign menace on Canadian soil, the only solution for which was to 'send them back to where they came From'. This aggessive message is the point ofthe last example (1 1 May 1932) as Attorney-General Pnce deports a 'red' by kicking him out of Ontario, across the ocean, and back to Russia where he belongs, 'the best cure for what ails them' Barbara Roberts has demonstrated that the deportation of communists and other so-called subversives was a favounte weapon of the federal immigration depanment in CO-operationwith the RCMP and other law enforcement agncies. Since its amendment in 19 10 and popularkation in 19 19, Section 4 1 of the Immigration Act had been a favounte tool of the governing powers not only to gifle dissent but to regulate the economy as well." Although no precise tdly was kept, Robens suggests that several hundred, including CPC notables Tomo Cacic, ~4.~0Vaara, Martin Pohjansalo, and Dan Holmes, were deported fiom Canada during the [%Os. -r) Editoririls from the 16 and 17 of Jmuq 193 I rcspectively. Evening Telegram. p.6. -1 Deponation "semed an important econornic Function for the sute ... [as itl helped [O relieve eniplo~ers,mrinicipalities, and the state from the burdens of povew. unemplo'men L and political unrest [since it] .. .got rid of workers when they became useless. surplus. or obstreperous." Barkm Roberts, 5hoveiiing Out the -Mutinous:" Political Deportation from Canada Before 1Wi" Labour-Le Travail. 13 (Fa11 1956). p.79. The 'Red Raids' of 193 1 and 1932 were especially effective because afier the CPC had been declared an illegal organisation ïhe only evidence needed for political deportation was to prove that the immigrant was a member of a Communist organization Naturaliseci citizemhip was no sure defence against deportation" as the cenificates could now be revoked." It was by no means a polit ically unpvpular measure either as during April and June 1 93 1 over 80 municipalities wrote in support of the Sudbury City Council petirion to the Dominion govemment to "deport al1 undesirables and ~omrnunists."'~Only those on the margins of political power such as the CPC, CCF, and certain civil libenarian and labour g~oupsechoed the criticisms of J.S. Woodsworth that: . . . it is not fair that when we have invited immigrants to come to this country, people who very ofien have broken up their homes and given up jobs in the old land, having tom themselves loose to come here, expecting to find the oppominities that were promised to them, we should, as soon as they find themselves unable to obtain work, simply send them back to the countries from which they came.'" Thus, deponation like many of the other significant issues that arose during the Depression was interpreted through the lens of class and partisan politics that -. - Barbara Roberts. -Shovelling Out the "Mutinous--" p. 93. -'Donaid Avec. -Dmeerous ForeignM Eurom Immigmnt Worlren and Labour R;idicalism in Cm& 1896-1932 (Toronto 1979). p. 135. Although thcrc were voices of protest in the likral and left press such as the aforememioned cartoons in the Smand Iïorker as weii as lcncrs in the Canadan Forunt: see J.F. White's "ûeportritions~"Forum. Cruwdian Life and Lctters 1920-70.. pp. 10 1-103. - .t From House of Conrntonr Debates 22 November 1932 as found in f mi chi el Horn Ed, The b Thirties. p.579. in Febrmy 1932 Woods~orthalso tried to introduce a biIl thrit would -dari& or remove some of the more objectiombk Sub-sections of Section 98". but it \vas defatecl by Bennett and the govemient: The Canadian Review Company. The Canadian hua1Review. 1932, pp.71-72. govemed the editorial direction of the three papers before it was presented to the public. In sumrnary, a bnef cornparison of the various class-based issues covered by the three papers reveals a somewhat predictable distribution based upon the political stance of the editorial staffand class background of each paper's audience. George Shields of the Teleffam invested most of his effons in depicting populist govemmental policies such as tariffs and taxation and spent little time on other more social issues. D. Hawkes of the Srm- had a similar division of interests, the only dinerence being that he presented the liberal-left view of these issues as opposed to the conservative angle put on these same topics in the Telegram's cartoons. The mainsueam press surprisingly snubbed unemployment and relief as the need for positive spin on the Depression as well as a general reluctance to criticke the existing capiralist order prohibited such cartoons. The tenuous tone of Hawkes' cartoons and Shield's even more passive depiction of the unemployment and relief crises, combined with their condemnations of radicalisrn to offer suppon to the existing status quo within Canada. The Worker preferred to ignore specific governmental &airs, focusing on social issues that highlighted class-conflict such as strikes, unemployment, relief, and housing. Yanovsky's cartoons represented the radical challenge to the established socio-economic and political order in Canada during the early 193Os, as well as socialist artistic conventions and approaches to class issues. Cha~terFour. 'Top Hats, Walkinp Sticks. and Ideal Women': Caricatures of Individual Politicians and MerSocial Groups Perhaps more than any other penod in Canadian history, the hostile climate of t he early 193 Os brought an eclectic group of antagonistic personalities to the forefiont of national poiitical life. W.L.M. King, RB. Bennett, and J.S. Woodsworth represented three very different backgrounds, political alleances, and persona1 styles, and were therefore oflen in serious conflict with each other The provincial scene was not much dif5erent as stolid Conservatives George Ferguson and George Henry clashed with the clement Liberai leader W.E.N. Sinclair and his more bellicose successor, Mitchell Hepbum, as well as a handful of colourful Progressive and CCF leaders. The depictions of various municipal politicians, occupational and ethnic groups in the editorial cartoons dso reflected the sense of discord and conflict within Toronto and Canadian society as a whole during this period. Womeq similarly, were represented quite differently in the 1930s than during the 1920s as the napper was replaced by the 'ideal' female, reflecting society's regression into more 'traditional' roles. Both the individual and group caricatures found within the Star, Teiegr~nr,and Worker subtly and not so subtly reveal the politicai, econornic, social, gender and other biases of its creators and their target audiences during the early 1930s. Not surprisingl y the three individuals most &en caricatured b y the three cartoonists studied in this thesis were the leaders of the main federal political parties. As the table on the next page reveals each newspaper spent a great deal of effort in chronicling the activities of these three, especially Prime Minister Bennett. kmer To&s .Benne@ AVG : Kim . AVG Woodsworth AVG 1 Worker Star j I 1931j 2211 51 , 23.08%; 4i 1.81%; 0; O= 19321 2281 31 , 13.60%1 3; 1.32%i 01 0.0O0h 1933i 2331 54: 23.18%j 1i 0.43%! 21 0.86% Total : 1008! 222: 22.020hi 24! 2.38%; Z/ 0.20% I I . L Telegram j i , 1929; 153i 8i 5.23%/ 161 10.46%! O i O.0O0h Predictably the mainstream papers' coverage of King and Bennett peaked in the rnonths around the election campaign of 1930. ' There were also significant monthly fluctuations as well that corresponded to the sessions of the House of Cornmons. From 1929 to 1933 about 20-25% of the Star's cartoons ridiculed Bennett according to the specific political issues and events of the day. Derisive cartoons on Bennett's 'doorn and gloom' campaign, the Conservative National Policy of tariffs and taxes, political patronage, Bemen's old-fashioned, l Rcfcr again to the Telegranr 's cartoon carnpaign pamphlet: Appendu #L in contrast The IF'orker \tas fairtv subdutd during thc 1930 election campaign pcrfraps buseit lmlized the nine CPC ondidates &d no rcal chancc of gctting clected AU nine lost thcir dcposits. polling only 760 1 out of a 168 540 total vote. Its priorities wre rcfictted in its hast that Chariie Sirns had nswampcd rhc Labour fakir Connors with 643 vota to 262": Lita-Rose Betcherman The Little -Bmd. pl13. 'dictatorid' style of government, and unfavourable cornparisons to US.President Roosevelt were moa numerous among Hawkes7 depictions of ~ennett?Of course, the Stcn included no such bite in its cartoons on MacKenzie King, or on J.S. Woodsworth and the CCF for that matter. As previously mentioned Hawkes and the SIar were consistent supporters of the Liberai Party, its economic platforni, and its leader whose administration had ''accomplished so much that columns would be required to chronicle even the beginning of its achievement~.'~ Interestmgiy, the Stm was also "one of the few Canadian dailies to show syrnpathy for the CCF paq" and most of its policies proposing economic restructuring, although this support was always quite tenuous." The Telegram believed that Bennett and his party's National Policy would thwart American attempts to 'dump' their products on Canadian markets, end the current blight of unemployment, and place Canada among 'the foremost countries of the world'. Moreover, since Bennett was a proud impenalist he would end the Stream of 'foreigners' pouring into the country and redirect Canadian economic and political policy back towards the ~rn~ire.~However, the Telegram's - Star editariais referred to Benma as the Thief Moumer-' and -A millionaire who wouid tas the pF'during the election campai= and generally tumed more insolent as time passed ' Stm aücoriai "Some Liberal Accomp~t~~25 July 1930. p.6. The Scar gave King and the Liberals credi t for the promotion of Canadian inciilstry, reduced tases and debt. and a higher wdard of LibUig among man! other things. Although the author adds: -but that sympathy !vas not too aident at election time.' W.H. Kesterton, A Histon. of Journalism in Canada, p.87 Bennett was devoted to %e British Empire. which had -given to the subject races of the world the oniy kind of decent govenunent they have ever hown,' and proud to cal1 himsclf a 'tme imperiaiist... who accepts gladly and bears proudly rhe responsibitities of his race and breed '" John Hcrd Thompson and Allen Seager. Canada 1922- 1939, p. 199. coverage of Bennett did drop significantly with each passing year, mon likely reflecting the Prime ~Minister'sdeclining popuiarity among dl Canadians, includine- even neadfast Tory supporters like 7'eZegrc-mreaders. The same cannot be said about its coverage of ~MackenzieKing, which aayed consistent and particularly derogatory throughout this period. The Tlegram was even more hostile to the CCF and its leader J. S. Woodswo& and in 1933 Shields dedicated almon as many cartoons to denigrating Woodsworth as he did to the ad-King crusade. The lYorker generally had much less of a focus on specific individuals, prefemng to address issues and people in relation to their role in the overall class struggie. As previously noted Yanovsky and the CPC generally lumped individual capitalists and politicians together in a composite, anathema, 'Boss ciass'. There were exceptions, however, as revealed by the fairly high percentage of individualized cartoons on Bennett during 1932-33 and Woodswonh as both a member of the Labour and CCF caucuses in parliament. Surprisingly, the Worker did not contain any cartoons on the Unemployed Delegations that met with Bemett during the spring and fail of 193 1; its only depiction of Bennett dunng that year depicted him straqling a worker with his budget's new taxes. However. following the infamous %on Heel' speech to the Ontario Conservative Association dunng Novernber 1932, it invested the rest of that year and most of the spring of 1933's cartoons in mocking the Prime Minister's reactionary infantilism. ' Since the policies of the Stalinist Third Period required that the CPC ' SpcSking to his audience on che evils of Comunism knnett urgeci hem "to put the iron heel mîhicssly on propganda of that kind-: han Avakumo\ic Thc Communist Party in Canada p.90. view al1 other socialia parties as 'bourgeois social fascists', the Wurker called the CCF a Wew L'nholy Alliance". This alliance was "cornposed of proven traitors to the workers and small fmers and will provide a detriment and a menace to the interests of a11 toilers,"' while its leader, Woodsworth, was singled out as "the moa dangerous enemy we have at the present tirne."8 The CPC opposed the CCF whenever possible and Yanovsky had a special zeal for mocking Woodsworih and his 'faker' cohons. Overall, as time passed the caricatures of al1 three leaders became increasingly odious, reflecting both the political developments and the heightened anger of the Canadian public during that time. Federal Poiitics and Politicians As previously mentioned, throughout 1930-3 1 government revenues were declining rapidly while expenditures for capital projects, relief, and the CNR debt remained quite huge. 9 In an attempt to balance the budget Finance Minister Rhodes introduced cuts in every governrnemal department, a Salaries Deduction Act that reduced wages IO%, a senes of ta.. increases, as well as hikes in persona1 income tau rates.'' The Conservatives invested a great deal of rhetoric and legislation in attempting to baiance the budget as they related it to international The Il orker. t O August 193 2. p. 3 s Tim Buck, 9 March 1929: Ivan Avakurno\ic. The Cornmunist Pmin Canada. p.68. Ln facl -from 1930 to 1936 Ottawa spent more in meeting CNR interest paments thyi it committed to rehef either dtrcctl~or through its sham of pro\iincial espcnses." Michel Hom Depression in Canada p.9. 10 Lq-Glassford -Retrenchment-RB. Bennett Style: The Consen-ativeRecord Before hc New Deal. 1930-34." -4nrericnnReview of Canadian Sudies. l9:2 ( 1989). pp. 1-C 143. confidence in the Canadian dollar, which in mm affected Canada's status as a net debtor country. 'l Nevertheless, the govemment's monetary policy was sadly inadequate as revenue decreased more than spendins resulting in huge budget deficits in 1932 and 1933 as well. Not surprisingly, finances became the most important topic of political discourse and those ministers whose port5oiios dealt with monetary rnatters were cast into the public limelight. Most of the other federai politicians caricatured in the editorial cartoons of this period had direct dealings with financial matters. hongthe Liberal cabinet, Finance Minister Charles Duming, Minister of Justice Eames Lapointe, Minister of Labor Peter Heenan, and the Minister of Railways and Canais, Thomas Crerar were the main targets. Of course, after their defeat in July l9Xl the frequency of suc h caricatures declined rather drastical 1y. " Similarly, among the Conservatives, the Ministers of Finance (EN. Rhodes), Justice (Hugh Guthrie), and Railways and Canals (R.J. Manion) joined the Minister of Immigration and Colonization, W.A. Gordon, as the most comrnonly caricatured. Since they formed the govemment for the majority of the penod of this study the percentages of the cartoons on the Conservative cabinet remained fairly steady.I3 The only C.C.F. M.P.'s included in the cartoons were A.A. Heaps (Winnipeg North), II During the 1932 Session Rhodes declarecl that The presenauon of OLU national credit is an indispensable prerequisite to the return of pr~sperity.~Lmy Glassford "Retrenciunent-RB. Bennett Shk." p. 145. " The numbers dropped hmabout 6% in the Sror and a whopping 24% in the Tefegmduring 1 930 to 0% and 6% respectively during 193 L. The Star averaged 2.3 8% while the Telegrunt had an average of 7.18% of its cartoons on the federal Liberah. The iCbrker did no1 conlain a single cartoon on my of thc fédcrril libcnt polititians. 13 This included about 3.5% of the Telegram and 7% of the Sm's cartoons per mum; the ~~'orket'ssoiitary esarnpte included Fÿiance Minister Rhodes. Angus MacInnis (Vancouver South), and Agnes Macphail (South East Grey County). Despite their late emergence on the political scene the CCF was represented in roughly the same proponion of cartoons as the two traditional parties. l4 Interestïngly, especially in view of the publicity generated by both Tim Buck and A.E. Smith, there was not a single depiaion of an individual member of the CPC in either of the papers, perhaps reflecting the fact they had no direct influence on policy-making decisions. Overall, just as those of their leaders did, these caricatures of subordinate federal politicians reflected the socio-economic and political climate &ybecoming increasingly impertinent over time. Provincial Politics and Politicians The cartoon coverage of the provincial political scene did not diverge much from the federal trends examined above. Nthough many of the issues of the day were distinct From those at the federal le~el,'~the same partisan-based coverage existed for the cartoons on provincial leaders as it did for their federal counterparts. Indeed, the Telegrurn spent the lion's share of its cartoons on praising the policies of the Conservative govemments of George Ferguson ( 1929- 14 This was duc to their quite high representation during 1933 : 12% of the Tekgrani, 9% of the Worker. and 3% of the Smr's cartoons included one of thesc thret politicians. '' SigrufÏcant issues by yar: 1929. Liquor Control Act. Bilina4 Schools Issue. larse Consemative rnajonty government retunied: 1930. unemploymenk provision of relief. rurai hydro, mother's aüowances and old age pension: 193 1 unernpioyment and relief. Ontario Hydro Electnc Potver Commission Deparunent of Public Weifare; 1932 unemplo~mentand relief. government's deficit hydro, füeI ta.; 1933 unemployment and relief, amenciments to the election act and voter's kt government's deficit and the sataries of tarious chil senants: Canadian Raiew Company. Canach Annual Rmiew of Public main, 1929-33, The Province of Ontario sections. 30) and George Herq (1930-33)16,and criticising the Leaders of the Opposition W.E.N. Sinclair and Mitch Hepbuni, as well as the rest of the ~iberals." Shields also produced a few cartoons that mocked Progressive Leaders I.G. Lethbridge ( 1929) and Harry C. Nixon ( 1930-33)in a very dismissive rnanner. During late 1932 and throughout 1933 the Tekgram divided its efforts between trying to prolong the political future of the reigning Conservatives by defending governrnental initiatives? attacking the newly formed, oppominist Liberal- Progressive coalition, and satirizing the imbecil ic C CF. IS The Star was somewhat more subdued in its support for the provincial Liberals in comparison to their federal colleagues. Hawkes caricatured both Liberal leaders W.E.N. Sinclair ( 1923-30)and Mitch Hepbum ( 193042) in a very positive manner, generally as champions of the ordinary ontarian." Its few 1 O George Houard Ferguson kvas Premier fmm 16 July 1923 to 15 December 1930. His main accompÏishments inclide absorbing the amprotes movement. defeating organized labour. lvgc r&d-building pmjects the &-elopment of a Forean. poliq and the nimulvion of norihem mining developrnents. -4s a dsoted British Imperialist and Bennett's kingrnaker. lie \.as rewarded with the London Hiph Commissioner pst in the fdl of 1930. His niccessor. the solid consemtive. liwyer. farmer and businessrmm George Stewart Henry, wasnot that popuIar and oniy acted as ri repiacement Premicr. Joseph SchuU Onho Since 1867. pp.258-82 and Peler Oliver. G. Howard Fer.woon Ontario Ton- (Toronto 1977). 1- Thc Telegrcut~'~numbcrs ucre: Conscnatives 25.04?6. Liberais 18.83% Ao@vcs 3.99%. and the CCF t -2% ''-Vague promises. Qwck remcdies. Irresponsiblc criticimis. Indefinite policies. These conninite the entire stock-in-tradc of tht rnushroom political orgnmtion-the C.C.F.," Tefegranreditorial entiiles "Onmio Can E,upect Nothing From Political *entuers- 5 July 1933, p.6. 19 The Sm Mackenzie King Sinciair. and other mcmben of the Liberal establishment originally opposed Hepburn's nomination as l&r but soon warmed to him when th-. realized how popular the popdist, former Onion fmer\ras among Ontario's electoratc. Indecd aller Hepbum wvas elected premier in 1934 he mon became a favourite subject of most editorial cartoonists bccause: -Mitch Hepburn \vas an enigma: at once dogrnatic and iconoclastie and independent. ninand self-cffacing. .. in his public Me Mitch defies any coni.entiond analysis. as do other populist rhetoricians spawned by the Depression- John T.Sa>well, 'Just Ca11 Me Mitch': The Life of mitc ch dl F. He&urn (Toronto 199 11, pp.530-3 1. cartoons on both Progressive Leader Hany Nixon and CCF Leader Capt. Elmore Philpott were somewhat ambivalent, although the Star was in favour of the Liberal-Progressive alliance and some of the CCF7ssuggested refoms. Whereas Hawkes invested a great deal of effort in taunting the provincial Conservatives, and seemed to especially enjoy drawing Premier Ferguson, who repeatedly popped up in cartoons even after he had lefi Canada for a High Commissioner pon in England, as a symbol of that party's obsole~ce.'~This reflected the shifi in public opinion from suppon for the agrarian influence and staid conservatism of the 1920s to the more radically populist 1930s as: . . .the traditional political leaders, with middle-class origins, good social connections, and once admired for their unimaginative integrity, were replaced in the 1930s by men without social prestige, uninhibited men who spoke in the vemacular of the under-privileged, who may have been more demagogic than radical but who symbolized the rejection of rniddle- class leadership.2' The Star jumped on this bandwagon for good der 1934 when the flamboyant Mitchell Hepburn became the first Liberal Premier of Ontario since 1905 Once again reflecting its mandate to be the national paper of the Canadian proletariat, the Worker did not spend much time on provincial politics. In fact, only three of its cartoons were devoted to provincial politics: al1 were vehement condemnations of Attorney-General William Herbert Price and his militant handling of the Stratford Strike during the fa11 of 1933. As we shall see below, the Worker employed a similar stance on municipal politics, only getting involved " The Smr*s numbers wre: Consmatiucs X.GI%. Libcnls 1.6Y% Progressives 0.2% and the CCF 0.3% " Blair Na-. -The Liberai W?: Fiscal and Monetaq- Polie in the 1930s." The Depression in Cmda p.260. when a panicular incident or figure came to represent the bourgeois side of the class struggie. Municipal Politics and Politicians An examination of data on the representation of municipal politicians presents some variations on the three newspapers' partisan-based political coverage. Table # III The Worker broke from its usual policy of differentiating between bourgeois politicians and focusing on specifically Toronto events in order to caricature the traitorous 'labor faker' James Simpson. It wndemned strongly al1 'reactionary, reformist" leaders such as 'Jimmy' Simpson because they supposedly represented 9he main bulwark of the rule of finance capital in its drive towards Fascism and ~ar".'~The CPC had a long-standing feud with Simpson that aarted over his role in barring communists nom the Toronto Labor Council back in 1927. It particularly disliked how Simpson and the Trades and Labor Council waffled over the f?ee speech issue? Strangely, the Worker did not contain any cartoons on Sam McBride, despite the fact that he played a leading role in suppressing the CPC within Toronto; he even championed a by-law that would require al1 groups planning public meetings to apply to the police first for approval.'" Perhaps even more of a peculiarity was the fact that neither the Worker nor its IWO adversaries depicted any communist candidates despite the Star's support for the campaigns of J.B. Salsbeg and Stewart Smith and the Worker's obvious complete support for al1 CPC candidates. The most probable expianation is that the mainaream Papen, which usually lumped al1 radicals into one negligible bloc, thought that their readers rnay not have known or cared about individual communist candidates. The Worker, meanwhile? may have taken this step to avoid becoming 13 It offered some legal support only after the Fellowship of Reconciliation and other civil liberty groups becarne invoived The Communists retaliaied a& this offense by rernoving Simpson Gom the date of CLP candidates in the Toronto municipal elections of that _var: Ivan Avakwnovic, The Communist Par& of Canada., p.53. Simpson. who by this urne sat on Toronto's Board of Control, and the TLC at fmt protesteci the bans of foreign language meetings but backed off when Chief Draper assured them it would not actvenely affect thcm. supporting the ban and its ah criticïze of eliminating &mmunism. The?- began- io ihe poiice and champion & speech fier the CPC and h&nt bYdmwere bnitalized at a mehg in Queen's Park on 13 ~ugun 1929: Liu-Rose Betcherman The Linle Band. pp.26.43, and €2. :' Mayor McBride and the Counàl backeù doim when the proposeci by-law evoked the ire of local church and labour groups: lan Angus. Canadian Bolshaiks, pp.293-94. too Toronto-centric, as despite the geographical concentration of its membership, it stiil claimed to be a national newspaper. The Star, however, broke from the Liberal-Conservative dichotomy in its coverage of municipal politics by supporting politicians associated with the Conservatives and CCF in addition to the Liberals. The municipal field was sornewhat complicated by the fact that candidates did not nin openly on partisan tickets, although some did identify themselves with the established parties while others clearly sympathïzed with one or another party's policies. The Sfm generall y supported liberals and pro-labour counselors," while it mocked conservatives on councii. Hawkes especially enjoyed satirizing former Telegram City editor, Bert Wemp, during his election campaign and his troubled 1930 mayoralty. However, derinitial hesitation, Hawkes and the Sfw-joined the Telegram in its support for the conventional William Stewart, who was Mayor from 193 1 to 1935? Another departure from the liberal-conservative partisan split was the Star's unwavering support for maverick Samuel McBride, whose pro-Orange, ami-Communist, and other stands sometimes clashed with the positions held by the paper,27 although the Sm's support for McSride may have '' Although it did not conmin any cartoons on Simpson the Sm's editorials were alwq-s very supportive of his policies and campaigns for Board of Control. The Smalso supporteci any Liberals that ran for council. inctuding unsuccessfuî campaigns for Claude Pearcc's bids for the Board of Control each year. " The Sm's editorial on Stewart's fm campaign ivas enh'ded ..Don*t Send a Boy to the Mill.- suggesting that hsi\-ing only wvard espcrience hc !vas tw incsperienced to te Mayor. Howevcr. in the years followving the Star suggested that Stewart had done well enough -to merit a renetval of public confidence" because he has -piloteci the chic ship with intelligence and common sense." Smeditorïals "Re-Elect the OLd Boarcf' and -Mr. Stewrt's Go& Recordwfiom 27 December 1922 and 1933 respectively. Indeed from 193 1 to 1933 the Sm's muai cartoon on Stewart \tas merel? an endorsement. had less to do with partisan politics than it did with financial support and political back scratching. Throu$out the 1920s there was a fierce controversy over the ftnancing of public services, but dunng the Depression the need to provide relief provoked a budgetary cnsis su severe that it almon led to major political and social unrest. During the 1929 campaign the booaerism of the Star's City Editor Hany Hindmarsh, was in sharp contrast to the restraint preached by Robertson and the Teiegrm. This difference in opinion was not due solely to their ideological differences, however, as the Telegram opposed McBride and the city plan because its University Avenue extension would have improved the value of the Star's new building. "The Telegram opposed the plan, and enlined allies for what it called 'The BattIe of Crooked Lane'," and when it could not find anybody to run against McSride, it entered its own City editor, Bert wemp." The Ïeiegrum had the last laugh because after McBride called Wemp a coward in a Sminterview, the filegram ran a picture of Wemp in his decorated Major's outfit that was widely believed to have helped hirn win the ele~tion.*~As a result, the expansionary downtown development plan and its main proponent, Sam McBride, were both i- - The Star said of McBride "The Star. which has no wish to dictate. has on occasion disa@ with him siron&." Smeditoriai -McBride for Mhyor." 2 1 December 1929. p.6. The Sm stuck with McBride after his dcfwt in 1930 and supportcd each of his cynpaigns for the Board of Control fiom 1930-33. Y This bale became x, hcved h~McBri& sued the Telegrum for Iibel when it cailed him 'a tubthumbing lirir. a coward. an irresponsible office holder. and the possessor of a low mind and the morais of an Amnias." The Telegram fi1ed a countersuit appled mice. but eventually had to pay S5000 to McBride on 15 November 1929: Uon Poulton The Paper Twant. p. 197. Ron Poulton Nathan Phillips. and James Lemon ail agnx on this poin~McBride did not disappear for long however. as he beume controiier in 1932. a position he held until he again won tfie Mayoralîy in 1936. rejected by the electora~e.~~Debates over the development of the city quickly became ovenuhelrned by the massive social problems ushered in by the Depressio n. Bert Wemp's one-year &nt in office was not an easy one. as the problems of unemployment and relief combined with delays in planned construction, conflicts with other officials, and charges of corruption. Worst of all, Wemp and his council conspired to vote themselves a pay raise fiom S3OO to 51200 per annum. Wemp's timing could not have been worse as an increasingly impoverished electorate looked on with a combination of amazement and anger. The Sfar rnaintained its contempt for Wemp and his supporters throughout 1930 as evidenced by its frequent attacks on his character. As mentioned, Shields and the Telegram lauded its very own Bert Wemp during his carnpaign and also spent a fair amount of time defending hirn in the months following. Wemp 's more apt successor William Stewart, was aiso supponed by the Tekgram during the campaign of 1930 and the subsequent years as well. The Telegram rnaintained its dichotomy with the Smthrough its mocking ponrayals of those, usually liberals, championed by that paper. It also absolutely detested Sam McBride and invested a lot of irs cartoons (up to 10%) in demonstrating what a 'vile and unfit' character he was, a crusade that was intensified during McBrideYsannual campaigns for City Council. 30 Annound during March 1Y29 the dow~to\mplan consisted of street widening and other improvements and !vas to take 15 years and % 19 million dollars to complete. IL dominateci Lhe cie sections of both minstream papers for mon of the year. spreading to the other sections duruig the elettion carnpaign that December. in the end the anti-plan Bert Wemp bet McBride and the plan's proponents by oniy 2 403 votes: The Evening Telegrm. 2 Januar). 193 1. p. 1. With the entrenc hrnent of the social problems and pessimism of the Depressioq municipal politics lost some of its partisanship and flair. This was panly because during this period (1930-34) the coud was controlled by the popular Mayor William Stewaq whom Nathan Phiilips called the '%est Mayor Toronto ever had", and a Board of Control that underwent few changes. Indeed, both the Télegram and the Stm displayed a profound respect for Mayor Stewan whom they viewed as doing a good job dunng a tirne of austerity. The fiee speech issue was still important and there were periodic flashes of partisan clashes, such as McBnde throwing a can of carrots at an alderman during a food prices debate. but the focus was mody on taxation and economizing in light of the city's financial predicament. The cartoon coverage of the municipal arena is quite significant because it not only reveals the nature of politics within Toronto but it also demonstrates what influence the three newspapers had on shaping those politics. The Worker, for instance, seems to have had little effect on municipal politics as the electord support for communist candidates rernained among the handfuls of immigrants who had enough property for the fianchise. Yet, Toronto's ethnic minorities were rnostly responsible for '?the election of socialist and communist city councillors during the 1 %Os, including a socialist mayor in 1935."'~ However, as the quote 31 Nathan Phillips. Mavor of Al1 the People, p.63. The only significant change \vas the replacement of ControlIer bcker with Sam McBnde in the 193 1 elecûon " The author believes lhis demonsuaied -ha t connections between work and local politics were also possible in that ci-:" Daniel Hieben. -Toronto in 193 1," p.68 below demonstrates the interests of the business community and their Party, the Tories, continued to dominate Toronto City Council: Socialias flourish here as in every city, but as individuals, not as an influentid bloc dominahg civic policy . .. From the beginning of Toronto's corporate life small proprietors have played a vital part in formulating civic policy. Their dinaste of high taxes has been the root of their interest. Usuaily the small proprietor has a bottom of common sense that seems to be lacking in the 'Big Business Man'. . ..He h2s bought and sold without reference to political theories. He sees no reason why public business should depart from these principles; and who will say that he is wong?" interestingly, despite having the highest circulation within Toronto during this period, the Sfur loa many more electoral contests than it won? Reflecting the paper's tradition of excellent political coverage and the Conservative Party's dominance at the time, it was the Telegram that remained the authority on not only municipal, but also provincial and federal politics as well. Indeed, "the Telegram, ...had grear influence in the municipal field," and ofien blocked the election of unfavourable candidates. '' Reponers Russel Fox and Fred Miller were trusted reglars at City Hall and dong with their Editor in Chief, they often had a profound influence on municipal poiicy making. So nrong was this ascendancy. rhat the Star frequently charged the Telegram with influence peddling: "The 1%O council did not know where it was going and it never amved. it wouid stan out in a certain direction and the Melinda Street wind wouid blow the other way and 33 Jesse Edgar ~MiddletoaToronto's 100 Years. p.46. 34 For instance. the Smcornphineci bar only 4 Liberals out of 29 total memben on cih councit: "Those Four W icked Grits. " 3ar editorial27 June 193 0, p.6. However, the paper uas able to get an even spli t (McBride and Simpson) with the Telegrant (Ramsden and Robbins) in regards to the Board of Conmi during this period The Telegront invested a fiirther 8.69% of its cartoons on lcsscr honn municipal officiais as comped to only 0.69% in the Srur and 0% in the lfürker. " Nathan Phillips. Mavor of All the People. p.6 1. council would drift back on it~elf."'~The Teiegram's focus on municipal politics is clearly evident from the much greater nurnber of cartoons it invested in this Professional and Other Social Grou~s The final table reveals some interestins pattern in editorial c-artoon content in regards to certain social groups. Table # 13 1 paner 1 Totals 1 Women AVG IMinotftipc ~AVG [Editarsl~v~IPo/ice IAVG I 1 t I t 1 i Worker Total 1 140 15 Star 1929 91 3 OVERALL 1 24021 The Telegmn~'s nicbname tas the *OIdLa@ of Melinda SM': Smediiorial -A Weil- balanced CounciLV26 December 1929. p.6. Indeed, fherc \vas somc substance to the Sm's charges as evidenced by the Telegruni's responses, including an editoriai entitled -1ust to Clear the Air." siaîing among other things that TheTelegruni never asked Aid Stewart to run for mayor [ruid] Nd Stewart never asked Lhe Telegram if he could nui for myor." 30 December 1929. Obviously the mon startling figure involves minonties: a very small number (>O.5%) addressed the experience of etiinicity, which did not at aii accurately reflect the real composition of Toronto's (517%) rising population of minonty groups. Althou& there were several cartoons that dealt with lapanese, Chinese, Russian, and German subjects, they were al1 in the international context and thus actually bypassed the making of an increaçingly multiethnic Toronto. Previous to the Depression the 'immigrant' was set apart From the 'Canzdian' majority not only by language and culture but because of occupation and place of residence as we11." With the onset of the socio-economic turrnoil of the Depression "this social distance was lengthened by the suspicion and hoaility many newcomen felt when they discovered Canada could not deliver what they had come-or been led-to e~~ect."~*Moreover, the high unemployment and the sentiment of nativism prevalent at the time led to severe restrictions on immigration and increases in the aumbers of deportations.3"he editorial cartoons of the three papers surveyed were not overtly racist, as they preferred to rely on fairly neutral stereotypes of immigrants as specific tradesmen. '-'-Ethic identity. even nationai fceling for the homeland remained for mon of the fmt two Can.7rtian generations of any immigrant group a iatent \=duewhich arose in time of cnsis-such as an carthquake in the old country. an encounter vith prejudicc in the new. ri meamernent for choosing a certain polirician in the cîty for n-hom to vote." Robert F. Harney. -Ethnicity and Ncighbourhoods." p. 18. " Donald Aven., -Dangerous Fonie~~~*.p.8. '9 '9 A mere 149 000 immigrants entered Canada betiveen 193 141 nhiie depmtion increased eightfold: ALison Rentice. PdaBourne. Gad Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light We- Mitchinson. and Naomi Black Canadian Women. A Historv (Toronto 19%). p.246. The Telegram did not have any cartoons dealing with minorities, while the Worker's single example depicteci a Cossack, who dong with a typical capitalist and clergyman represented the 'Holy anti-Soviet trio'? The Star used minority figures as metaphors: a black baby lefi on CPR President Thomton's doorstep represented the GTR's debt and a black shoeshine boy as the Consemative Party press; or as representative stereotges like the Chinese laundry owner reniming home to fight the Japanese or the unemployed Indian on nonhern Ontario reservations. These cartoons were a reflection of the fact that despite their very smali numbers in Toronto, Natives, Blacks and hians had a particularly hard time during this period because the 'Canadian majotity' viewed them as unassimilabIe aliens. A cornparison of the frequency of cartoons depichg minorities to those involving professional groups reveals that editors and police were represented far more of€enthan minority g~oups.~'This apparent enigma is not that odd when the temperament of the papers of this era are taken into account: personal atîacks on the editors of competing papers were common currency, the police were a favoured subject because of the aforementioned free speech batties between primarily communist activists and the Toronto city police, whereas minorities were a part of that unmentioned 'other' segment of Toronto. Since the editorial staffs at the Sfar and the TeIegram alrnost always supported rival candidates at dl levels of political office, they became an integrai part of their papers' image- -- - JO Froni pagc ccntrc of The Il orker, 19 April 1930. 41 ~Minoritiesappeaxd. in toiai, in only five cartoons as compareci to the 46 police and 135 editor- based caricatures. based secrarian banles. Shields of the T'regrutn loved to present mocking portraits of Star Editor Joseph Atkinso- both the Telegrmn's [Ning Robertson and Hamy bderson of the G(obe were favourites of Hawkes, while the Workrr portrayed ail three, and others as weii, as 'fascistic' sycophants and slaves to the 'Boss CIass'. The rarity of depictions of women, less than 9% of the cartoons, is at firn rernarkable considering that they composed about 5 1% of the population. Yet, it signifies both the srnail numbers of women in the public sphere and the widespread belief that the world of work and the problems of the Depression were distinctly male preserves. The Telegram was the most reflective of this gender division as less than 3% of its cartoons included women, who, with the exception of CCF M.P. Agnes Macphail, were either symbolic metaphors or mere accessories. A teacher fiom Grey County, Ontario, Macphail ran on a Progressive ticket and became the fust fernale iMP elected in Canada in 192 1. She caught the wrath of the Telrgrnm after she joined the CCF because of the paper's outright hostility to that party. Despite her relatively minor role in the party, Shields caricatured .Macphail just as oflen as the pany's leader, J.S. Woodwonh. This was perhaps because as a "pacifist, feminist, and advocate For fmers and labourers.. . [she was also] uncompromising in her insistence on women's rights to both family and employment [and relief]. ..'TI2 she represented many policies ..) '-blargaret Hobbs. "Equality and merence: Feminism and the Mince of Women Workers During the Great Depression." LabourLe Travail, 32 (Fall 1993). p.220. Macphail \vas also among those that pointed out that the unempio~nentcrisis was crtused by the problems of the csisting cripitalis1 economic systeni and not fedeemployment. and rnoreover. tht many wornen needed to work if their famiLies were to NNive: ter^ Crowley, "Agnes Macphd and bdhn Working Women." Labour;Le Travail. ZS (Faii 199 1). pp. 139-30 completely anathema to the paper. -4sa result, Shields usually depicted Macphail as a whirnpering school mami who looked and acted as foolish as the odandish policies that she and her CCF cornrades advocated. There were three types of depictions of wornen: an acnral figure (Macphail), adornments accompanying purposively constmcted superiors (dithering wives and mothers) or synbols such as iW. Toronto, Ms. Canada, peace, justice, business, nature, the League of Nations, or the Conservative Party press. Aithough the Star included many more wornen in its cartoons. Hawkes continued the practice of using women as metaphors or as submissive secondary figures. In fact, he extended the use of women as metaphorical representations to many new issues such as ;Miss West, Miss Municipalities, 'national prosperity', the 'Dominion Deficit', and various others that symbolired different countries as well. As we shall see later, the implied message was conveyed in the appearance of the female character: pretty and young of course, being positive, as compared to old and plain, which was reserved for critical cartoons. The Workrr. despite communist doctrine, was not that much more equitable in its treatment of women than the mainaream papers. Joan Sangster suggests that although the CPC opposed discrimination on the basis of se% its underground militancy during the Third Period made it very difftcult for women to take an active part. Moreover, the demise of The Worna~iWorktr led the CPC to 'cdownplay wornen's specific oppression and erase any traces of feminism fiom the Women's Department, while enhancing the CPC's prevailing disposition to stress the primacy of class nr~~gle.'~~The CPC complained that the Depression was making it difficult for the women's movement and its "sporadic attempts to organize single women on relief and reject the back-to-the-kitchen solution for unernployment revealed a latent current of sympathy for women's oppressiorl'* but the Pany was generally indifferent to female unernployment. Those on the political left reflected the general trend prevalent within Canada at that time to ignore the importance of women's work within the family economy and to divide women between the worker and wifelmother dichotomy. Indeed, the 10% of cartoons that focused on women in the Worker presented fernales as merely syrnbolic: a represeniation of the strong, female proletariat or as victims of inadequate relief provisions and evictions. Interestin@y, enemies were not constmed as ferninine in the Wurker as frequently as these representations occurred in the rnainstream papers, where femininity ofien symbolised weakness of character. '' Torontonians proved no exception to this prediiection; and there is no evidence that women were either a concem of relief oficials or any other public authority for that matter. Like rnost other social and political trends of the early 193Os, the editorial cartoons of the Star, Tekgram, and the Worker also reflected " Joan Sangster. Dreams of Equalitv. Women on the Canadian Lefi. 1920- 1950 (Toronto 1989). p.55. 4-I Joan Sangster. Dreams of Eaualiw. p.74. r 5 This seems to partially contndict what Elizabeth Faue. $ states about Labor iconogrciphu in the U. S. at this tinie: her obsen-zitionsabout femle victimizrition and morherhood are a Iittie estreme and seem to be more applicable to the mainstream papers of this study. this re-entrenchment of the traditional gender division within Canadian society. Indeed, none of the editoriai cartoons in either of the three papers defended a woman's right to work nor did they address the problem of female unemployrnent in and of itself; women were alrnost always seen with men and their 'meaning' in the cartoons dealt with their relationship to those men. The manner in which women and certain politicians were caricatured by Hawkes, Shields, and YanovsLy, and how this reflected the ideolo$cal stance of their papers, is the focus of the next section. Images of Women During the 1920s there were three dominant images of women: the ideal or traditional woman, the flapper, and the seductress or vamp. The difference between the three was that the traditional woman "longed for husband and home", the flapper was more independent and "' seemed ' sexuall y liberated" whereas the vamp was a hardheaded "tease and homewrecke?'."' ~hesepopular images would last into the thirties, and would join two new figures, the 'golddigger' and the 'moppet', as the main types of representations of women. Obviously, the golddigger was quite literally a woman who sought a rich husband or suitor to cater to her material needs by bmering her sexuality or using her teminine 'wiles': a ski11 deemed as practical during the economic repression of the early 1930s. The 'Moppet' was the dependent, defenseless, little girl who was J6 Tirnothy E. Scheurer. "Goddesses and Golddiggers: Images of Women in Popular Music of the t93Os." Journnl offopular Culture. 24: 1 ( 1990). p.23. "simultaneously conventionaily feminine, touchingly dependent, and ofien implicitiy flirtatious, [and who] appeared calculated to appeal for protection and wpporr. .. '"' The Depression brought tension between social1y approved roles for women and those dictated by econornic necessity, and the '?mages of women.. . became a fixed compass point whereby people tned to define the meaning of love, home, se& and work in a world where these values are seemingly ~han~in~.'~*Generally women were supplementary characters presented "in a quite different way from men-not because the feminine is different from the masculine-but because the 'ideal' spectator is always assurned to be male and the image of the woman is designed to flatter hirn.'&' Although a11 five irnses were ernployed in the editorial cartoons of the SIN and Telegram, refiecting the retrogression of gender equity and the wornen's movernent in the 1930~~it was the ideal woman who was by far the rnost dominant figure. The cartoons reflected the commonly held belief of relief oficials and media commentators that the 'family wage' took precedence over al1 concems. Traditionally women had always eamed less than men, were ignored by the labour movement, and found themselves to be the first laid off during times of hardship." With the onset of the Depression employers often preferred to hire .- - Author cites the Dionne quintuple&and Shirley Temple as the most famous examples of moppcu: Léronica Strong-Boag Thc New Dav RccalIcd Lives of Girls and Womcn in Enelish Cm& L 9 19-1 939 (Markham 1988). p.7. 1;1 Tirnoth! E. Schcurcr. "Gocidesses and Golddiggcrs." pp.24-25. fi John Berger. Sven Blornberg Chris Fox Michael DiW. and Richard Holk Wavs of Seeing ('leu- York 1973). p.@ '' ,Minimum riage laws had Linle &én on obstinate companies and ill-informeci rvomen as --Wage discrimimion \vas notorious 10 the point of king institutionaiized the much-prodaimed new day and keep their female employees longer because they could be paid about half a man's wage. However, as the crisis worsened a dramatic backlash set in as women came under attack for taking jobs away from unemployed men who had wives and families. Women faced diffculties getting relief even when they were eligible for it ... Authorities reasoned that single unemployed women posed no threat to society, as did single unemployed men. Furthermore, they assumed that these women would be cared for by their families." The numbers of women as well as their status, aspirations and accomplishments were al1 reduced during the 193Os. This led to an increased sex differentiation in the labour force, charactensed by the ghettokation of female wage labour in jobs with low wages, poor working conditions, and limited advancement opportunities. Even in traditionally female dominated occupations such as nursing, social work, and teaching ''the ability of men to replace women at high levels of economic achievernent and to enter traditionai feminized areas increased cornpetition among women all aiong the occupational scale. For many women the result was a drarnatic downward plunge."'2 Women were divided between the worker and wifdmother dichotomy as far as oficial policy was concerned because the male worker was believed to be the head of the household and therefore, deserved of the family wage. The federal govemment was particularly notorious for laying-off wornen as between 197 1-3 1 failing to crack the \vaII of gendered pay differentials sepanting men's and wonien's work: between 192 1 and 193 1. women sold their iabour power for 54 to 60 per cent of the nule 'pncc'. rmealing a structured continuity in inquaiity that reached back to the nineteenth centun.." Bqm D. Palmer. Worhg Chs Essrience. Rethinhe the Histon- of Canadian Labour. 1800- 199 1. (Toronto I992). p.238. " Fmck Jones. and Smih Desilnies. Canadian Histon. Since Codederation. p.174. " Lois Scharf. To Work and To Wed Fernale Entploimen~Feminisrn and Ihe Great Deoression (Westport 1980). p.95. the number of women employed in ûttawa dropped 132% while the number of men increased by 6.5% over the same perïod.'3 "Single working mothers, young women entering the labour market, and &ed women with jobs could not be accommodated in the prevailing conventional wisdoms of gender relations in a period of escalating unemployrnent and its attendant social and political pressures,"5" notes Bryan Palmer in his discussion of class and gender relations in the Great Depression. Moa of society apparently thought that people mus go back to what 'worked' in the past in order to pull themselves out of the crisis: gender equity was as unwelcome as labour-saving machinery . Women workers were criticised because many believed they worked only for e-xîraneous 'pin money' and therefore were not entitled to either relief work or direct assistance once laid off. Ruth Pierson contends that the unemployment and relief discourse: gave precedence to the wage eaming of men, as their income-earning capacity was construed as central to both the male's identity both as worker and husbandfather.. .Chief among these [hegemonic assumptions] was the construction of breadwinning as a masculine responsibility, a construction whose normative dimension was intensified in the Depression despite its increased divergence from actua~ity~~ 3 Veronicci Strong-Boag The New Dav R~y:aIlsdLives of Girls and Womcn in Endish Canada 19 L9- 1939 (Markhrirn 1958). p.62. "' Bon D. Palmer. Workine. Clys ExWsnce. p.242 In additioa the woman's role was bdicvcd to bc with hcr farnily: indhiduals were interestcd in e-sarniningor rampering uith dc-fcde roles ami rclationships riithin the privathxi Myat a timc when the family wodd it \vas hopcd tulfiI1 its emotiod function as a 'de port in thc storm' when deports werc in short ntpply. wodd pcrform its social funaion as the bedrock of the sociai order when order xicn~cdto k dissipating with cconomic disanriy. Issues sccmingiy unrclatcd to econornic rccoasuuction tvcrc ncgiectcd" Lois Schvf To Work and Wcd p. 137. " She concludes that -IdeologicaIl~domuümt as the concept of -fsmily wge' \vas. i addition to the socio-econornic and political turmoil, the massive levels of unemployment during the early 1930s generated a gender cnsis as well. The resultant rise in anti-feminism not only reflected how ferocious the cornpetition for wages was but "also how much men and women depended on particular conceptions of gender for their sense of security and personal identity."j6 Not surprisingly the Telegram's presentation of femaie characters was by far the most traditional of the three newspapers included in this study. Besides Agnes MacPhail women were rnonly used as symbols for some intangible concept or as auxiliaries to the main male ~haracter.'~Moreover, unlike his cornpetitors, Shields was more prone to employ females as comic characters as in the two exarnples on the followinj page. In the first example (23 April 1932), entitled 'Bunkered" we see an archetype 'ideal' female, 'Busy Betterhalf , chastising her husband for not doing his fair share of the housework. Scheurer's description of the 'ided woman' is befitting of this standard Shield's product: It was never assumed that she need be beautifil or possessed of lively wit or intelligence; she, instead, was seen to be the protectoress of what could be termed domestic virtues: she was faithfùl, loving, and was responsible for making the home environment a warm haven and symbol of stability for her man -% ~MargarcrHobbs. 'Rcthmking Antifemuiism in the 1930s: Gender Crisis or Worhqdace Justice? A Responsc to Aiice Kessler-Harris," Grnder & H~SION.5: L [Spring 1993). p. 12. Consequentiy. most of thosc that dcfcndcd a wvomari's right to work framcd thcir argumcnt in tcrms of nccessity not rights or choice and "promoted a gender conservative image of wage or saiaq-eaniing \vives as nurturant self-sacriking wives and mothers taking work outside the home only to meet thc mareriai nec& of thcir families...wMargaret Hobbs, "Equality and DiEcrence,"' p.202. The Teelegram's WomColurnins~ Dorothy Dis. wsultra-consewative chroughouc her advice coIumns as exemplifieci in this headline from 193 3: Best IP1/e& Qualip isSportsnranship. -Vo ntarter whar happens she netnerlew her husband down and chat helps hinr tu succeed Telegrm. 23 June 1933. p. IO. / NOT REPORTED 10 THE POIKE who was engaged in the hunie and bunle of modem urban living.. .she is the Virgh.. .the Goddess of the Hearth...&O seen as a civilizing influence.. .protectoress of these values, which are depicted as essential for Our mord good as well as our happiness.'s In the second example ( l3 December 1930) Shields has created a hybrid between the ideal woman and the golddigger. The woman is happily 'robbing' her bel-ered husband of his hard-eamed rnoney; her appearance is homely and conservative and her motive is purely altruistic: Christmas gifis for the farnily. However, the domesticated woman is aiso in a sexuaily suggestive position and the manner in which she retrieves the money from her husband is reflective of the Telt?grarn's perceptions of gender roles: man as breadwinner and the woman as matroderotic object. Thus, these two typical cartoons embody the Telegram's view of women's roles in society: diligent housewife who keeps both her husband and her household in iine. Although the S~arincluded five times as many wornen in their editonal cartoons as the filegram, the manner in which Hawkes sketched rhem was not very different than his counterpart Shields. As revealed previousiy, Hawkes mostly used women as symbolic metaphors for some abstract polirical concept or as a personified nation, community. or other social group. In the tirst example (9 April 1930) one of his most fiequent fernale symbols, Miss Canada, is seen pleasantly riding the 'Ottawa' canoe with her suitor Mackenzie King. Gently propelling the craft with his 'good government' paddle, King, always the gentlemaq asks her if she has "fowid your old guide satisfactory" and is rewarded " Timothy E. Schcurcr. dGoddcsses and Golddiggcrs- p.26. THE A WAKENING The Thin One: You drcarncd you was goin' to gc~the fat hcirsr wiih the big revenue. bu: you didn't. You goc me. didn't OU? for his efions with the promise to be "re-engage[d]" corne election time. Miss Canada is always incamated as a young, attractive 'ideal' woman who has a range of political suitors seeking her favour. The theme of marriage rnanifests itself in a number of ways in ahoa every cartoon involving women: Xlthough the forms they took varied tremendously, mariage and children were routinely presented to girls in al1 walks of life as the fulfilment of every true woman's ambitions. Even exposure for the more fortunate to an ostensibly wider range of career choices could not make much headway against the ubiquitous influence of youthful sociali~ation.'~ 'lotice how in comparison to her brother Jack (or Johnny) Canuck who is always illustrated as strong and independent, Miss Canada is continuously delineated as weak and dependent upon her male breadwinner!' In the second example (20 April 193 1) Hawkes mocks Prime Wnister Bennett by suggesting that his election promises of economic recovery were rnerely hopeiess dreams. His real wife, the ugly, skimy, 'Dominion Deficit', is chastising a despondent Bennett whiie he is dreaming of his ideal wife, the beautifidly rounded 'prospenty'. The differences in the qualities deemed attractive-full bodied over slim, young over old, submissive over self-willed- al1 reveal interesting things about the gender relations and socio-political clirnate I9 -One 1938 sunq of 167 -oung women graduahg from McGill. Queen's. and Toronto universities, for instance. rcvealed that 149 preferred marriage to ri career and that the vast rnajorie did not intend to keep their jobs aftcr mmiagc." Veroniu Strong-Boag. The Ncw Dav Reuiled, p. 13. H, Interestingiy. this differentiation in characterizarion is still relevant in most mentgcnder stereohpes ris: Like a baby-faced person. the stereotypic fernale is perceived as weak, affectionate. dependent submissive. and naïve. Like a mature-hced person. the stereotypic male is perceived as strong. unexpressive. independent. dominant. and shrewd" Leslie A. Zebrowitz, "Physicai Appearance as a Basis of Stereotyping*. Stcreotmes and Stereot\~ingp.93. of the early 1930s.~' Moreover, Bennett is mocked and his very rnanhood questioned by the suggestion he is a poor provider: his 'pre-election promises' have produced nothing more than 'hot water' for his farnily. In other words, while Bennett has ody brought trouble and misery to Canada, King was a much better breadwinner, and therefore, a much better Prime hlinister. The last example (29 March 1932) from the Stm is somewhat of a divergence from most of Hawkes' cartoons that involved women. A larse, stem, slightly older, matronly woman labeiled 'women's influence' is pursuhg her own justice by 'shaking ' the iMil Ier bequest from the clutches of Attorney-General W.H. Price. This peculiar case entangled Price, who had tned to introduce a bill that would transfer the $520 000 bequest to the govemors of the University of Toronto despite the facr that the benefactor, Charles Miller, had stated that he wanted the money to go to the "mother who, since his death, should have given birth in Toronto to the greatest number of chi~dren.'"~This was a public relations nightmare for Price and the Ontario govemment, as they were chastised quite strongly for attempting to steal from 'the mouths of babes', which in addition to their 'iron heel' tactics against agitators, cast them as barbarous reactionaries in the eyes of an already tomented public. " 'The mYried woman apppean not as a person in her own rigk If shc was ernployi. she ww scen as a s~mbolof the causc of unemplo-ient among men and if dependent. as rr ~mbolof the hi@ cost of male unernploynient to Society. The Great Depression \vas consvuai as a pcriod of gcndcr crisis. Thc focus of concern at the timc. ttowevcr. was masculini~in cnsis.. .[as] female unernplo~ment\vas trivialized. mie uncrnployncnt was seen not rts undennining but ntficr as intensif'ing what was bclicvcd to bc womn's complemen~and naturai rote as nurturant wife and mothcr." Ruth Roach Picrson. "Gendcr and the Unemplopcnt insurancc Dehies in Crui;ida t %-i-IO.'' LaboudLe Travail. 25 (Spring IWO), pp.77-73. 62 This bill escited so much criticism among the press. the opposition. and women's orgartizations that Rice withdrew it when it reached the cornmittee stage: The Canadian Review Company. me Canadian Annual Review of Public Mais. 1932. (Toronto 1933) p. 122. The Wurker split from its counterparts by illustrating women as nrong, independent representatives of the proletarkf but reverberated the mabtream somewhat by also presenting them as part of a crowd that is being victimised in one way or another. The first example (21 Febnüiry 193 1) is Yanovsky's moa common depiction of women during this penod, a standard for International Wornen's Day, May Day, and any other campaign determined to mobilise both men and women. Like her male counterpart, the female worker is sketched as muscular, productive, and content, but most importantly, proudly proclaiming the benefits of revolutionary socialisrn. In addition to the strong female proletariat stock character, Yanovsky generally depicted women in one of three ways: as a mother receiving the dole, as a mother of a family being evicted, or as a member of a group being beaten by police in Canada or massacred by thugs in Germany and Japan. The second exampie (9 April 1932) represents the soon to be traditional. socialist realist rnethod of illustrating crowds: an abstract, collective, united in their stmggle against mistreatrnent. Indeed, as in most cartoons that included women, men and women alike were being victimised by the tax increases included in Finance Minister E.N. Rhodes' new budget." As usual there is a noticeable difference in the dress of Rhodes and the crowd that distinguishes the former as an over-privileged, evil capitalist whereas the 63 Again. thesc findings seem to counter Elizabeth Fauc's chchar: -At die ame tMe fernale figures in socialist art were uansformed from idealized depictions of the grai \*irtues to particuiar representatioxts of poverty advicictimiPatioa the images of men as workers became more aba. more phpical, and more universatized. ..Labor iconography reinforced the identification of women nith motherhood and the home by the silence uith which it approached women workers." Elizabeth Faue. Communist of Sunerine and Stni~& p.95. colleaivïty obviously personifies the hard-working, honest, prolerariat. Regardless, al1 of the popular representations of women in the cartoons of the 1930s cohthe belief that the Depression represented a penod of both repressed sexuality, as well as a turn back to family values and conservative gender relations. Richard Bedford Bennett It should corne as no great surprise to anyone that the most popular figure and the most contestable among the three carîoonists was Prime Minister RB. Bennett. As the Depression wore on many Canadians became quite critical of their political leaders and as Prime Minister, Bennett emerged as the chief object of ridicule for an angry populace. However, Bennett's lack of popularity was not simply due to the Depression or other acts of fate, as his wealthy background. abrupt personaiity, goveming style and, indeed, his government's policies. were al1 wrong for the tirnes. The first major public relations disaster for the Bennett government occurred on 1 5 April 193 1 when he met a delegation of unemployed led by the Communist Tom Ewen. Surrounded by RCiW oficers, Bennett rebutted their demand for non-contributory ü?C with the now familiar aphorism: "Never, will 1 or any govemment of which I am a part, put a premium on idleness or put Our people on the dole.'& In fact, so insensitive was the Prime Minister to the plight of the unemployed that in a lener written during October 193 1 he sniped: 6.4 Lits-Rose Bctcherman The Little Band p. 15 1. The people are not bearing their share of the load. Half a century ago people would work their way out of their dinicultirs rather than look to a goverment to take care of them. The fiber of some of our people has gowm softer and they are not willing to tum in and Save thernse~ves.~' By the spring of 1932 there was a great deai of animosity towards the Prime Minister and his cabinet. Added to the traditional list of opponents, such as the Communists and Liberals, were other mainstream groups such as social welfare conaituencies and organized labour. Meeting at the same tirne as the Imperia1 Economic Conference, a goup of about 5 00-600 workers, unemployed, and other concerned cit izens, descended upon an abandoned garage in the national capital in order to discuss their concerns and draw the govemment's attention to their desperate plight.66 As the CPC's J.B. bfcLachlan was leading a deputation to Bennen's office, the rest of the congress held an open-air meeting on Wellington Street that \vas broken up by police. Not only had the Pnme Minister commanded the RCMP to detain anybody suspected of travelling to Onawa for the purpose of the conference but he had ordered this crackdown in the nation's capital as we11.~'This was the so- '' James Shuthers- No Fault of Their Ownp. 75. 66 Held on 1 Aug 1932. the Workers' Economic Conference mct in an abandoned garage as the centrepiece of a National Hunger Marck "The 502 delegaies claimed to represent 2 16.6 16 workers grouped in over fifiy orgaxlizations. In reality the number of people represented 3t this or any orhcr Communist-sponsored conference was appreciably lowcr. because the publicih managers infiateci the membership roles of 'mas organizations'." Ivan Av&mo\-ic. nc Commwiist pan^ of Canada. p.76. " Wororkcrs' Economic Conficrence \vas intended to counter Ihe hperiai Economic Confcrcncc tlth its impcridistic aims. Bcmctt, as the latter's host. wnted to avoid thc ernbanassment of baving so rnany unemployed in the capital. He thereforc insvucted the RCtW to lie in \tait at major nilway junctions and throw the workers off the trains. Net-enheless. about 8. 000 iin~mployedmanaged to rnake their wypst the RCMP blockade. Their demoristration \\as violently attricked by the police. resuliùig in L4 arrests and many injuries. Bennett again refused to consider theu deman&." CPC. Cartada's Partv of Socialism, p.93. called 'Iron Heel' in action; Bennett seemed to enjoy these noisy confrontations with his opponents and prided himself on being the main guardian of the established socio-economic and political order within Canada. Prime Miniaer Bennett continually demonsnated to the Canadian public that he thought they should share his faith in tnckle-down economics and just be more patient.P8 As a result, the three cartoonisrs caricatured Bennett according to both their judgments of his personality and his laissez-faire policies. Shields pomayed Bennett as a gdlant knight fighting the unemployment 'dragon', a wise sage guiding Canadian business, and a nrong, fatherly figure feeding the Canadian 'child' and protecting it fiom unscrupulous politicians. In cornparison, King was depicted as a spoiled child dipping into a 'providential prosperity pie', a 'blabbermouth', and an insincere practitioner of 'clap trap7 politics, while Woodsworth was a madman, a ulld radical with no real clue as how to run a country. The two examples are representative of this dichotomy (29 March 1932 and 20 October 1933): Shields illustrated Bennett as a ctrong, diligent public servant fending off those political enemies who would min Canada. Bennett's caricatures in the Telegram were reflective of the glowing ponrait of him painted by his personal secretary: - - 6s Conibined uitii his governrncnt's tz~xincrcascs. cuts to relief uansfers. thc rcintroduction of honorq- titks. and corponte tas breaks tlic Bennett government's version of Tocyisni \vas a retroactive blcnd of corpontisni and impcrialisrn thrit had Iittle rooni for 'new-fanglai' economic thcon or social welfrirc. Indccd. the governent took an active role in the maintenance of busincss hegemony \ilthin Canada ai tiic tinic. Alvin Fiel points out tfirit business and govcmcnt lcadcrs wcrc cssenthiiy the samc: thc niajority of M.P.'s and LM_P.P.'snerc eithcr lawycrs or busincssmen. A crucial factor in thcir succes \tas -the ability of business lacicrs to channcl the dcbate on refom and to mi Wethc cffcctiveness of other jgoups proposing morc fundamentai changes." Alvin FinkeL Business and Social Reforni in the Thirtics (Toronto 1979). p.9. I - MR. BENNETT'S S~APEGOAT ' He is tall, well knit, and inclined to portliness, but his erect c-e distinguishes him as a man in perfect phyUcal condition. His ruddy complexion-his face virtually uniined-gives one the quite erroneous impression of a man who has spent much of his life in the open, under no great mental main... For a busy man, and one without a valet, his perfection is rniraculo~s.~~ King is, as mual, mimetzcally pomayed as waNng the govenunent's time with his useless chatter, which has forced the Prime Minister to evoke closure. By 1933, J.S. Woodsworth presented himself as another dangerous half-wit the Prime Minster had to guard Canada fiom. While Bennett, with rolled-up sleeves, is busy gening down to the hard work of 'currency control' and 'sound monetary policy', the positively demonic-looking Woodsworth, is atîempting to blow the whole thing up with his 'inflation dynamiteY.'' Shields uses these mirnetic caricatures with their rlomesticated issues to continuously praise the Prime Minister for his assiduousness and prudence, whi le simultaneously presenti ng hi rn to audiences as the ody leader capable of deding with the crises of the Depression. Obviousiy, Hawkes and the Sfar did not share the same high regard for the Prime Minister as their rivals on mel lin da Street. From 1929 to about the end of 193 1, Hawkes mocked the Prime Minister for his govemment's rnisguided policies. The first example (6 ApriI 1 93 1) contrasts the noble and responsible blackerilie King with the irresponsible Bennett, who instead of tackling 'western prievances', 'unemployment', and the 'dominion deficit' merely Ioads them on the domesticated image of the Depression scapegoat. The illustration of the 69 Andrcw hr¶itclmRB. Bennett Prime Mnïster of Canada, (Toronto 1934). p.32. -0 Another biography htcommended Bennett also spoke of his great work-ethic: "Bennet1 uas a very great ma^ but wherein lies greatness? .-. lt lies, too, in endeavour. stiU more in what is endesivourd" Ernest Wakins, RB. Bennett. A Biom~hv(Toronto 1963). p.252. Prime Mininer's clothing is of both political and symbolic importance because it diaanceci him hmordinary Canadiam and, in m doing, becme a kind of cartoon shorthand for Bennett himself As Pieme Berton quipped: In retruspect he nits a sfightly comic figure, in his silk hat, his wing collar, his grey double-breasted waincoat, and his stnped pants, a pre-war costume that most of his colleagues had aiready discarded.. .[with his] rirnless glasses, double chin, and frown.. .Bennett not only looked like a bloated capitalin, he was a bioated ~apitalist.~' Indeed, Hawkes went from calling Bennett 'No Samson7for trying to shake the pillars of 'optimism' and national faith7 in 1939, to a 'toady' of the landed aristocracy, a purveyor of 'false political vision', to a petty despot by 1932-33. In the second example ( 13 January 1933) Hawkes was refemng to the Prime Minister as 'Dictator Bennett' and 'Our Own iUussolini' for refùsing to hear the desperate pleas of the farmers and other Canadians protesting against his governrnent's repression. Bennett is caricatured as politicatly blind and deliberateiy ignorant of the current situation as signified by his statement "Anyway, who is the boss of this country, anyway." This reflected the widespread anger directed at Bennett and his govemment7sunresponsive attitude towards the Canadian public at the tirne. Indd, known to be pugnacious, impulsive, and shon-tempered, even Lord Baldwin said of Bennett "He has the manner of a Chicago policeman and the temperament of a Hollywood film star."" -' Piene Benon The Grcat Deuressioq pp.7 1-74. Bcnon is fufroni donc in this opinion of Bennett as csemplified by: -Aimost a caricature of the quintessential capitalist. hc was seldoni seen without top hat. cut-ana? coat, striptxi pants, spats and \valking stick" Lita-Rose Bctchcm, The Little Band p. lm: and "Tall, stout. dressed in stripcd trousers and taiis. doubIe- brcasted \mistcr>ar and siik kt RB. Bennett \.as the robbcr baron of a cartoon in rlf'ses or the Il'orker corne to lifc..' John Herd Thornpson and Ailen Scager Canada 1922-1939. p.261. among many othcrs. Berton The Great Demesion OUR OWN MUSSOLINI The following rerninisces from the Brwdfoot collection reveal how bitter, dl- embracing and long-l-ing these feelings towards the Prime iMinister were: They were my siners kids (too hungry to fight diarrhoea) and every day if Bennett is in hell I curse him a thousand tirnes, even today, and if he is in heaven, I cune him a thousand times and wish he was in heii. 1 will do it urrtil I die.. . Mr. Bennett was pompous, smug, and rich.. .I don3 think he knew anything about the people. 73 While the tone of the Star's cartoons generally reflected its partisan opposition and the public's increased hostility towards the Prime Minister, the FVorker represented the intensely hostile attacks on Bennett associated with the more polit ically radical. Much like the Star, the Worker did not immediately target Bennett, as there were no caricatures of him during 1929 or the election campaign of 1930. However, with the advent of the crackdown on the CPC and the jovemment7s ciear emphasis on the business community in its first budget, Yanovsky began to invest more energy into defiling the Prime Minister. Every canoon that contained a caricature of Bennett depicted him in his old-fashioned suit, usually with his top hat, and always with a smug, callous derneanor on his face as he comrnitted his crimes against the working-class. The Worker referred to Bennerr as the Leader of the 'Parliamentary circus' and the 'Iron Heei of Canadian capitalisrn', continually suggesting that although particularl y heartless, he was still merel y a servant of the capitalists. For exampie the cartoon entitled %enneti's Twenty Millions" (1 I October 1930)' captures the Prime Minister's complete lack of '3 Ban'. Brdoot. Ten LOS Years l!Z9- 1939, pp.91 and 3 Il. caring and honour as he hands out buckets of cash to the already wealt hy capitalist and only pennies to the pr,working-class boy who obviously could use the money more than his counterpart. The important physiognomic difference that separates Bennett, and his capitalist associates, was both the lack of any real facial expressions and his O bese torso." Although not created by Yanovsky, the second example (19 November 1932) is a good cornparison of the Worker's stance on the hypocritical nature of a leader who feasts while his people starve. Representing yet another appeal to the working-class to nse up against their oppressors in order to avoid being squashed by the iron heel of the army and the police, this cartoon exemplifies the CPC's campaign against Bennett and the Conservat ives. Munici~alPolitics Perhaps more than those on any other figure besides R.B.Bennett, the canoons on James Simpson divulge a jreac deal about the class basis and ideological platform of the three newspapers. Simpson was an outspoken labour advocate 14th the American Federation of Labor and the Canadian Labor Defense League before becorning involved in municipal politics. A reformer who later became invoived with the C.C.F., Simpson was a Controller for sis years and a Mayor for a term ( 1935), before his eariy death in 1938. However, according to Yanovsky and the editorial staff at the Worker, al1 reformers were 'social fascists' -4 Symbolizing yct again how wong hc \vas for the timcs, -As a Young ian-\-cr.Bennett had womcd thrit his thimcss madc him secn incffectual; he bddevcloped the habit of eating fivc or sis n~calsa day to givc kimsclf a more impsing figure. His eating habits thercafter rimer changed so thrit by the agc of f@--scvcn he \.as vcry imposing indeed" John Herd Thompson and Allcn Smgcr. Cam& 1922- 1939. pp.200-20 1. who could not be truaed; the Worker's two canoons on Simpson therefore not only reflected their opinion of Simpson, but their position on al1 refomers. in the fira example (3 December 1932) Simpson is being rewarded with a trip to Geneva, as a labor delegate to the League ofNations, as compared to the militant leader of the workng-class who is given five years in jail. The message is clear: refomers are traitors to their class who quickly submit to the orders of the 'boss class' when offered a reward, while revolution-; leaders stick with their class no matter how harsh the punishments may be. Yanovsky uses combimtion and at~alogicaldevices to symbolize the contradictions of capital ism by depicting it as a two-headed rnonner: one is Prime Minister Bennett while the other is TLC President Tom Moore. The second example (21 December 1932) seeks to destroy the benevolent myrh of Christmas by displaying it as ?et another tnck ofthe capitalist class. Santa Claus is merely one of the masks wom by the 'capitalist grirn reaper' while Woodswonh, Bennett, and Simpson were offered as it's 'disguises for different occasions'. The severity of the satire found in these cartoons was in line with the directives of the Third Period, which took the Worker in a sectarian Stalinist direction. Yanovsky and the LYorker never wavered fiom the line that the Communist Pany was the only tme representative of the worliing-class, whic h was responsible for propagating the prolerarian revolution in Canada. As a result, the influence of the Worker on municipal politics. and in Toronto generally, began to diminish despite the fact that the socio-economic and political conditions were seemingly ripe for the reception of many of their doctrines. THEY KSOIY-THEIR FRIEGS! Mirlcaciori oi bbor Are Rewrrdcd by Boas Clair, Fight- inr: Lcarlrri ,Ire Scnt to Jril!.-Fight for Arnncrty ! ------ The Telegram became almon as critical of Simpson as the Forker. because ro them he came ta represent a self-interested agitator who manipulated workers for his own personal gain. The Telegram approved of those old- fashione quiet, politicians who sought to govern wisely and without much change. It strongly opposed those who challenged the existing socio-economic or politicai order of Toronto because it, in essence, represented that order." As the voice of the establishment of old Tory Toronto, the Telegram attacked any challengers to the status quo and was one of the leading promoters of the repression that accompanied the 'Red scare' in Canada. Shields, therefore, portrayed Simpson as too political: a socialist troublemaker who broke the eaablished code of the municipal politician (30 November 1933 and December 1933). Shields again uses cot~demationtechniques to show 'politics' and 'radicalism' as a rabid dog and an illegal pair of spiked shoes. Shields caricatured Simpson as a pudgy, childish, sel f-serving hypocrite who manipulated orsanized labour for his own political gains. Simpson was always show as smali and fat, physiognomic signifiers of his political irrelevance and his moral weakness. As the final example ( 12 January 1933) illustrates, Shields also criticized Simpson for two other character flaws, greed and intemperance. The intended message is -i During 1929- 193 1 the Telegrnni supported Simpson and cspecirilly admircd how he purged the Toronto labor movemcnt of its Cornunisu: -WCdo not mind admining ha1 1Mr. Simpson's attitude in reference to the Communists and E,\;nemists is one reason he has thc Telegram's cndorsation." Telegrmi editorial "One Reason Wh! The Telegram is Supporthg Controllcr Simpson" 30 December 193 1, p.6. However, during 1932-33 Simpson had joined the CCF and kgan to criticize the Ontario sovemment. so the Telegram bemme very critical of him: Tontrouer Simpson's rabid attack on the Ferguson governent in reference to provincial sa\-ings offices dngs poli tics into the municipril campaign in an entirel? inescusable nianner... Conuoller Simpson mal- k sincere in his antagonimi to the Consenative Party in seeking election to a municipal pst he shodd stick to municipai issues." Telegrurn editoriaL "No Place for Partisrinship in Municipal Campaiga" 30 December 1932 p.6. -- .*------n ' CANT CET BY WITH IT? 1,i 12 January 1933 that unlike dutiful counselors (Conuoller Ramsden), Simpson forfeits important positions such as Vice-Chainnan of the Board of Control for the riches and perks of cushy labour appointments. Interestingly, this is the same criticism the Worker directed at Simpson in Yanovsky's cartoon from 3 December 1932. Hawkes did not caricature James Simpson in any of his cartoons, as he and the editorial staff at the Stm were supportive of Simpson throughout his political career. Indeed, the editorial stafTat the Star refemed to him as "a man who has given his life to public seMce and whose ability and sterling qualities of mind and hem have been again and again acknowledged by his appointment to posts of the highest h~nor."'~Hawkes preferred to use his few cartoons on municipal figures to dende Bert Wemp and to defend Sam McSride from his detractors during his annual election campaigns. The manifestations of the 'Battle of Crooked Lane' and its afiemath in the cartoons of the Srar and Teiegram are not oniy inherently interesting because of the intensity of the conflict, but also because the nylistic conventions employed in these caricatures reveal a lot about the connection between physiognorny and curent socio-political beliefs. Beginning with Hawkes of the Star one immediately notices how important size is for simultaneously representing political clout, personal strengh, and moral virtue. Notice for instance, how the two depictions of Sam McBride (27 December 1929 and 4 January 1932) show a -5 The Star continued to praise Simpson's work throughout the 1930s: "More than an? other man he \vas concernai with the orgruiization of the relief department which has ftnctioned so admirably during the 1st year or two. - .ttis familiarie with labor and labor's problenis is of unususil value to the city at the present tirne.. .Toronto is fortunate in having his sen-icesonce more at its disposal. Sm editoriais "Controller Simpson's Recoram27 December 1929. p.6: and -A Reniukable Man- 28 December 1932. p.6. - A NEW SUIT FOR THE NEW YEAR 4 January 1932 * HAD COOD WADERS . brawny, solid, man who moves with obvious confidence and sense of purpose. Indeed, the Star editorialized that, "The mayor of Toronto should be a man's man, a strong, virile personality who will not bend the knee to any outside influence, one who bas the driving power to set things done promptly and thoroughly. That man is Sam ~c~ride.""in bowler hat, overcoat, and suit, McBride is portrayed as an upnght, moral figure who knows what is best for Toronto. Movement is also important here, as McBride is marching forward: in the first example he is accornpanying Mr. Toronto towards 'A Greater Toronto' while in the later image he is wading through 'Telepam and Globe slush' in order to bring his good 'public semice' record to City Hall. Hawkes' profile of McBride'e enemy, Bert Wemp, is almost a complete contrast. Since he had opposed the Star and the Downtown Plan, Hawkes presented Bert Wemp as a childish puppet that was against progress and change. Less than a real man, Wemp was "part and parcel of the Telegram" and its anti-progress agenda? After Wernp's election victory, Hawkes made sure he would not run again by pnnting vicious attacks on his mayoralty, his moral fibre, and even his very manhood. For instance, in the first example (1 1 October 1930) Wemp is drawn as a child who despite his desires to climb the ' 193 1 Mayoralty' tree is deterred by the 'Grab Inquiry ' watchdog. Once again domesî'rricuîb>gpolit ical issues, Hawkes here makes reference to the inquiry on the infamous 'Salary Grab' that landed the Wemp administration in a great deal of trouble. In 'The Great ------Ssar cditorid '-A WelI-hfancedCo~nciI,~ 26 Decernkr 1 929, p.6. -3 Star editoriat "McBride for Ma~or."2 1 üecember 1929. p.6. 27 December 1930 .- -7- THE GREAT MUNICIPAL GARBO printini. and the strcet estension delas: tell :hem \--ho conc IL Otto \Vemp: Sam SlcBridc done i:-:ha!'. wiio done it. Municipal Garbo' (27 December 1930) Wemp is again depiaed as a childish fool, but this time Hawkes has used both mirnetic and analogc elements, construning Wemp as an aaual puppet. Controlled by Telegram editor Irving Robertson, in an imitation of the famous Garbo ventriloquist act, Wemp impishly tries to impiicate Sam McBride for dl of the wrongdoings of his administration. Again the contras between rivals is quite nriking, as McBnde is evexything Wemp is not: masculine, independent, competent, and wise. The Telegram obviously paints a very different picture of these two politicians. The two examples (19 December 193 1 and 23 December 1930) show how Shields depicted Sam McBride as a whiny, selfish child who attempts to greedily lap up yet another municipal pon. Both Mr. Toronto and Mr. Elector openly express their preference for other candidates despite McBride's claim that he has experience. Ben Wernp, in contrast, is shown as a solid, dependable man who gets things done, as opposed to McBnde who is merely a bag of hot air (27 December 1929). Shields suggests that Wemp can be judged by his numerous accomplishments while in office (10 December 1930). Unlike Hawkes who preferred more subtle differences in caricature to present different views of each man, Shields preferred more straightforward literal comparisons, use of makgic devices, as well as simple slogans to contrast the evil ~McBridewith the exemplary Wemp. The caricatures of stereotyp ical and symbol ic representatives of various social groups as well as those of specific individuals reveal a great deal about the connections between a person's physicality and how they are perceived. They EXPERIENCL THAT COUNTS I'm citoo.sing to look after mp intcrests." _C- - ILL-CHOSEN By The* Wodm Ye Shd Know _niun also reflect the connruaion of ideals such as the 'ideal' woman, the 'real' man and the 'honourable' politician. The devices used by Hawkes, Shields, and Yanovsky to sketch these figures difler sornewhar from their representations of issues and ideas in that they rely on physiognomic conventions and an audience's perceptions of a figure in a way that is incisively personai. However, the representations of women, municipal politicians, and Prime Minster RB. Bennett reveal the same class biases and reflect the same politicized polemic that the three newspapers' cartoons on the other issues of t he Depression highlighted. Chapter Five: Conclusion .%ter 1933 certain sectors of the economy begn to improve and the govemment aarted ro shifl fiom irs original position of retrenchment. During June 1934 the Bennett govemment went against its earlier convictions and eaabiished a central bank to mitigate against fluctuarions in production, prices, and unemployment via the Bank of Canada Act. The Prke Spreads Cornmirtee, led by Hany Stevens, met sixty times dunng 1934 and submined a final report on II April 1935 that was quite hostile towards big business and criticai of the Conservative party for desening the small businessrnan.' To the joy of the CPC, the government even relented somewhat on its Iron Heel anti-comrnunism and released Tim Buck dunng November 1934.~Then, clairning that the 'first fury7 of the Depression was over, Bennett announced a series of reforms to the nation via the radio between 2- 1 1 January 1935, in what Iater became known as the New Deal broadcasts. Acts were accordingly drafted to provide employment and social insurance, a minimum wage, an eight-hour day and a day of rest, credit for farmers, a national wheat board, as well as amendments to the Companies and National Products Marketing actd ' John Herd Thompson and Allm Seager. Canada. 1922- 1939. p.260. Thcrc ivas a grwt de.of s?mpthy for the rclease of CPC leader Tim Buck afrcr it bccamc known thcit a guard had fired into his Kingston Patitentiq ccll: thc CLDL gahered 459 000 signatures demuiding both his release and a repeal of Section 98. Howmer. the infamous Section 98 would no[ bc rcpded uniil Mackenzie bgand the Libeds fulfrlled an election promise in laie 193 S. Ivan Av~ovic.The Communist Pam. in Canada p.90. The brwdcasts were produced by Bennett's brother-in-law W.D.Henidgc. who wiuiessed the popularïty of President Roosevelt's reforms as a Canadian delegate in Washington. in collaboration tvith Bennea's esccutive assistant, Rod Fuilayson: J.R H. W ilbur. nie Bennett New Deal: Fnud or Portent? (Toronto 1968). pp. 149-1 55. Unemploynent insurance Legishtion \vas ~'introducedand pascd only once diiring the Great Depression in 1935. although a Merbill \vas draEied in 1938." Yet it \vas not emcted until der the Second Wortd War began because of J The so-called 'New Deal' failed to revive the failing Conservatives because the puy, and Bennett in paAxlar, were extremely unpopular with moa Canadians and were vilified in the editorial cartoons and other media outlets of the day as well as in the everyday contemporary lingo." The On-to-Octawa trek and the Regina Riot in July 1935, as well as devastating Conservaùve defeats in New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, symbolised both the split within the Consemative ranks as well as the widespread animosity against the govemment. The enmity climaxed in the 193 5 election, as the govemment was blown apart, dropping from 135 to 39 seats. The devastation was so complete that a Liberal organizer in South Winnipeg quipped: "For Christ's sakes, if that telephone pole out on the Street had a name and address, we could nominate it and get it elected.'" The main problem was that the effects of the worldwide depression were abraded by distinctly Canadian problems such as the inefficient, inequitabie, and irresponsible use of intergovemmental powers; cyclical nature of fiscal policy; change of sovemment and an economic upving. Ruth Roach Pierson "Gender and the Unemployment lnsurance Dehates in Canada." p.79. Among the terms ucre 'Bennett buggies' for cars dra\vn by horses. 'Beiuictt boroughs' for thc unemployd shantyto~nsin the inner cities. and 'Bennett barnpck' for the al1 too nurnerous abandoncd prairie fms: Pierre Berton. The Grat Depression. p.342. ? Indced Bennett often had to defend his proposcd reforms as akknced by 3 Ietter to disgruntled Conscn-ati\.e. Howard Robinson in which Bennett cornrncnted that Tim Buck Etas a veq- strong position. He openly demands the abolition of the capitalisi q-stern. A good deal of pruning is somctirnes neccssac to Save a ucc. ..there is considcnblc pnining to bc donc if wc arc to prcscn-c thc fabric of the capitaiist qstem" JOhn Herd Thompson and Men Seager. Canada 1922-39. p. 264. 6 Bany Broodfoot. Ten Lost Years. p. 3 14. Liberais 173. Consenatives 40, Social Credi t 17. CCF 7. Reconstruction 1. UFO 1. Other 6. The CPC did not get a single candidate elected and only mamgcd to garncr 3 1 15 1 votes in totai: han Avakumo\ic, The Cornmunist in Cana& p.94. dependency on expon of natural products; Iack of local capital; and a significant debt. The governent bore a large share of the blame because f?om 1929 to 1933 "government rnonetary policy was conspicuous by its virtual absence, reflecting the lack of instruments of controL the varying needs of dinerent parts of the economy, and a desire to avoid expenmentation in view of the lqeforeign debt."' Indeed, Canada was amck more severely than any other capitalist nate with the exception of the United States. The besieged state was not aided much by Canadian capital either as: afier half a decade of war and reconstruction planning, and another half a decade of unparalleled prosperity; Canadian indunrialists possessed neither the pnvate economic resources nor the public institutional rnechanisms needed to rationalize markets, productive facilities, or prices dunng the chaos of the early thirties8 The problem was that most of the govemmental and industnal responses were either of a retrogressive or an ad-hoc emergency nature-"4s a result of the extreme nature of the crisis, the Iron Heel tactîcs, and Bennett's offensive A.E. Saf;ula The Crinadian Economv in the Gmt Depression, p. 108. ' Tom Trnaes.Thc Srnie and Enterprise: Canadian Manufacturen and the Fedcral Govcmmcn~ 19 17- 193 1 (Toronto 1979). p. 156 9 Yct, thcrc is considcmblc disagreement among historians about the motivations behind and even Ihe effects of. the diaereni actions taken by the Bennett governent interestin&. mon hinorians wllyrefiect the same politicized poIemic aident arnong the cartoons sun-eyed in this thesis. For ina~ice.lef~ hisiorians like Bqan Palmer. Workine Class Experience. p.262 argue htthe Depression reprcsenred one of the mos< reprcssivc periods of "naked self-interesteci class purpose' bccausc --inplace of an effective program of relief and a fonhright policy on unemplo~mentthc süite ciirccled its energies to nranaping uoempioyment and wnrairzinp the threat posed by the unemplo~ed...These were years when the state secured prope- and did tittle to defend [king standards." Whereas other historias such as Lmy GIassford "Retrrnchmen~RB. Bennett Style: The Consenative Record Before die New Deal. 1930-31-.-hiericon Review ofCanadan Studies. 132 (1989). pp152-53 are far more prakeworth~of RB. Bennett's Rime Miainership and suggest that -the Consewative's program went far beyond deporthg aliens. jacking up tariffs. raising tases and slapping on monetaq controts. personality, the Prime Miniinister becarne the chef scapegoar for an an-- Canadian press and the electorate it represented. Provincially the same thing was occumng as businessmen and the politicians that represented them became scapegoats for the worn abuses of the Depression. In 193 1 Liberal Leader W.E.N. Sinclair was replaced by the onion famer. 'Mitch' Hepburn, who three years larer went on to defeat 'Honest George' Henry to become the Premier of Ontario. h enraged public made a decided shifi from the agrarian influence and staid conservatism of the leaders of the late 1920s-early 193Os, to the populism of the more flamboyant leaders of the mid- to-Iate 1930s.'~Indeed, even on the municipal scene the Tory manglehold on power was broken by the election of the lefiist administrations of James Simpson and Arthur Williams in Toronto and East York respectively." This shifi in public opinion was quite predictable when one examines the cartoons of 1932-33. as even a cursory glance at them reveals that there was a great deal of impatience and anger at both the current state of affairs and the men responsibie for it. The Great Depression intensified social, regional and cultural divisions as well as the emotional depth of class and ethnic confrontations. Toronto. in particular, was the scene of very intense class, sender, ethnic, panisan clashes during the early 1930s as the economic crisis generated a sense of despair and anger among the lower classes that resulted in calls for reforms that conflicted 'O John T. Sayell. -Just Cal1 Me Mjtch', pp. 16-165. " Yet these were both one-~earterrns: The auchors suggest that this was perhaps a refimion of the fact thrit the elcctorate wis rectuced almost annuaily during the Depression due to the reduction.. in long-term leases and station- tenants in general. Roger E. Riendeau "A Clash of Interests:. p.57. with the reuogressive conservatism of the ruiing classes. The editorial cartoons of Everrzng Telegram, Tormto Stm, and ne Worker captured the intensity of these conflicts in a poignant and succinct way like no other medium of the time. The editorial cartoons of the Sftzr, Telegram, and Worker al1 contained impressionistic, interpretative, and allegorical aspects that when put together represented 'repositories of cultural meaning'. They served to both mould and mirror current public opinion, and they reflected the dynamic interplay between the three cartoonists' individual creativity, conventions of a-t, contemporary stereotypes, and the audiences' other sensibilities as well. I2 Like other manifestations of popular culture, the editorial cartoons of these three papers revealed the social conventions sup porting communication as well as the other biases of their creators. The antagonistic cornpetition between the three papers' canoonists was part of a larger stmggle for legitimation or 'the dialectic of cultural nruggle" within their society: Hawkes, Sh~elds,and Yanovsky's illustrated messages competed with each other for the attention of Torontonians during the Depression. The three cartoonists worked to directiy and subtly shape public opinion by seaing the agenda, confemng status, manipulating mood, creating and reinforcing stereotypes, and mobilizing their audience into some son of common action. This " The stemtypc functions of the editorial cartoon \rut in paniarly dcmand during the early 1930s bccausc thc nec& to simplify and mcture understanding ma? be heightened uithin societies during times of crisis such as \GUS, economic recessions, and natddisastas. During these timcs. leadcrs use stereot'pes of the encmy to reduce poiential ambiguin.. stiflc dissent. and to providc a clean set of behaiourai nom... . Jus as individuais justify the pain niffered by othcrs bu dcrogating them, colIectivcs j@ actions toward otliet groups of people that n.ould othenvise be considerai d5.ror reprehensible." Charles Suorand Mark Shaiier. -Stemtypes as individuai and Collcctive kpresentations" Stereotwes and Stereohmine, p.22. included depicting issues involving class as well as those associated with traditional class demarcations. Although not necessarily political, most of the cartoons reflected the social tensions, gender cnsis, political partisanship, personal rivalries, and class struggie evident in Toronto and Canada as a whole during the early 1930s. As a liberal paper of the more modem, populist style, the Smsplit its coverage fairly evenly between international, national, and provincial issues with a specific focus on the political and economic nature of these events. It was not very concemed with ideology, class, or important social issues directly, as it preferred to anack enemy politicians, editors, and other public figures instead. The ultra-conservative Telegram had an almost even split between national and provincial issues, with intemational and municipal coverige not far behind. It spent a great deal of effort on the political nature of governmental affairs at al1 four levels. and especially prided itself on being the leader in coverage of City Hall. Like its arch-rival the Star, it aiso preferred political over social events, and it's cartoonist Shields invested the majority of his efforts in both praising his heroes and attacliing his enemies. Interestingly, "one must tum to labour and leftist papers to gain some awareness of how these yean hit the unemployed; and of the questions asked and ideas promoted against the workers and workless."" Yanovs~'scartoons for the Worker were a direct reflection of the class-war tactics of the CPC: the social was economic and political, class-based ideology was everywhere, and individual and local issues were irrelevant in the face of the international struggle of the proletariat. Dunng the Depression almost every newswonhy issue was connected to Iarger, intense socio-economic and political crises-the partisan and class based nature of which were weil represented in the cartoons of the Star, TeIegrm, and Worker. The content and code of these cartoons were part of a politically motivated manipulation of images designed to convey desired messqes to a target audience. Indeed, the importance of this banle could not be overstated in the minds of those behind these newspapers, considering that their very future depended on it. At the beginning of century the Telegram had more readers than the Sm but the "Tekgram maintained its sober make-up and conservative news-sathering methods while its younger contemporary used more vigorous journalism to capture a faster-growing readership."'" Moreover, the TeIegrarn "spent the thirties supponing the unpopular government of RB. Bennett; thereby ignoring the hard lesson that backing political losers-as John Ross Robertson had pointed out in a Parliamentary speech in 1897-was bad for both parties and partisans."1' As a result, the Telegram dropped into third place among the Toronto-based dailies while the Star became Canada's largest daily. l6 - -- - ' ' Benh Bladbq-and Yohda KmgsmdL Povcm. Politics and the Press.. p. 16. '' W.H.Kwtenon. A Histon- of Jounirtlism in Cm&. p.88. This reflected the genenl trends among riin=IAi=tn dailies to the popular form whch attracted more advertising as: "Ah-enking had kcomc so much more important a source of revenue than politicai patronage Lhitt the newspapcr was pcrforcc bccoming a business undmaking. and not a politid appcndsrgc-"KE. Stephenson and Carlton McNaught. The SLOWof Ach-crtisino.in Canada. p.265. '' Ron Poulton The Paocr TV~Lp-204. Lb i 93 7 crrculation figures rmeal how far the Telegrant had slipped: Star 218 2 17, Globe and.Mzil 175 000. 153 744: N. W. Aycr and Son. Directon. of Ne\vmmxs and Periodicals 1937 (Philadelphia 193 7). Since the fare of the Worker was bound to that of the CPC it enjoyed brkf moments of success during the party7sclashes with the Toronto Police department and the Canadian justice synem. Through representing the unemployed as it did the CPC procured many new members, a more diverse ethnic composition, as well as the generation of mass sympathy for the party. The party was rebuilt during 1932-34 under the leadership of Stewart Smith and the Buck faction as anti-communism was finally waning and many people were more sympathetic to their policies of reform. Indeed, at the time of Buck's reiease in 1934 the party had around 5500 mernbers. l7 However, this support was always problernatic due to the fact that many of the unemployed ofien drifted around the country in search of work, while many others became RCMP plants. More importantly, the Worker was doomed by the sectarianisrn that cursed the CPC during its Third Period as despite "conditions that ostensibly were ideall y suited for a proletarian movement, the CPC made no lasting impact upon the Canadian people."1s Yanovsky's cartoons generally typified both the objective and effects of the Communist press in Canada: powerfùl yet alienating criticisms of the established order that only reached a small audience. 1' Ivan Avakumo\ic, The Cornmunist Panv in Canada. p.90. 1S The author adds tfirit -the fadure of the Canadian pam- to bccome a politid forcc within the Dominion mus be atiributcd to the Cominten~and irlrimatrtly, to the Commimist Party of the Soviet Union": William Rodnq. Soldiers of the In~eniational.p. 160. Partiail! due to this dedine The Worker changed its name on 1 May 1936 to The Clanon. Donald Avery. Dangerou Foreiefiers. p. 140 Acis that: -Because of its immigrant base. and its cornmitment to the Cornintcrn it \vas nmer able to establish itself among a signilicant group of English- or French-spcaking worken. Yet the Iegacy of the CPC is not u-ithout importance ... While most CPC strikes failed and few CPC candidates were elected. the party still pmvided immigrant workers with an opportunity to channel their grievances into organized protest. Nor \vas this protest ineffective. That author* had to tiini to the repression of the years l929-3-! is iwlf atdence of significant CPC Muence." The editorial cmoons of the Sm,Telegram, and FYorker reflected the biases and style of their creator, the editorial direction of their newspaper, as well as the audience they catered to. They aiso provide the historian with considerable substantive evidence about the contemporary social mores and spirit of Torontonians during the early part of the Great Depression. As such, they demonstrate the utility of such popular images to the historian as not only a subsidiary emissary, but dso a uniquely powerful, main source of information in their own right. Since they are visualized commentaries on the events, ideas, and significant figures of an era that reveal the existing power structures and rationales of a society, the employment of cartoons as a historical source also allows for a more democratic and inclusive cultural analysis. First A~pendir:lMa0 of Toronto Neahbourhoods ===Fcune Ave. THE LOAD- OLTHOS-"Fat chance 1 have of mgany- thing with that load to caq." 3 ONE REASON WHY YOU SHOULD BUY THE TELEGRAM Even in the serious business of politics, incidents that provoke mirth or sarcasm frequently occur. In political controversy, too, a jest or a jibe is often as i appropriate and as effective a weapon as bitter crit- 1. icism or solemn denunciation. , Right Hon. Mackenzie King's avowal that he would not give "a five-cent piece" from the Domin- ion treasury to a Tory provincial government for the b relief of unemployrnent was a colossal blunder. The effort to cover up the blunder by representing federal grants to Ontario under the British North America Act as evidences of Mr. King's generosity to a Tory province was a transparent and ludicrous device. Equally transparent were the attempts to deny the existence of unemployment in Canada and the attempt to distract attention from that unemploy- ment by directing attention to industrial depressiori in the United States. C 2 What could have been more deceptive than some - of the changes made by the Dunning budget in Bri- - i tish preferential duties in the tanff, and what could have been more illogical than the decision of the government, that daims to have made Canada a na- tion, to allow the United States to determine the 1. rates of certain Canadian customs duties. Upon these subjects George Shields' original daily cartoons in The Telegram have touched. Thry enable you at a glance to appreciate the significance of a political argument. They can be enjoyed by you no matter what your political faith may be. They I are one of a number of reasons that should lead you 1; 1; to buy The Telegram. The Evening Telegram, Toronto. 1 -j - Third A~~endis:Relief Reeistration Form OTHLR MEMmRSOI WOUSEUOLO: mrucs ...... -vu TUI. .-- ...... ---- W...... W... au...... --...... --.- . v.1.. .-a...... -..-. (ILI1 Ur, . - ...... -..- me...... I . .------.a -.a mf -...... En- _' .i. . :::::. .*...---- l -- l a, WAR PENSIOF) mnu u c.HI ...... -.- ...... ------mm. UOI. il 1.. In general, editorial cartoons represent one of the most unexplored areas of cultural hinory. The majority of the work adable on the subject is of the more popular, aficionado sort with few thematic or analpical considerations, and is of generally questionable worth to the hinorian. Moreover, most of the academic studies of the subject during the same time period are devoted to British and American anists. The closest such thing presently available on Canadian cartoons or cartoonists are eit her very specific articles or exceedingly general overview texts.' There does not seem to be a national cornparison of editorial cartoons in Canada for any penod before the 1960s, which is especially intriguing in light of the thematic similarities between this study and the unpublished essay by Bettina Bradbury and Yolanda ~insmill.~Another area worth inquiring into is the public reaction to these popular images: the only studies I was able to find were primarily sociological or business oriented, while I was also unable to uncover any son of communal or individual response to any of the cartoons profiled in this survey. There seems to be ample evidence to suggest that a polemic such as that Fby Morris at York Unixnity has provided some interesting insi&& into the merhodolog of urtooning "Visual Rhetoric in Politid Cartoons: A Stnicturaiist Apprmck" ,\kraphor and .Svnrholic ,-fcrivi@,S: 3 ( l 993). 195-2 10: as well as an interesting case study on Vancouver urtoonist. Len Nomis -Cultural Analysis through Seniiotics: Len Noms' Cartoons on Of5cia1 Bilingualism.~Canadan Review of Sociology and.4nthropologv. 28 (May 199 1). 225-54, Margmt Conrad's -The Art of Regional Protest: The Political Cartoons of Donald ~McRitchic. 1904-1937" .-lcadirnsis. XKi. 1 (Autumn 199 1 ), 5-29 is a issue spccific study of the Maritime Rights Movcmcnt. William Wcrthmui and Stcmrt MacNutt. Canada in Cartoon: A Pictoriril Histon. of thc Confiicration Ycars. 1867-1 967. and Pctcr Dtsbarats and TT Mosher. mc Hccklcrs. A Historv of Camdian Political h-tooningand a Cartoonists Histon. of Canada. ' Bettina Bradbuq- and Yolanda Kinsmill. -Poverty, Politics. and the Rcss: A Cartoon Histoq- of the Depression Years in British Columbia* (Vancouver 1977). among the three canoonins examined here also existed during other times of crisis such as the French Revolution and both Worid Wars, but what about periods of relative peace and prosperity? 1 was unable to locate any work of substance on the interwar period or anything on the cartoons of the 1950s for instance. It seems that the hypothesis that caxtoons evo1ved stylistically and came to the fore socially durins times of trouble is a largely untested one. A final suggested possibility would be a Canadian equivalent to the numerous nudies on Pimch in Britain that trace the developments of caricature nereotypes over long periods of time to see what they reveal about the common perceptions of various ethnic, professional and social groups. 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