The Alt-Right Comes to Power by JA Smith
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Unlikely Hegemons
sponding to this. Employment, as wage labour, ne- Stiegler’s critique of automation is inarguably cessarily implies proletarianisation and alienation, dialectical and, in its mobilisation of the pharmakon, whereas for Marx, ‘work can be fulflling only if it impeccably Derridean. Yet it leaves unanswered – ceases to be wage labour and becomes free.’ The de- for the moment at least, pending a second volume – fence of employment on the part of the left and la- the question of the means through which the trans- bour unions is then castigated as a regressive posi- ition from employment to work might be effected. tion that, while seeking to secure the ‘right to work’, This would surely require not only the powers of in- only shores up capitalism through its calls for the dividual thought, knowledge, refection and critique maintenance of wage labour. Contrariwise, automa- that Stiegler himself affrms and demonstrates in tion has the potential to fnally release the subject Automatic Society, but also their collective practice from the alienation of wage labour so as to engage and mobilisation. What is also passed over in Stie- in unalienated work, properly understood as the pur- gler’s longer term perspectives is the issue of how suit, practice and enjoyment of knowledge. What such collective practices, such as already exist, are currently stands in the way of the realisation of ful- to respond to the more immediate and contempor- flling work, aside from an outmoded defense of em- ary effects of automation, if not through the direct ployment, Stiegler notes, is the capture of the ‘free contestation of the conditions and terms of employ- time’ released from employment in consumption, ment and unemployment. -
Arxiv:2001.07600V5 [Cs.CY] 8 Apr 2021 Leged Crisis (Lilly 2016)
The Evolution of the Manosphere Across the Web* Manoel Horta Ribeiro,♠;∗ Jeremy Blackburn,4 Barry Bradlyn,} Emiliano De Cristofaro,r Gianluca Stringhini,| Summer Long,} Stephanie Greenberg,} Savvas Zannettou~;∗ EPFL, Binghamton University, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign University♠ College4 London, Boston} University, Max Planck Institute for Informatics r Corresponding authors: manoel.hortaribeiro@epfl.ch,| ~ [email protected] ∗ Abstract However, Manosphere communities are scattered through the Web in a loosely connected network of subreddits, blogs, We present a large-scale characterization of the Manosphere, YouTube channels, and forums (Lewis 2019). Consequently, a conglomerate of Web-based misogynist movements focused we still lack a comprehensive understanding of the underly- on “men’s issues,” which has prospered online. Analyzing 28.8M posts from 6 forums and 51 subreddits, we paint a ing digital ecosystem, of the evolution of the different com- comprehensive picture of its evolution across the Web, show- munities, and of the interactions among them. ing the links between its different communities over the years. Present Work. In this paper, we present a multi-platform We find that milder and older communities, such as Pick longitudinal study of the Manosphere on the Web, aiming to Up Artists and Men’s Rights Activists, are giving way to address three main research questions: more extreme ones like Incels and Men Going Their Own Way, with a substantial migration of active users. Moreover, RQ1: How has the popularity/levels of activity of the dif- our analysis suggests that these newer communities are more ferent Manosphere communities evolved over time? toxic and misogynistic than the older ones. -
Who Supports Donald J. Trump?: a Narrative- Based Analysis of His Supporters and of the Candidate Himself Mitchell A
University of Puget Sound Sound Ideas Summer Research Summer 2016 Who Supports Donald J. Trump?: A narrative- based analysis of his supporters and of the candidate himself Mitchell A. Carlson 7886304 University of Puget Sound, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://soundideas.pugetsound.edu/summer_research Part of the American Politics Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Carlson, Mitchell A. 7886304, "Who Supports Donald J. Trump?: A narrative-based analysis of his supporters and of the candidate himself" (2016). Summer Research. Paper 271. http://soundideas.pugetsound.edu/summer_research/271 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Sound Ideas. It has been accepted for inclusion in Summer Research by an authorized administrator of Sound Ideas. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Mitchell Carlson Professor Robin Dale Jacobson 8/24/16 Who Supports Donald J. Trump? A narrative-based analysis of his supporters and of the candidate himself Introduction: The Voice of the People? “My opponent asks her supporters to recite a three-word loyalty pledge. It reads: “I’m With Her.” I choose to recite a different pledge. My pledge reads: ‘I’m with you—the American people.’ I am your voice.” So said Donald J. Trump, Republican presidential nominee and billionaire real estate mogul, in his speech echoing Richard Nixon’s own convention speech centered on law-and-order in 1968.1 2 Introduced by his daughter Ivanka, Trump claimed at the Republican National Convention in Cleveland, Ohio that he—and he alone—is the voice of the people. -
Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives $6.95
CANADIAN CENTRE FOR POLICY ALTERNATIVES MAY/JUNE 2018 $6.95 Contributors Ricardo Acuña is Director of Alex Himelfarb is a former Randy Robinson is a the Parkland Institute and federal government freelance researcher, sits on the CCPA’s Member’s executive with the Privy educator and political Council. Council, Treasury Board, and commentator based in Vol. 25, No. 1 numerous other departments, Toronto. Alyssa O’Dell is Media and ISSN 1198-497X and currently chairs or serves Public Relations Officer at the Luke Savage writes and Canada Post Publication 40009942 on various voluntary boards. CCPA. blogs about politics, labour, He chairs the advisory board The Monitor is published six times philosophy and political a year by the Canadian Centre for Marc Edge is a professor of of the CCPA-Ontario. culture. Policy Alternatives. media and communication Elaine Hughes is an at University Canada West Edgardo Sepulveda is an The opinions expressed in the environmental activist in in Vancouver. His last book, independent consulting Monitor are those of the authors several non-profit groups and do not necessarily reflect The News We Deserve: The economist with more than including the Council of the views of the CCPA. Transformation of Canada’s two decades of utility Canadians, where she chairs Media Landscape, was (telecommunications) policy Please send feedback to the Quill Plains (Wynyard), published by New Star Books and regulatory experience. [email protected]. Saskatchewan chapter. in 2016. He writes about electricity, Editor: Stuart Trew Syed Hussan is Co-ordinator inequality and other Senior Designer: Tim Scarth Matt Elliott is a city columnist of the Migrant Workers economic policy issues at Layout: Susan Purtell and blogger with Metro Editorial Board: Peter Bleyer, Alliance for Change. -
Nationalism, Neo-Liberalism, and Ethno-National Populism
H-Nationalism Nationalism, Neo-Liberalism, and Ethno-National Populism Blog Post published by Yoav Peled on Thursday, December 3, 2020 In this post, Yoav Peled, Tel Aviv University, discusses the relations between ethno- nationalism, neo-liberalism, and right-wing populism. Donald Trump’s failure to be reelected by a relatively narrow margin in the midst of the Coronavirus crisis points to the strength of ethno-national populism in the US, as elsewhere, and raises the question of the relations between nationalism and right- wing populism. Historically, American nationalism has been viewed as the prime example of inclusive civic nationalism, based on “constitutional patriotism.” Whatever the truth of this characterization, in the Trump era American civic nationalism is facing a formidable challenge in the form of White Christian nativist ethno-nationalism that utilizes populism as its mobilizational strategy. The key concept common to both nationalism and populism is “the people.” In nationalism the people are defined through vertical inclusion and horizontal exclusion -- by formal citizenship or by cultural-linguistic boundaries. Ideally, though not necessarily in practice, within the nation-state ascriptive markers such as race, religion, place of birth, etc., are ignored by the state. Populism on the other hand defines the people through both vertical and horizontal exclusion, by ascriptive markers as well as by class position (“elite” vs. “the people”) and even by political outlook. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu once famously averred that leftist Jewish Israelis “forgot how to be Jews,” and Trump famously stated that Jewish Americans who vote Democratic are traitors to their country, Israel. -
Status Threat, Social Concerns, and Conservative Media: a Look at White America and the Alt-Right
societies Article Status Threat, Social Concerns, and Conservative Media: A Look at White America and the Alt-Right Deena A. Isom 1,* , Hunter M. Boehme 2 , Toniqua C. Mikell 3, Stephen Chicoine 4 and Marion Renner 5 1 Department of Criminology & Criminal Justice and African American Studies Program, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208, USA 2 Department of Criminal Justice, North Carolina Central University, Durham, NC 27707, USA; [email protected] 3 Department of Crime and Justice Studies, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth, Dartmouth, MA 02747, USA; [email protected] 4 Bridge Humanities Corp Fellow and Department of Sociology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208, USA; [email protected] 5 Department of Criminology & Criminal Justice, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC 29208, USA; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Racial and ethnic division is a mainstay of the American social structure, and today these strains are exacerbated by political binaries. Moreover, the media has become increasingly polarized whereby certain media outlets intensify perceived differences between racial and ethnic groups, political alignments, and religious affiliations. Using data from a recent psychological study of the Alt-Right, we assess the associations between perceptions of social issues, feelings of status threat, trust in conservative media, and affiliation with the Alt-Right among White Americans. We find concern over more conservative social issues along with trust in conservative media explain a large Citation: Isom, D.A.; Boehme, H.M.; portion of the variation in feelings of status threat among White Americans. Furthermore, more Mikell, T.C.; Chicoine, S.; Renner, M. -
Classism, Ableism, and the Rise of Epistemic Injustice Against White, Working-Class Men
CLASSISM, ABLEISM, AND THE RISE OF EPISTEMIC INJUSTICE AGAINST WHITE, WORKING-CLASS MEN A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Humanities by SARAH E. BOSTIC B.A., Wright State University, 2017 2019 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL April 24, 2019 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY Sarah E. Bostic ENTITLED Classism, Ableism, and the Rise of Epistemic Injustice Against White, Working-Class Men BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Humanities. __________________________ Kelli Zaytoun, Ph.D. Thesis Director __________________________ Valerie Stoker, Ph.D. Chair, Humanities Committee on Final Examination: ___________________________ Kelli Zaytoun, Ph.D. ___________________________ Jessica Penwell-Barnett, Ph.D. ___________________________ Donovan Miyasaki, Ph.D. ___________________________ Barry Milligan, Ph.D. Interim Dean of the Graduate School ABSTRACT Bostic, Sarah E. M.Hum. Master of Humanities Graduate Program, Wright State University, 2019. Classism, Ableism, and the Rise of Epistemic Injustice Against White, Working-Class Men. In this thesis, I set out to illustrate how epistemic injustice functions in this divide between white working-class men and the educated elite. I do this by discussing the discursive ways in which working-class knowledge and experience are devalued as legitimate sources of knowledge. I demonstrate this by using critical discourse analysis to interpret the underlying attitudes and ideologies in comments made by Clinton and Trump during their 2016 presidential campaigns. I also discuss how these ideologies are positively or negatively perceived by Trump’s working-class base. Using feminist standpoint theory and phenomenology as a lens of interpretation, I argue that white working-class men are increasingly alienated from progressive politics through classist and ableist rhetoric. -
The Fringe Insurgency Connectivity, Convergence and Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right
The Fringe Insurgency Connectivity, Convergence and Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right Jacob Davey Julia Ebner About this paper About the authors This report maps the ecosystem of the burgeoning Jacob Davey is a Researcher and Project Coordinator at ‘new’ extreme right across Europe and the US, which is the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), overseeing the characterised by its international outlook, technological development and delivery of a range of online counter- sophistication, and overtures to groups outside of the extremism initiatives. His research interests include the traditional recruitment pool for the extreme-right. This role of communications technologies in intercommunal movement is marked by its opportunistic pragmatism, conflict, the use of internet culture in information seeing movements which hold seemingly contradictory operations, and the extreme-right globally. He has ideologies share a bed for the sake of achieving provided commentary on the extreme right in a range common goals. It examines points of connectivity of media sources including The Guardian, The New York and collaboration between disparate groups and Times and the BBC. assesses the interplay between different extreme-right movements, key influencers and subcultures both Julia Ebner is a Research Fellow at the Institute for online and offline. Strategic Dialogue (ISD) and author of The Rage: The Vicious Circle of Islamist and Far-Right Extremism. Her research focuses on extreme right-wing mobilisation strategies, cumulative extremism and European terrorism prevention initiatives. She advises policy makers and tech industry leaders, regularly writes for The Guardian and The Independent and provides commentary on broadcast media, including the BBC and CNN. © ISD, 2017 London Washington DC Beirut Toronto This material is offered free of charge for personal and non-commercial use, provided the source is acknowledged. -
A New Study Finds That Trump Supporters Are More Likely to Be Islamophobic, Racist, Transphobic and Homophobic
A ‘basket of deplorables’? A new study finds that Trump supporters are more likely to be Islamophobic, racist, transphobic and homophobic. blogs.lse.ac.uk/usappblog/2016/10/10/a-basket-of-deplorables-a-new-study-finds-that-trump-supporters-are-more-likely-to-be-islamophobic-racist-transphobic-and-homophobic/ 10/10/2016 Last month Hillary Clinton stepped into controversy when she described ‘half’ of Donald Trump’s supporters as a ‘basket of deplorables’. In a new study, Karen L. Blair looks at how Clinton and Trump voters’ attitudes on themes such as sexism, authoritarianism and Islamophobia differ. She finds that Islamophobia is closely linked with support for Trump, and that the strongest predictor of voting for someone other than Clinton or Trump was not disagreeing with Clinton ideologically, but ambivalent sexism. On September 9th, 2016, Hillary Clinton gave a speech at the LGBT for Hillary Gala in New York City in which she referred to ‘half’ of Donald Trump’s supporters as a ‘basket of deplorables’ who espouse ‘racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic [and] Islamophobic’ sentiments. Although Clinton had prefaced her comments by acknowledging that she was about to make an overgeneralization, the backlash to her comments was swift, with Trump charging that her comments showed her true ‘contempt for everyday Americans’. Clinton apologized for her remarks, but doubled down in depicting Trump’s campaign as one based in ‘bigotry and racist rhetoric.’ Was there any truth to Hillary Clinton’s depiction of Trump supporters? To what extent can -
Great Meme War:” the Alt-Right and Its Multifarious Enemies
Angles New Perspectives on the Anglophone World 10 | 2020 Creating the Enemy The “Great Meme War:” the Alt-Right and its Multifarious Enemies Maxime Dafaure Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/angles/369 ISSN: 2274-2042 Publisher Société des Anglicistes de l'Enseignement Supérieur Electronic reference Maxime Dafaure, « The “Great Meme War:” the Alt-Right and its Multifarious Enemies », Angles [Online], 10 | 2020, Online since 01 April 2020, connection on 28 July 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/angles/369 This text was automatically generated on 28 July 2020. Angles. New Perspectives on the Anglophone World is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. The “Great Meme War:” the Alt-Right and its Multifarious Enemies 1 The “Great Meme War:” the Alt- Right and its Multifarious Enemies Maxime Dafaure Memes and the metapolitics of the alt-right 1 The alt-right has been a major actor of the online culture wars of the past few years. Since it came to prominence during the 2014 Gamergate controversy,1 this loosely- defined, puzzling movement has achieved mainstream recognition and has been the subject of discussion by journalists and scholars alike. Although the movement is notoriously difficult to define, a few overarching themes can be delineated: unequivocal rejections of immigration and multiculturalism among most, if not all, alt- right subgroups; an intense criticism of feminism, in particular within the manosphere community, which itself is divided into several clans with different goals and subcultures (men’s rights activists, Men Going Their Own Way, pick-up artists, incels).2 Demographically speaking, an overwhelming majority of alt-righters are white heterosexual males, one of the major social categories who feel dispossessed and resentful, as pointed out as early as in the mid-20th century by Daniel Bell, and more recently by Michael Kimmel (Angry White Men 2013) and Dick Howard (Les Ombres de l’Amérique 2017). -
UNIVERSITY of BELGRADE FACULTY of POLITICAL SCIENCES Regional Master’S Program in Peace Studies
UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCES Regional Master’s Program in Peace Studies Master’s Thesis Understanding the rise and the internationalisation of online alt-right’s subculture: how memes are changing political culture worldwide Author: Anesa Omeragić 515/16 Mentor: Professor Marina Simić Belgrade, September 2019 1 Abstract and keywords This paper examines the creation and the development of alt-right subculture, their language and behaviour. Alt-right was mainstreamed in 2016, and it is growing fast in the post-truth environment. Alt-right fights with stigmatisation that usually far-right movement face with the ironic and subtler language, rejection of the political correctness and use of jokes, sarcastic and nihilist approach and dark humour memes to spread their ideology. Alt-right members seem young, smart and exciting. They are gathering in board-based websites and/or forums that have little or no freedom of speech control. Lack of regulation and anonymity give them the opportunity to say what they mean, to spread the message and radicalise more. Alt-right online subculture was somewhat connected with rising of white supremacy’s violence globally in the past couple of years. Alt-right online subculture was especially compared with the four mass shootings or attempted mass shootings in the past six months – In Australia, Norway and the US. There is a danger that this trend of rising alt-right violence will continue. The public is not very- well informed about the alt-right community and its language, and it is essential to educate, especially youth, because of the danger of radicalisation. -
Surveying the Landscape of the American Far Right
SURVEYING THE LANDSCAPE OF THE AMERICAN FAR RIGHT MARK PITCAVAGE AUGUST 2019 PITCAVAGE | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on as an expert witness in a number of trials. Since Extremism 2000, Dr. Pitcavage has worked for the Anti- Defamation League, one of the nation’s oldest civil The Program on Extremism at George rights organizations, where he currently serves as a Washington University p r o v i d e s Senior Research Fellow in ADL’s Center on analysis on issues related to violent and Extremism. In the past, Dr. Pitcavage has also non-violent extremism. The Program been Director of the Center on Extremism. Prior to spearheads innovative and thoughtful joining ADL, Dr. Pitcavage was Research Director academic inquiry, producing empirical for the Justice Department’s State and Local Anti- work that strengthens extremism Terrorism Training Program. Dr. Pitcavage research as a distinct field of study. The received his MA and Ph.D. from The Ohio State Program aims to develop pragmatic University in Columbus, Ohio, where he still lives policy solutions that resonate with and works. policymakers, civic leaders, and the general public. The views expressed in this paper are About the Author solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Dr. Mark Pitcavage is a historian with 25 Extremism or the George Washington University. years’ expertise on domestic terrorism and right-wing extremism in the United States, having authored many articles, reports and studies on related subjects; trained over 17,000 government officials and law enforcement officers; and served SURVEYING THE LANDSCAPE OF THE AMERICAN FAR RIGHT 1 PITCAVAGE | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM Introduction What is the extreme right in the United States? To many, terms such as “extreme right” and “far right” are simply synonymous with white supremacy.