L'uniforme Scolastica Femminile in Giappone Tra Conformismo E

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L'uniforme Scolastica Femminile in Giappone Tra Conformismo E Università Ca’ Foscari Venezia Corso di Laurea magistrale in Lingue e Civiltà dell’Asia e dell’Africa Mediterranea Tesi di Laurea L’uniforme scolastica femminile in Giappone tra conformismo e trasgressione Relatrice Ch. Prof.ssa Maria Roberta Novielli Correlatrice Ch. Prof.ssa Paola Scrolavezza Laureanda Chiara Silini Matricola 826608 Anno Accademico 2013 / 2014 1 2 要旨 制服は全体の世界社会の中で大切な役割がある。制服はいろいろな点から魅力的 な服装である。社会の中で、多くの場合では、服を着るのは制服を着るという意 味になる。そのために制服をわかるのは社会をわかるのと同じだと考えられる。 社会の中で2つの形態がある。一つは公式見解であり、二つは非公式見解である 。公式見解によれば制服は命令、規律、コントロールなどを示唆する。反対に、 非公式見解によれば、制服はファッション、エロ世界などを示唆する。 日本の女子学生制服はその二つの傾向の一番いい例である考えられる。学生制服 は学校制度のシンボルとして、フォーマルな服装である。しかし、大衆文化的に なると、新しい意味を持つようになることがよく見られる。このようにして、女 子学生制服はかわいいカルチャー、サブカルチャー、エロ世界などにも使えるよ うになった。それはなぜか。この卒業論文はその問題に答えを見つけることを目 的としている。 アイディアは大学の2年生のときに出た。そのときはファッションの世界に夢中 になった。熱心な気持ちから、独学者で服に関する勉強をはじめた。習ったこと を実際に使いたいと思っていたので、どのように卒業論文にも入れられるか考え 始めた。考えれば考えるほど、突然新しいアイディアがひらめいた。制服だった 。日本にはたくさんの制服があり、日本の社会にとって制服は大切な役割がある 。制服はファッションの研究の問題だけではなく、主に社会学の問題である。5 年生でノヴィエッリ先生とはじめて相談した。そのときには、先生からアドバイ スを頂いた。制服のアイディアはよいが、もっと具体的なテーマを選ぶ必要があ ると言われた。その時に、明治時代の日本における洋服の採用に関する本を先生 に勧められた。本では学生制服の採用についてもよく説明があった。その時まで 3 私は学生制服を理解する必要ないと考えていた。しかし、私の期待に反して、女 子学生制服が卒業論文のテーマになった。去年の2月から5月までインターシッ プをするために東京に旅行した。そのときには、国立国会図書館で資料を探した 。何を探すか知らなかったので、研究は思っていたより少し難しかった。それに もかかわらず、イタリアに帰るまでに見つけた資料がたくさんあった。なので、 イタリアに帰った後で卒業論文を書いた。 卒業論文を書くために使った文献すべて東京の国立国会図書館とインターネット で集めた書類である。大衆文化の具体的な例として、マルチメディアも(映画、 マンガなど)使った。 最後的に卒業論文のファイルは6章になり、いろいろな点から日本の女性学生制 服を論じている。 第1章では、制服の概念を論じる。様々な制服を使いの観点から分類した後、一 般的な学生制服に関して説明する。 第2章では明治時代の洋服の採用について書いた。明治維新の社会的変革の中で 、まず官公史、軍人、学生の順で新しい制服が定められた。しかし、女子学生制 服が普及するまでに40年の月日を費やした。それまで、女子制服の形動は複雑 に変化した。 第3章ではまず学生の制服に対するイメージと自分概念の関連性について説明す る。また、大人の学生と若者のイメージに関しても説明する。 第4・5・6章に女子学生制服に非公式見解を論じる。 第4章ではかわいいカルチャーの関係について書いた。かわいさの概念からはじ め、女子学生制服とどのような関係があるかを説明する。60年代に青年期のカ テゴリーが始まった。その当時、女子の中でかわいさのモダンな概念が生きてお り、かわいいカルチャーの始まりだった。男性は同じ概念を持ち、かわいいカル 4 チャーに新しくエロチックな意味をつけた。女子学生制服もそのファンタジーの 部分になった。 第5章では日本の若者のサブカルチャーの学生制服の使い方について書いた。制 服は公式な服装である。しかし、同じ制服はサブカルチャーから採用されると、 意味が変わり、「セミユニフォーム」ということになる。日本の女子学生制服で はスケバンとコギャルのケースは重要な例である。とくに、コギャルの歴史と社 会に与えた影響の大切から始め、女子学生制服はどのような役割があったのかを 論じる。 最後に、第6章ではエロチック世界で女子学生制服の問題を論じる。とくに、か つとり雑誌から現代のマンガとアニメまでの具体的な例を挙げ、なぜ女子学生制 服がエロチックなシンボルになったか説明する。 この卒業論文をはじめたときに、私が期待に脳をふくらませた。結果はおよそ予 想していたことと違っていない。できる限り革新的な卒業論文を書きたかった。 書き方のプロセルは思ったほど難解である。少しの文献あったが、勉強したこと と一緒につけるのは難しかった。書くときにも時々疑問を抱いたが、最後まで懸 命に書きつづけた。結果に満足できる。この卒業論文は私の興味とパーソナリテ ィーを示している。 5 6 SOMMARIO 要旨 3 CAPITOLO 1 9 LE UNIFORMI E LA LORO FUNZIONE NELLA SOCIETÀ 9 LE UNIFORMI 9 LE UNIFORMI SCOLASTICHE 17 CAPITOLO 2 22 BREVE STORIA DEL COSTUME E DELLE DIVISE SCOLASTICHE IN GIAPPONE 22 L’INTRODUZIONE DEL VESTITO MILITARE E SCOLASTICO 22 L’EVOLUZIONE DEL VESTITO OCCIDENTALE FEMMINILE IN GIAPPONE 24 L’INTRODUZIONE DELLE DIVISE SCOLASTICHE E LE UNIFORMI FEMMINILI 28 LE UNIFORMI OGGI 36 CAPITOLO 3 39 L’UNIFORME, IL SÉ E GLI ALTRI. 39 LA RAPPRESENTAZIONE DEL SÉ TRAMITE L’UNIFORME. 39 LE OPINIONI DEGLI STUDENTI SULLE DIVISE 43 LA PERCEZIONE DELLO STUDENTE DA PARTE DELL’ADULTO 46 LA VISIONE DEI GIOVANI 46 L’IMMAGINE DELLO STUDENTE IN UNIFORME 49 CAPITOLO 4 52 SUPER KAWAII 52 IL KAWAII 52 L’UNIFORME SCOLASTICA FEMMINILE E IL KAWAII 56 CAPITOLO 5 63 CATTIVE RAGAZZE IN UNIFORME: LA MODIFICA DELLE DIVISE COME MEZZO DI RIBELLIONE 63 LE SUKEBAN 63 LE KOGYARU 65 ORIGINI E DEFINIZIONI 65 LE KOGYARU E GLI SCANDALI SESSUALI DEGLI ANNI NOVANTA 69 7 IL RUOLO DELLE KOGYARU COME TRENDSETTERS 71 L’UNIFORME KOGYARU 73 CAPITOLO 6 77 SESSUALITÀ E TRASGRESSIONE: IL GIAPPONE E IL FETISH DELLA STUDENTESSA IN UNIFORME 77 I KASUTORI E L’ORIGINE DELLE TEMATICHE 78 LA NASCITA E LO SVILUPPO DEL LOLITA COMPLEX 79 IL CASO DI SAILOR MOON 87 DUE RAPPRESENTAZIONI OPPOSTE DI ENJO KŌSAI 90 PERCHÉ L’UNIFORME SCOLASTICA? 95 CONCLUSIONI 98 GLOSSARIO 102 BIGLIOGRAFIA 104 RIFERIMENTI IMMAGINI 107 8 CAPITOLO 1 LE UNIFORMI E LA LORO FUNZIONE NELLA SOCIETÀ LE UNIFORMI Le uniformi sono una delle espressioni più complesse della nostra società. Nel suo romanzo “Sartus Resartus” del 1831 il filosofo scozzese Thomas Carlyle scrive: “Ciò che mi colpisce di più è come la società sia basata sul vestirsi (Carlyle 1831). L’abbigliare è oggigiorno un fatto del tutto personale, uno strumento attraverso cui testimoniamo agli altri il modo in cui vogliamo essere percepiti. Tuttavia, quando i vestiti diventano obbligatori e soggetti a norme, essi assumono un ruolo sociale. E’ il caso delle uniformi che rappresentano un simbolo di status o di stigmatizzazione, e necessitano di essere prese sul serio, perché hanno rilevanti implicazioni sociali: suggeriscono proibizione e virtù, specializzazioni, affidabilità, coraggio e obbedienza, pulizia e igiene (Fussell 2002). Nel libro “La realtà come costruzione sociale”, Berger e Luckmann teorizzano una concezione della realtà come frutto di un processo dialettico continuo tra uomo e società, quest’ultima intesa come prodotto creato dall’uomo (Berger 1966). Gli autori partono dal presupposto di un uomo essenzialmente abitudinario, le cui attività sono caratterizzate dalla consuetudine e dalla necessita di ordine, direzione e stabilità. La routinizzazione della vita comporta degli importanti vantaggi: limita le scelte, riduce la possibilità di errore e consente di non dover ridiscutere ogni decisione. Ripetere costantemente le stesse azioni porta progressivamente alla nascita di “modi di agire”, cioè di azioni standardizzate nel contesto di specifiche situazioni. In un ambito sociale, queste costituiscono la base di ciò che Berger e Luckmann definiscono come 9 istituzione, termine che definisce qualunque società o corpo sociale normalizzato in cui azioni condivise da più persone vengono tipizzate, cioè ridotte ad un modello, un carattere accessibile a tutti i membri della società. L’istituzione è un potere perché astrae i singoli dai loro comportamenti soggettivi e li indirizza verso uno schema di condotta comune. Questi corpi sociali tendono perdurare nel tempo, a patto che siano in grado di rinnovarsi rispetto ai cambiamenti storici e sociali, perché nascono come prodotto della evoluzione stessa della società che li ha prodotti. Si suppone che le istituzioni esistano da molto tempo in tutte le società: chi nasce all’interno di una società percepisce l’istituzione come una realtà oggettiva, reale, che precede la sua esistenza e segue la sua morte. Essa ha un potere coercitivo, che si manifesta da una parte tramite la sua stessa autorità, dall’altra attraverso i suoi meccanismi di controllo. L’istituzione, segnalando norme di condotta idonee a specifiche situazioni, svolge anche una funzione educativa. A seconda dell’importanza, diffusione e complessità di certi comportamenti, una particolare comunità, può sentire la necessità di riaffermarli tramite dei simboli, la cui presenza è tutt’intorno a noi. La divisa è uno dei simboli per eccellenza delle istituzioni. E’ un abito uguale per tutte le persone che svolgono una particolare funzione sociale, ne è un simbolo e ne rafforza quindi il potere e l’autorità. Le uniformi nascono dalle più generali pratiche vestimentarie delle prime società, prime fra tutte le leggi suntuarie, che furono create con lo scopo di reprimere gli eccessi e decodificare i codici di abbigliamento (Craik 2005). A mano a mano che le leggi suntuarie hanno modificato i modi di vestire nei diversi strati della popolazione, si sono differenziati diversi tipi di abbigliamento, e ciò ha fornito la base razionale all’introduzione delle divise nella società. La divisa ha una funzione fondamentale di identificazione: ogni istituzione, infatti, è integrata nella vita individuale attraverso la creazione di un ruolo. L’assegnazione del ruolo sociale ad un individuo fa sì che il mondo 10 acquisisca per lui un valore reale, perché vi si identifica “nella veste” di partecipante (Craik 2005). Le funzioni dell’uomo nella società rappresentano l’ordine istituzionale e la sua sopravvivenza. L’uniforme svolge anche una seconda funzione fondamentale, che è quella della conformazione: tutti coloro che indossano una divisa possono identificarsi tra di loro come appartenenti alla stessa istituzione, mantenere la propria identità e controllarla e plasmarla sulla base delle esigenze del proprio ruolo (Berger 1966). L’indossare la divisa prevede l’apprendimento di “tecniche corporee” specifiche (Craik 2005). Con tale l’espressione si definisce in generale tutto ciò che il corpo umano può fare e apprendere per fare fronte a disparate situazioni. Mauss inaugurò lo studio delle tecniche del corpo nel 1936, ed estese il concetto all’insieme di tecniche che diverse società e tradizioni hanno messo in atto nel corso del tempo per addestrare in corpo umano a modi di agire, gesti e consuetudini propri della loro cultura (Mauss 1973). Indossare la divisa comporta anche l’apprendimento di codici specifici: le regole riguardanti le divise sono spesso rigide e minuziose, e la loro trasgressione comporta una punizione. E’ evidente che le divise sono il modo migliore per riaffermare l’autorità dell’istituzione scuola, di giustificarne le norme e di imprimere un significato alle azioni imposte agli attori sociali. L’uso diventa quindi un fatto naturale, e la trasgressione stessa prevede la coscienza delle norme (Iku 1980). Possiamo distinguere cinque categorie principali di divise distinte in base alle loro funzioni: 1. Divise per la distinzione delle classi sociali. Rientrano in questa categoria anche tutte quelle restrizioni e leggi adottate nel corso dei secoli e in diverse culture per la distinzione - e talvolta discriminazione - di specifiche classi sociali,
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