MIKE HARRIS: HIS POLITICAL LEGACY Introduction

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

MIKE HARRIS: HIS POLITICAL LEGACY Introduction MIKE HARRIS: HIS POLITICAL LEGACY Introduction In October 2001, to the surprise of many possible federal leader to replace Joe Clark or both inside and outside his Progressive Stockwell Day. At times, he was touted as Conservative Party, Ontario Premier Mike the politician who could galvanize the Harris announced his intention to retire from country’s fractured political right into a force politics. Citing mainly personal reasons for that might one day be capable of presenting a his decision to quit public life, Harris left serious challenge to the governing federal office after having governed Canada’s largest Liberals. In the end, however, after over 22 province for over six years, in a way that years in provincial politics, six of them as never failed to arouse strong controversy. His Premier, Harris decided that he wanted to supporters hailed Harris as a leader who leave politics. possessed the courage and determination to Harris’s sudden departure initially left his reduce the role of government in society, party scrambling for a replacement who curb the power of public sector unions, cut would be able to lead it into a third term in taxes, foster individual initiative, and pro- office by the time the next provincial election mote investment and economic growth. But is called in 2003. The Conservatives quickly to his detractors, Harris’s legacy included an encountered a dilemma in the face of their autocratic approach to governing the prov- government’s sharp decline in popularity ince, crumbling health-care and public- against the surging opposition Liberals, led education systems, rising poverty and despair by Dalton McGuinty. In order to win another among marginalized Ontarians, questions campaign, should they adhere rigidly to over the police shooting of a Native pro- Harris’s hard-right approach to governing, or tester, and a lack of concern over environ- should they instead take the opportunity mental regulations that had allegedly and in afforded by choosing a new leader to soften part triggered the tragedy of Walkerton’s the edges of their neo-conservative ideology tainted-water scandal of 2000, which resulted as well? The two leading candidates to in seven deaths. succeed Harris epitomized this dichotomy Harris first became premier in 1995, perfectly. Former finance minister Ernie ousting Bob Rae’s hapless and recession- Eves, who had left politics for private busi- plagued NDP administration, and led his ness and then made a sudden return to run for party to a triumphant re-election in 1999 Harris’s job, represented the pragmatic, despite massive opposition from labour, moderate position, and called on the party to environmental, and social-action groups reach out to groups who had become alien- across the province. His “Common Sense ated from it, in particular the province’s Revolution,” with its calls for lower taxes, teachers and health-care workers. On the less government, reduced social services, and other hand, Jim Flaherty, who had assumed the vigorous encouragement of the private Eves’s old finance portfolio, called for a sector as the engine of prosperity became the continuation of the Common Sense Revolu- rallying-cry for neo-conservative forces tion at all costs. On some issues, like law and across Canada. Along with Alberta’s Ralph order and homelessness, Flaherty appeared to Klein, Harris symbolized the reinvigorated be staking out positions that were, if any- right-wing approach to politics that had given thing, even more right-wing than Harris’s. rise to the Reform Party (later the Canadian In the leadership vote of March 2002, Eves Alliance). Some even looked to Harris as a won a comfortable victory, but Flaherty’s News in Review — 31 — May 2002 strong showing indicated that for many in the Recommended Web Sites party, the Harris legacy was not something To add further perspective to this story, the they were readily willing to abandon, or even use of the following Web sites is recom- tone down. Whether Ontario’s Conservatives mended. would succeed, in time for the next provin- • www.ontariopc.on.ca (The Web site cial election, in healing the deep ideological of the Progressive Conservative divisions the leadership campaign opened up Party of Ontario) remains to be seen. But what was beyond dispute was the fact that during his six • www.gov.on.ca (The Web site of tumultuous years as premier, Mike Harris the Ontario provincial government) changed the face of government and its role • www.ontarioliberal.on.ca (The Web in Ontario society. Moreover, he left behind site of the Liberal Party of Ontario, him a controversial legacy whose conse- the official opposition) quences the province’s people would be living with for many years to come. • www.ontariondp.on.ca (The Web site of the New Democratic Party of Ontario) May 2002 — 32 — News in Review MIKE HARRIS: HIS POLITICAL LEGACY A Lasting Impression This News in Review report provides an overview of the Mike Harris government in Ontario, including an examination of its major policies, the support and opposition they aroused when they were introduced, their lasting effects on the province, the future of his party after his departure from office, and his lasting political legacy. Changing Times While watching the video make a list of the major changes the provincial government of Mike Harris introduced in Ontario between 1995 and 2001. Compare your list with that of others. In the Face of Change Now form groups to discuss the changes you have identified and their effects on Ontario and perhaps all of Canadian society. In your groups, use the following questions to help guide your discussion: 1. Why did Harris believe that cutting taxes, balancing the budget, and reducing the size and cost of government were good policies for his government to follow? 2. What effects did the introduction of these policies have on Ontario residents? 3. Why did some groups in the province oppose the policies of the Harris govern- ment? Why did others support them? 4. How did Harris and his government respond to the criticism and opposition they faced from some people in the province? 5. Why were the changes Harris introduced in the areas of education, health care, and municipal government so important? For a detailed understanding of this story, watch the video again. This time record answers to the following questions: 1. What was the name Mike Harris’s party gave to its policy program in 1995? 2. Who succeeded Harris as premier of Ontario in 2002? 3. By how much did Harris promise to cut provincial income tax rates in 1995? 4. What major financial achievement did Harris’s government accomplish by 1999? 5. What important economic change in Ontario helped Harris win re-election in 1999? 6. What two provincial political leaders were significantly influenced by Harris’s approach to governing? 7. What major criticism did Harris make of the federal government of Prime Minis- ter Jean Chrétien? 8. Who did Harris appoint to head a commission that reviewed Ontario’s health-care system in 1996? 9. By how much did Harris cut the operating budget of the province’s health-care system? News in Review — 33 — May 2002 10. How much money was the Harris government spending on health care by the time Harris left office in 2001? 11. What were the main changes Harris’s government introduced in the province’s education system? 12. How did Ontario teachers demonstrate their opposition to these changes? 13. What was the Omnibus Bill of 1996? 14. How did the Harris government promote its policies with the province’s residents? 15. What were the Days of Action? Change for the Sake of Change? Now consider the answers to the above questions. For each, suggest the impact of the change on the people of Ontario, or others. 1. The Common Sense Revolution 2. Ernie Eves 3. Thirty per cent 4. He balanced the provincial budget and eliminated the deficit. 5. An end to the recession and a booming American economy helped stimulate growth and prosperity in Ontario. 6. Conservative Premier Ralph Klein of Alberta and Liberal Premier Gordon Campbell of British Columbia 7. Harris criticized Chrétien’s government for underfunding the health-care system by reduc- ing the amount of money in federal transfer payments to the provinces for this sector. 8. Dr. Donald Sinclair 9. $1.3-billion 10. $23-billion 11. It introduced a new, standardized curriculum from Kindergarten to Grade 12, brought in standardized testing, increased the amount of time teachers had to spend in the classroom, cut the number of school boards, and changed how they received their funding. 12. Teachers staged a two-week protest against the Harris government in November 1997, shutting down the province’s schools. 13. The Omnibus Bill of 1996 gave the government new powers to restructure government services, which it used a year later when it announced major changes to education funding, welfare, public transit, and property taxes. 14. The government spent $8-million to promote its policies with the public by buying adver- tisements in newspapers and on radio and television. Opposition parties charged that during its time in office, the Harris government had spent $100-million of taxpayers’ money on such ads. 15. The Days of Action were protests called by labour and other social groups opposed to Harris’s policies, staged in major Ontario cities between 1995 and 1997. May 2002 — 34 — News in Review MIKE HARRIS: HIS POLITICAL LEGACY Reviewing the Situation In this report a number of significant points of view regarding the Harris legacy are expressed. Read each aloud and then discuss why you think the speaker holds the views he or she does.
Recommended publications
  • 12 01 Ganddhs Newsletter
    October 02, 2019 Page 1 of 15 Sheila Mccahon From: Historical Society Glencoe <[email protected]> Sent: September 18, 2019 6:55 PM To: Sheila Mccahon Subject: Glencoe & District Historical Society - Fall Newsletter 1 October 02, 2019 Page 2 of 15 Glencoe & District Historical Society Fall 2019 Newsletter 2 October 02, 2019 Page 3 of 15 G & DHS Executive Committee President - Ken Beecroft Vice President - JoAnn Galbraith Past President - Lorne Munro Treasurer - Marilyn McCallum Secretary - Mary Simpson Director - Harold Carruthers Director - Ina Nelms Director - Ken Willis Director - Dennis Harmsworth Well.... here it is September already. I don't know about you, but I found that the summer went by extremely quickly, maybe because of the damp and cool weather. At any rate, no doubt you've all been busy. Here at Glencoe & District Historical Society, we've been busy also. Since our big move to the Archives last Fall, we realize that there's more that we can and should be doing in the way of policy and procedural development, along with better identifying and tracking of our assets, especially books, documents and artifacts. To that end, we've established a committee of volunteers who will work on these goals.... More on that to come. With regret, I must let you know that G & DHS has lost another past Executive member. Karen Kendrick-Diamond passed away September 11th after a long and courageous battle with cancer. Karen was a life long resident of Glencoe and worked in the past at the Glencoe Library. Her 3 October 02, 2019 Page 4 of 15 Service of Remembrance will be September 26th at Van Heck Funeral Home in Glencoe.
    [Show full text]
  • The Courage to Begin
    Chapter 8: Conclusions and Summary of Options 239 proCess for ConsulTaTIon and ImplemenTaTIon This is an ambitious agenda, but it is not beyond the realm of the possible. We believe that the essential steps could be taken within five years. On- tarians sometimes forget how quickly Ontario’s higher education system can change to meet critical needs. The number of publicly supported uni- versities in Ontario doubled in the period from 1960 to 1965. The college system was created in less than three years, from early 1965 to the fall of 1967. College enrolments were expanded by almost 40 percent in less than five years to meet the needs of displaced workers during the recession of the early 1980s and by another 30 percent during the recession of the early 1990s. The university system added room for 90,000 more undergradu- ate students between 2000 and 2005 to accommodate the double cohort. In every case, the government made decisions about what needed to be done and worked with higher education leaders to get on with the job. The starting point for addressing our proposed agenda should be a focused consultation process with universities and colleges and with as- sociations representing students, faculty, and staff. These consultations, which might require two to four months, should focus on whether there are better proposals for addressing the issues we have identified. Changes of the magnitude we recommend are bound to be contentious; however, our review of the policy papers published by higher education stake- holders over the past two years suggests that there is broad consensus (though not unanimity) on the problems Ontario faces and widespread recognition that the solutions must go beyond simply spending more of the government’s and students’ money.
    [Show full text]
  • A Tribute to Bill Davis and TVO
    Bil 65, passed on May 10, 2000 during te 37t Session, founded te Ontario Associaton of Former" Parliamentarians. It was te first bil in Ontario histry t be intoduced by a Legislatve Commitee. Editorial: David Warner (Chair), Lily Oddie Munro, Joe Spina and Alexa Hu$man We now have more members than ever before. Welcome to the following 16 MPPs who are now "members of O.A.F.P. 1. Shirley Collins 2. Aileen Carroll 3. Charles Godfrey 4. Marietta Roberts 5. Robert McKessock 6. Elizabeth Witmer 7. Margaret Birch 8. Don Cousens 9. Sophia Aggelonitis 10. Ernie Parsons 11. Carol Mitchell 12. Steve Mahoney 13. Rick Ferraro 14. Greg Sorbara 15. Alan Eagleson Premier Bill Davis speaking at the ceremony for the" 16. Rev. William Herman donation of the J.C.B. and E.C. Horwood Collection to the Ferrier Archives of Ontario 1979 " " A Tribute to Bill Davis and TVO TVO hosted a special Bill Davis tribute on Wednesday, November 6, 2013. The "Gala event was hosted by the Fermenting Cellar of the Distillery District." Bill Davis was the 18th Premier of Ontario, from 1971-1985. Davis was first elected as an MPP in the 1959 provincial election. Under John Robarts, he was "the cabinet minister, overseeing the education portfolio. " He succeeded Robarts as premier. After retiring, Davis was made a Companion of the Order of Canada in 1985. He has served on numerous corporate boards and "played a role in creating the Conservative Party of Canada. " Please visit TVO’s website for more information. PAGE !1 Bil 65, passed on May 10, 2000 during te 37t Session, founded te Ontario Associaton of Former" Parliamentarians.
    [Show full text]
  • Ontario's Greenbelt
    Ontario’s Greenbelt: Acres of Possibility Burkhard Mausberg Ontario’s Greenbelt turns 12 years old in 2017. At two million acres, it’s the world’s largest peri-urban protected area. The Greenbelt Act and Plan were passed with much fanfare in 2005, and while there was some loud opposition from certain affected landowners and municipalities, the plan received significant backing from conservationists and planning experts. Since its inception, the Greenbelt has enjoyed huge public approval: it is consistently the provincial government’s most popular environmental initiative, garnering more than 90% support. The Greenbelt addressed a growing frustration with land use planning in the Greater Toronto Area: Ontarians asked for better regional planning. They recognized the negative impacts of poor development and the loss of greenspace and farmland. But the Greenbelt’s roots go back longer than the last dozen years—to the mid-1970s, in fact, when Premier Bill Davis protected the Niagara Escarpment. Aside from creating Niagara Falls, the escarpment is known for its rich biodiversity, centuries-old cedar trees, and unique cliff ecology. Declared a UNESCO biosphere reserve, the Niagara Escarpment includes Great Lakes coastlines, woodlands, limestone alvar, oak savannahs, conifer swamps, and other signature features. Together these diverse habitats contain a premier level of species variety among Canadian biosphere reserves, including more than 300 bird species, 55 mammals, 36 reptiles and amphibians, and 90 fish varieties. In 2001, Ontario’s Premier Mike Harris declared the Oak Ridges Moraine protected from development. The premier understood that the moraine is an ecologically important landform, created by receding glaciers during the last ice age.
    [Show full text]
  • Harris Disorder’ and How Women Tried to Cure It
    Advocating for Advocacy: The ‘Harris Disorder’ and how women tried to cure it The following article was originally commissioned by Action Ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes as a context piece in training material for transitional support workers. While it outlines the roots of the provincial transitional housing and support program for women who experience violence, the context largely details the struggle to sustain women’s anti-violence advocacy in Ontario under the Harris regime and the impacts of that government’s policy on advocacy work to end violence against women. By Eileen Morrow Political and Economic Context The roots of the Transitional Housing and Support Program began over 15 years ago. At that time, political and economic shifts played an important role in determining how governments approached social programs, including supports for women experiencing violence. Shifts at both the federal and provincial levels affected women’s services and women’s lives. In 1994, the federal government began to consider social policy shifts reflecting neoliberal economic thinking that had been embraced by capitalist powers around the world. Neoliberal economic theory supports smaller government (including cuts to public services), balanced budgets and government debt reduction, tax cuts, less government regulation, privatization of public services, individual responsibility and unfettered business markets. Forces created by neoliberal economics—including the current worldwide economic crisis—still determine how government operates in Canada. A world economic shift may not at first seem connected to a small program for women in Ontario, but it affected the way the Transitional Housing and Support Program began. Federal government shifts By 1995, the Liberal government in Ottawa was ready to act on the neoliberal shift with policy decisions.
    [Show full text]
  • If We Could All Be Peter Lougheed” Provincial Premiers and Their Legacies, 1967-2007 1
    “If we could all be Peter Lougheed” Provincial premiers and their legacies, 1967-2007 1 J.P. Lewis Carleton University [email protected] Paper for Presentation at The Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association Concordia University, Montreal June 2010 Introduction For a variety of reasons, the careers of Canadian provincial premiers have escaped explicit academic attention. Premiers are found frequently in Canadian political science literature, but more for direct roles and actions – in questions of the constitution, federalism, public policy and electoral and legislative studies – instead of longitudinal study and analysis. This fits a pattern of neglect in the field; some academics have lamented the lack of direct attention to provincial politics and history (Brownsey and Howlett 2001). The aggregate imprints of premiers are relatively ignored outside of regional and provincial treatments. No pan- Canadian assessment of premiers exists, and probably for good reason. The theoretical and methodological concerns with asking general research questions about premiers are plenty; leadership theory and historical approaches provide some foundations but any approach is going to confront conceptual challenges. This is where this study is found – in a void of precedents but a plethora of qualitative data. 2 Regardless of methodological challenges, some historians, political scientists and members of the media have not shied away from ranking and assessing national leaders. Some of the more popular treatments (from the popular culture version to the more academic approach) include Ferguson’s Bastards and Boneheads , Granatstein and Hillmer’s Prime Ministers: Ranking Canada’s Leaders , and Bliss’s Right Honourable Men . Bliss (xiv), the esteemed historian, is skeptical of such endeavours, “While this is Canadian history from Parliament Hill, I am not a Hegelian and I do not believe that political leaders, least of all prime ministers of Canada, are personifications of the world spirit.
    [Show full text]
  • Manuscript Completed May 2013
    NOT IN THEIR CLASSROOMS: CLASS STRUGGLE AND UNION STRENGTH IN ONTARIO’S ELEMENTARY TEACHERS’ UNIONS, 1970–1998 by Andy Hanson A thesis submitted to the Frost Centre for Canadian Studies and Indigenous Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Canadian Studies Trent University Peterborough, Ontario 2013 ©Copyright 2013, Andy Hanson ii ABSTRACT Not in Their Classrooms: Class Struggle and Union Strength in Ontario’s Elementary Teachers’ Unions, 1970–1998 This dissertation examines the rise of teachers’ union militancy in Ontario through a case study of the Federation of Women Teachers’ Associations of Ontario (FWTAO) and the Ontario Public School Teachers’ Federation (OPSTF) between 1970 and their amalgamation into the Elementary Teachers’ Federation of Ontario (ETFO) in 1998. It uses the archival records of the two unions, relevant legislation, media records, personal collections, and interviews to explore how these two professional organizations became politicized, militant labour unions able to engage with the state and the trustees of boards of education. The Introduction situates the public education project within nation building in a capitalist-democracy and outlines the theoretical influences informing the dissertation. Chapter 1 follows the two unions during the 1970s as they developed into labour unions. The 18 December 1973 one-day, province-wide, political strike achieved the right to strike and established a unique labour regime for teachers. Chapter 2 examines the advance of the unions during the 1980s as they developed labour militancy. At the same time, neo-liberalism was ascending and the post-war social accord was coming to an end resulting in attacks on unions and cuts to social programs.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report 09 Draft V1
    rabble (rāb'əl) noun 1. a disorderly crowd. 2. Canada’s online source for alternative news and views. 2009 Annual Report What can you find at rabble.ca? in-cahoots: our featured links to social original news and columns movement and labour stories reprints of articles from many other progressive sources live and pre-recorded video Canada-wide event calendar a plethora of podcasts on issues of the day issue pages: an aggregate of stories, links and news on specific issues now what?: advice from an the book lounge: a multi-featured book urban feminist section with original reviews, book events and more special features: short-term sections that public polls to check the pulse of focus on a range of issues rabble visitors daily and weekly e-newsletter with links to our hot stories blogs from writers and activists across Canada (and beyond) progressive newswire and news from around the world babble: our famous moderated discussion board video commons: where people can talk news and views face to face We l c o m e from Publisher Kim Elliott & President Duncan Cameron “Over the last two decades, at least, corporate speech and state speech, in tandem, have narrowed the public space pushing us into ever disappearing, ever meager definitions of the communal. Contesting that hegem- ony, over language and politics, rabble reclaims and widens the space of citizenship.” Author and Toronto Poet Laureate Dionne Brand rabble.ca is a form of fight-back. rabble.ca fights back against the narratives of private over public, of business over labour, of "me" over "us." Our community media is just that: about, by and for communities to explore the issues of the day.
    [Show full text]
  • The Honourable Ernie Eves, Minister of Finance
    The Honourable Ernie Eves, Q.C. Minister of Finance 1998 Ontario Budget Budget Papers Jobs for the Future, Today Presented to the Members of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario by The Honourable Ernie Eves, Q.C. Minister of Finance May 5,1998 General enquiries reg�rding policy in the 1998 Ontario Budget: Budget Papers Jobs for the Future, Today should be directed to: Ministry of Finance 95 Grosvenor Street, Queen's Park Frost Building North, 3rdFloor Toronto, Ontario M7A lZl Telephone (416) 325-0333 Copies are available free from: PublicationsOntario Bookstore 880 Bay Street, Toronto M7A IN8 Telephone (416) 326-5300 Out-of-town customers call: 1-800-668-9938 or call: Ministry of Finance (English & French enquiries) 1-800-337-7222 Teletypewriter (TTY) 1-800-263-7776 For electronic copies of the documents, visit us our WEB site at http://www.gov.on.ca/FIN/hmpage.html © Queen's Printer for Ontario, 1998 ISBN 0-7778-7436-9 Back cover design: Dick Derhodge Photos courtesy of VISCOM LIMITED Integrated Marketing Communications, University of Toronto Faculty of Applied Science and Engineering, Joe Vecchiolla and Centenary Health Centre Le document Budget de l'Ontario 1998 Documents budgetaires lnvestissons aujourd'hui dans les emplois de demain! est disponible en franc;ais Table of Contents PAPER A: Ontario Economic Outlook ........................ 1 PAPER B: Ontario's Fiscal Plan ............................ 17 PAPER C: Details of Revenue Measures ..................... 65 PAPER D: Ontario's Financing Operations .................. 103 PAPER E: Strategic Skills: Investing in Jobs for the Future, Today 143 PAPER F: Making Welfare Work ........................... 163 PAPER A: ONTARIO ECONOMIC OUTLOOK 1 PAPER A Ontario Economic Outlook 2 1998 ONTARIO BUDGET PAPER A: ONTARIO ECONOMIC OUTLOOK 3 Highlights Ontario's economic future is bright.
    [Show full text]
  • Research Report
    RESEARCH REPORT OCUFA Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations Union des Associations des Professeurs des Universités de l’Ontario 83 Yonge Street, Suite 300, Toronto, Ontario M5C 1S8 Telephone: 416-979-2117 •Fax: 416-593-5607 • E-mail: [email protected] • Web Page: http://www.ocufa.on.ca Ontario Universities, the Double Cohort, and the Maclean’s Rankings: The Legacy of the Harris/Eves Years, 1995-2003 Michael J. Doucet, Ph.D. March 2004 Vol. 5, No. 1 Ontario Universities, the Double Cohort, and the Maclean’s Rankings: The Legacy of the Harris/Eves Years, 1995-2003 Executive Summary The legacy of the Harris/Eves governments from 1995-2003 was to leave Ontario’s system of public universities tenth and last in Canada on many critical measures of quality, opportunity and accessibility. If comparisons are extended to American public universities, Ontario looks even worse. The impact of this legacy has been reflected in the Maclean’s magazine rankings of Canadian universities, which have shown Ontario universities, with a few notable exceptions, dropping in relation to their peers in the rest of the country. Elected in 1995 on a platform based on provincial income tax cuts of 30 per cent and a reduction in the role of government, the Progressive Conservative government of Premier Mike Harris set out quickly to alter the structure of both government and government services. Most government departments were ordered to produce smaller budgets, and the Ministry of Education and Training was no exception. Universities were among the hardest hit of Ontario’s transfer-payment agencies, with budgets cut by $329.1 million between 1995 and 1998, for a cumulative impact of $2.3 billion by 2003.
    [Show full text]
  • The Federal State, Neoliberalism and the Left
    The manner of governing of Stephen Harper’s Conservative The phenomenon of centralized decentralization was first government might be characterized as a paradox with a purpose. A observed with respect to the British experience with Thatcherism. sharp centralization of authority over decision-making and politi- It was observed that the power of the state was in fact becoming cal management – particularly to augment policing, warmaking increasingly concentrated – ‘free market, strong state for these and market-enhancing capacities – is accompanied by an equally iron times’ – at the centre of the state. This centralization of power focused policy agenda that seeks to hollow out the distributive was necessary, politically speaking, as a means to drive through capacities of the Canadian federal state in the executive branches. an agenda to restructure the economy, defeat the trade unions, This simultaneous centralization and decentralization is a key fea- and erode the welfare state. The Thatcher-era Conservatives under- ture of the process of state restructuring under neoliberalism. stood that state power was a necessary element to restructure the state itself and its relations with different aspects of civil society. It is not a matter of bypassing or weakening the state in fa- vour of markets in general, but a change in the form of the state: This process had its origins in Canada under Brian Mulroney’s the executive of the state is strengthened relative to parliaments Conservative government of the 1980s (although the Liberal gov- and participative bodies; state economic apparatuses facilitating ernment’s of Pierre Trudeau first brought neoliberalism to Canada the internationalization of capital and market processes to bolster and began administrative restructuring in the last years of his capital accumulation are given policy precedence over administration).
    [Show full text]
  • Neoliberalism: Progressive Conservative Urbanism in Toronto, Canada
    “Common-Sense” Neoliberalism: Progressive Conservative Urbanism in Toronto, Canada Roger Keil Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, Toronto, Canada; [email protected] This paper argues that urban neoliberalism can best be understood as a contradictory re-regulation of urban everyday life. Based on an analysis of neoliberalism as a new political economy and as a new set of technologies of power, the paper argues that the urban everyday is the site and product of the neoliberal transformation. Governments and corporations play a key role in redefining the conditions of everyday life through neoliberal policies and business practices. Part of this reorientation of everydayness, however, involves new forms of resistance and opposition, which include the kernel of a possible alternative urbanism. The epochal shift from a Keynesian-Fordist-welfarist to a post-Fordist-workfarist society is reflected in a marked restructuring of everyday life. The shift changes the socioeconomic conditions in cities. It also includes a reorienta- tion of identities, social conflicts, and ideologies towards a more explicitly culturalist differentiation. Social difference does not disappear, but actually becomes more pronounced; however, it gets articulated in or obscured by cultural terms of reference. The paper looks specifically at Toronto, Ontario, as a case study. An analysis of the explicitly neoliberal politics of the province’s Progressive Conservative (Tory) govern- ment under Mike Harris, first elected in 1995, demonstrates the pervasive re-regulation of everyday life affecting a wide variety of people in Toronto and elsewhere. Much of this process is directly attributable to provincial policies, a consequence of Canada’s constitutional system, which does not give municipalities autonomy but makes them “creatures of provinces.” However, the paper also argues that Toronto’s elites have aided and abetted the provincial “Common-Sense” Revolution through neoliberal policies and actions on their own.
    [Show full text]