THE DEMOCRATIC CAUCUS 100Th Congress
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Congressional Record—Senate S1929
March 22, 2017 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S1929 claims are simply unfounded scare- contempt or obloquy, or will represent a (4)(a) The committee may poll— mongering. If this resolution is en- clearly unwarranted invasion of the privacy (i) internal committee matters including acted, it will repeal only a specific of an individual; those concerning the committee’s staff, (d) will disclose the identity of any in- records, and budget; rulemaking at the FCC that has yet to former or law enforcement agent or will dis- (ii) steps in an investigation, including be implemented. What we are talking close any information relating to the inves- issuance of subpoenas, applications for im- about here hasn’t even been imple- tigation or prosecution of a criminal offense munity orders, and requests for documents mented yet. It will not touch the FCC’s that is required to be kept secret in the in- from agencies; and underlying statutory authority. In- terests of effective law enforcement; or (iii) other committee business that the deed, the FCC will still be obligated to (e) will disclose information relating to the committee has designated for polling at a trade secrets or financial or commercial in- meeting, except that the committee may not police the privacy practices of formation pertaining specifically to a given broadband providers, as provided for in vote by poll on reporting to the Senate any person if— measure, matter, or recommendation, and the Communications Act. The new (i) an act of Congress requires the informa- may not vote by poll on closing a meeting or chairman of the FCC confirmed this tion to be kept confidential by Government hearing to the public. -
Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-NY
S2216 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE April 3, 2019 nominations because it is taking too I look forward to this dialogue, and I The question is, Is it the sense of the long, and so they made a proposal. It look forward to the day we can get this Senate that debate on the nomination was 2 hours, equally divided—so it issue resolved so we can get back to of Jeffrey Kessler, of Virginia, to be an would actually be 1 hour—for district the work of legislation because we Assistant Secretary of Commerce shall court judges, 8 hours for other nomi- can’t even get to legislation right now be brought to a close? nees, which again equally divided because we are blocked on nomina- The yeas and nays are mandatory would actually be 4 hours total for tions. So let’s get the nomination issue under the rule. other lower nominees, 30 hours for cir- resolved, as we have for two centuries, The clerk will call the roll. cuit court, Supreme Court, Cabinet of- and then let’s get on to legislation and The senior assistant legislative clerk ficers. finish the task. called the roll. Republicans joined with Democrats I yield the floor. Mr. THUNE. The following Senator is in 2013 and with 78 votes at the begin- I suggest the absence of a quorum. necessarily absent: the Senator from The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. ning of President Obama’s second Mississippi (Mrs. HYDE-SMITH). term—and may I remind this body, Re- PERDUE). The clerk will call the roll. -
Bylaws of the Democratic Party of the State of Washington
Bylaws of the Democratic Party of the State of Washington As amended by the Washington State Democratic Convention on June 13th, 2020 Article I State Democratic Convention The State Convention of the Democratic Party is the highest authority of the Democratic Party of the State of Washington, subject to the provisions of the Charter of the Democratic Party of the State of Washington. The Convention shall be called by the Washington State Democratic Central Committee pursuant to Articles V and VI of the State Charter. Article II Washington State Democratic Central Committee A. Purpose and Powers 1. The Washington State Democratic Central Committee, also known as the state central committee ("SCC'), is the governing body of the Democratic Party of the State of Washington as authorized by the Democratic State Convention and the Charter of the Democratic Party of the State of Washington. 2. The SCC shall have all powers and carry out all duties delegated to it by the Convention under the Charter. The SCC is the sole Party organization authorized to collect and disburse funds in the name of the Democratic Party of the State of Washington. The SCC provides the funds, staff and other assistance necessary for the operations of its committees. B. Membership 1. The SCC shall consist of the state committeewoman and the state committeeman elected from each legislative district and from each county of the State of Washington, without regard to whether each is a precinct committee officer, in compliance with Article III B of the Charter. 2. Members shall be elected for two-year terms and shall serve until their successors have been elected. -
The First Day of a New Congress: a Guide to Proceedings on the House Floor
The First Day of a New Congress: A Guide to Proceedings on the House Floor -name redacted- Specialist on the Congress Updated December 19, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL30725 The First Day of a New Congress: A Guide to Proceedings on the House Floor Summary Article 1, Section 2 of the Constitution sets a term of office of two years for all Members of the House. One House ends at the conclusion of each two-year Congress, and the newly elected Representatives must constitute a new House at the beginning of the next Congress. Consequently, the House must choose its Speaker and officers and adopt the chamber’s rules of procedure every two years. The Constitution mandates that Congress convene at noon on January 3, unless the preceding Congress by law designated a different day. P.L. 113-201 set January 6, 2015, as the convening date of the 114th Congress. Congressional leaders planned that the 115th Congress would convene January 3, 2017, and that the 116th Congress would convene January 3, 2019, obviating the need for a law to set the date. Although no officers will have been elected when the House first convenes, officers from the previous Congress perform certain functions, such as conducting the election of the Speaker. The House follows a well-established first-day routine. The proceedings include— a call to order by the Clerk of the House; a prayer led by the Chaplain and the Pledge of Allegiance led by the Clerk; a quorum call ordered by the Clerk; the election of the Speaker, ordered by the Clerk and conducted with the assistance of tellers; remarks by the Speaker-elect, followed by his or her swearing-in by the dean of the House; the oath of office for the newly elected and re-elected Members, administered by the Speaker; adoption of the rules of the House for the new Congress; adoption of various administrative resolutions and unanimous consent agreements; and announcement of the Speaker’s policies on certain floor practices. -
Xavier Becerra 1958–
H CURRENT HISPANIC-AMERICAN MEMBERS H Xavier Becerra 1958– UNITED STATES REPRESENTATIVE 1993– DEMOCRAT FROM CALIFORNIA Xavier Becerra had barely completed one term in the California state assembly when he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1992. During his career in Washington, Becerra has emerged as a Democratic leader, becoming the first Latino in the history of the House to sit on the powerful Ways and Means Committee and being elected twice by his colleagues to serve as the Image courtesy of the Member Vice Chairman of the House Democratic Caucus. Xavier Becerra was born in Sacramento, California, on January 26, 1958, the third of four children to working-class parents Maria Teresa and Manuel Becerra. He majored in economics and graduated in 1980 from Stanford University, near Palo Alto, California, becoming the first member of his family to earn a bachelor’s degree.1 He stayed on at Stanford, earning a law degree in 1984, before working as an aide to a California state senator and then becoming a California deputy attorney general. After Becerra moved to Los Angeles, community leaders encouraged him to run for the state assembly in 1990.2 Becerra was young and relatively unknown, and his victory that year galvanized a new generation of Latino politicians.3 Before the expiration of Becerra’s first term in the state assembly, venerable Los Angeles Democrat Edward R. Roybal retired from the U.S. House. California had just redrawn its congressional districts, shifting the border of Roybal’s 30th District westward from East Los Angeles to Hollywood. -
The Rule XIX Call to Order for Disorderly Language in Senate Debate
The Rule XIX Call to Order for Disorderly Language in Senate Debate Christopher M. Davis Analyst on Congress and the Legislative Process Michael Greene Senior Research Librarian June 27, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R45241 The Rule XIX Call to Order for Disorderly Language in Senate Debate Summary The Senate has, from the 1st Congress (1789-1790), valued the importance of decorum in debate and included a “call to order” mechanism in its rules to sanction Senators who use “disorderly” language. The rules adopted in 1789 contained such a call-to-order provision, and its language has been amended multiple times over the years. Table 1 of this report details the historical evolution of the rule. The present form of the Senate’s call-to-order provision was adopted on June 14, 1962. Senate Rule XIX identifies specific language that is considered disorderly. This includes language directly or indirectly imputing to another Senator or Senators “any conduct or motive unworthy or unbecoming a Senator” (paragraph 2) and referring “offensively to any State of the Union” (paragraph 3). Rule XIX prohibits imputing conduct or motive “by any form of words” to a sitting Senator, which includes not just original words spoken in debate but quotes, news articles, and other materials. The statements in paragraphs 2 and 3 are not considered to be a comprehensive recitation of language that may violate decorum in Senate debate. Although precedents on the subject are mixed, Senators have at times also been called to order for making disparaging references in debate to the House of Representatives or its Members. -
The Breadth of Congress' Authority to Access Information in Our Scheme
H H H H H H H H H H H 5. The Breadth of Congress’s Authority to Access Information in Our Scheme of Separated Powers Overview Congress’s broad investigatory powers are constrained both by the structural limitations imposed by our constitutional system of separated and balanced powers and by the individual rights guaranteed by the Bill of Rights. Thus, the president, subordinate officials, and individuals called as witnesses can assert various privileges, which enable them to resist or limit the scope of congressional inquiries. These privileges, however, are also limited. The Supreme Court has recognized the president’s constitutionally based privilege to protect the confidentiality of documents or other information that reflects presidential decision-making and deliberations. This presidential executive privilege, however, is qualified. Congress and other appropriate investigative entities may overcome the privilege by a sufficient showing of need and the inability to obtain the information elsewhere. Moreover, neither the Constitution nor the courts have provided a special exemption protecting the confidentiality of national security or foreign affairs information. But self-imposed congressional constraints on information access in these sensitive areas have raised serious institutional and practical concerns as to the current effectiveness of oversight of executive actions in these areas. With regard to individual rights, the Supreme Court has recognized that individuals subject to congressional inquiries are protected by the First, Fourth, and Fifth Amendments, though in many important respects those rights may be qualified by Congress’s constitutionally rooted investigatory authority. A. Executive Privilege Executive privilege is a doctrine that enables the president to withhold certain information from disclosure to the public or even Congress. -
Joe Crowley (D-Ny-14)
LEGISLATOR US Representative JOE CROWLEY (D-NY-14) IN OFFICE CONTACT Up for re-election in 2016 Email Contact Form LEADERSHIP POSITION https://crowley.house.gov/ contact-me/email-me House Democratic Caucus Web crowley.house.gov 9th Term http://crowley.house.gov Re-elected in 2014 Twitter @repjoecrowley https://twitter.com/ repjoecrowley Facebook View on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/ repjoecrowley DC Office 1436 Longworth House Office Building BGOV BIOGRAPHY By Brian Nutting and Mina Kawai, Bloomberg News Joseph Crowley, vice chairman of the Democratic Caucus for the 113th Congress and one of the party's top campaign money raisers, works for government actions that benefit his mostly middle-class district while keeping in mind the needs of Wall Street financial firms that employ many of his constituents. He has served on the Ways and Means Committee since 2007. He was a key Democratic supporter of the 2008 bailout of the financial services industry -- loudly berating Republicans on the House floor as an initial bailout bill went down to defeat -- as well as subsequent help for the automobile industry. In addition to his post as caucus vice chairman -- the fifth-ranking post in the Democratic leadership -- Crowley is also a finance chairman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the political arm of House Democrats, and serves on the Steering and Policy Committee. He has a garrulous personality to match his burly, 6-foot-4 frame. He's been known to break into song and is generally well-liked by friend and foe alike. Crowley has been a solid supporter of Democratic Party positions, as illustrated by the ratings he has received from organizations on opposite ends of the political spectrum: A lifetime score of 90 percent-plus from the liberal Americans for Democratic Action and 8 percent, through 2012, from the American Conservative Union He favors abortion rights, gun control and same-sex marriage. -
Case 1:19-Cv-01974-TNM Document 113 Filed 08/04/21 Page 1 of 37
Case 1:19-cv-01974-TNM Document 113 Filed 08/04/21 Page 1 of 37 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS, UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Plaintiff–Counterdefendant, No. 1:19-cv-1974-TNM v. UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY; INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE; JANET YELLEN, in her official capacity as Secretary of the United States Department of the Treasury; and CHARLES P. RETTIG, in his official capacity as Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service, Defendants–Crossdefendants, and DONALD J. TRUMP; THE DONALD J. TRUMP REVOCABLE TRUST; DJT HOLDINGS LLC; DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER LLC; DTTM OPERATIONS LLC; DTTM OPERATIONS MANAGING MEMBER CORP.; LFB ACQUISITION MEMBER CORP.; LFB ACQUISITION LLC; and LAMINGTON FARM CLUB, LLC d/b/a TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB-BEDMINSTER Intervenors–Counterclaimants– Crossclaimants. ANSWER AND COUNTERCLAIMS/CROSS-CLAIMS Intervenors—Donald J. Trump, The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust, DJT Holdings LLC, DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC, DTTM Operations LLC, DTTM Operations Managing Member Corp, LFB Acquisition Member Corp., LFB Acquisition LLC, and Lamington Farm Club, LLC d/b/a Trump National Golf Club-Bedminster—respectfully submit this responsive pleading pursuant to Federal Rules of Civil Procedure 12 and 24(c). 1 Case 1:19-cv-01974-TNM Document 113 Filed 08/04/21 Page 2 of 37 ANSWER 1. Intervenors deny that the Committee’s requests are valid oversight requests or that they are entitled to any relief. Intervenors admit the rest. 2. The text of Section 6103(f) speaks for itself. Intervenors admit that Congress enacted the Revenue Act of 1924 in 1924. -
The Judicial Appointment Process: an Appeal for Moderation and Self-Restraint
Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development Volume 7 Issue 1 Volume 7, Fall 1991, Issue 1 Article 15 The Judicial Appointment Process: An Appeal for Moderation and Self-Restraint Joerg W. Knipprath Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcred This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE JUDICIAL APPOINTMENT PROCESS: AN APPEAL FOR MODERATION AND SELF-RESTRAINT JOERG W. KNIPPRATH* The original hearings on the nomination of Clarence Thomas brought much political posturing and theatrical grilling of the nominee. That much was expected in light of the Bork, Kennedy, and Souter hearings. As on those prior occasions, the Senators elected to define their constitutional "consent" function by prob- ing, by turns gingerly and testily, the nominee's political views. As then became painfully obvious, from October 11 th to the 13th the nomination hearing self-destructed. The scripted was out; the unexpected was in. Senators, staff, and media descended into a miasma of sexual allegations, hard-ball politics, betrayed confidences, and half-baked psychoanalysis. By the time the wal- lowing ceased, the substance of the charges had become less the issue than "the process" itself and the participants therein. Anita Hill's charges of sexual harassment against Clarence Thomas were a political neutron bomb. The edifice-the confir- mation process-still stands. -
051205 Congress Reform
SPECIAL PRESENTATION “A PROPOSAL TO MAKE CONGRESS WORK AGAIN: A PANEL DISCUSSION ON PROPOSED CHANGES IN THE RULES AND PROCEDURES OF THE U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES” MODERATOR: SCOTT LILLY, SENIOR FELLOW, CENTER FOR AMERICAN PROGRESS FEATURING: REP. DAVID OBEY, (D-WI), RANKING MEMBER, COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS REP. BARNEY FRANK, (D-MA), RANKING MEMBER, COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES REP. DAVID PRICE, (D-NC), MEMBER, COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS REP. TOM ALLEN, (D-ME), MEMBER, COMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND COMMERCE NORM ORNSTEIN, RESIDENT SCHOLAR, AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE; COAUTHOR, BROKEN BRANCH 12:00 PM – 1:30 PM MONDAY, DECEMBER 05, 2005 TRANSCRIPT PROVIDED BY DC TRANSCRIPTION & MEDIA REPURPOSING JOHN PODESTA: (In progress) – Center for American Progress. And I want to welcome you here for the presentation of “A Proposal to Make Congress Work Again.” I want to begin by welcoming our panelists. We’re joined, in addition to our senior fellow, Scott Lilly, by Congressman David Obey, Congressman Barney Frank, Congressman David Price, Congressman Tom Allen, and Norm Ornstein. I think that people on both sides of the aisle will join me in saying, in addition to these senior members and Norm, these are people who care about Congress, who care about the House, who indeed care about our democracy. And I think, as the title of this panel implies, “Making Congress Work Again” – I think it is clear that things on Capitol Hill, and I think particularly in the House of Representatives, have gotten seriously off-track. That’s why I think this package that these senior members have pulled together is so vital. -
The Senate in Transition Or How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Nuclear Option1
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NYL\19-4\NYL402.txt unknown Seq: 1 3-JAN-17 6:55 THE SENATE IN TRANSITION OR HOW I LEARNED TO STOP WORRYING AND LOVE THE NUCLEAR OPTION1 William G. Dauster* The right of United States Senators to debate without limit—and thus to filibuster—has characterized much of the Senate’s history. The Reid Pre- cedent, Majority Leader Harry Reid’s November 21, 2013, change to a sim- ple majority to confirm nominations—sometimes called the “nuclear option”—dramatically altered that right. This article considers the Senate’s right to debate, Senators’ increasing abuse of the filibuster, how Senator Reid executed his change, and possible expansions of the Reid Precedent. INTRODUCTION .............................................. 632 R I. THE NATURE OF THE SENATE ........................ 633 R II. THE FOUNDERS’ SENATE ............................. 637 R III. THE CLOTURE RULE ................................. 639 R IV. FILIBUSTER ABUSE .................................. 641 R V. THE REID PRECEDENT ............................... 645 R VI. CHANGING PROCEDURE THROUGH PRECEDENT ......... 649 R VII. THE CONSTITUTIONAL OPTION ........................ 656 R VIII. POSSIBLE REACTIONS TO THE REID PRECEDENT ........ 658 R A. Republican Reaction ............................ 659 R B. Legislation ...................................... 661 R C. Supreme Court Nominations ..................... 670 R D. Discharging Committees of Nominations ......... 672 R E. Overruling Home-State Senators ................. 674 R F. Overruling the Minority Leader .................. 677 R G. Time To Debate ................................ 680 R CONCLUSION................................................ 680 R * Former Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy for U.S. Senate Democratic Leader Harry Reid. The author has worked on U.S. Senate and White House staffs since 1986, including as Staff Director or Deputy Staff Director for the Committees on the Budget, Labor and Human Resources, and Finance.