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The Commercial Architect in the Development of Postwar London

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The Commercial Architect in the Development of Postwar London Map of the City of London show - ing bombed areas proposed for comprehensive redevelopment, 1947. From C.H. Holden and W.G. Holford, The City of London: A Record of Destruction and Survival (1951). 88 https://doi.org/10.1162/grey_e_00243 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/grey_a_00243 by guest on 25 September 2021 Prejudice and Pragmatism: The Commercial Architect in the Development of Postwar London AMY THOMAS There are dozens of architectural practices whose buildings receive neither awards nor reviews. Romantic fiction rather than literature, their work is all perv asive. Here are the architects who talk the developers’ language. —Gillian Darley, Times (London), 1984 1 Much of the history of London’s development in the postwar period has focused on the output of the architectural avant-garde. In particular, historians have examined the influence of European discussions of urban planning, housing, and public building on the reconstruction of the capital, and the extent to which approaches adopted by British architects were commensurate with the postwar ideological formulation of the welfare state. 2 During this period, an extraordinarily high number of architects—roughly half at its peak—worked for the state. 3 The international renown of many of these practitioners has ensured that this state-sponsored work has been well documented. 4 But what of the other half? Unlike the same period in American architectural history, British commercial development remains understudied. 5 This oversight largely stems from intolerance on the part of the architectural community toward developer-led construction during the postwar decades. The journalist Oliver Marriott highlights this tendency in an examination of the growth of London’s property market in 1967, arguing, “commercial property has in the post-war period been an industry in the throes of one of the greatest booms in this country’s history and much in the public eye, but emotion and prejudice have tended to blind many to discussions of the subject.” 6 While almost all architects worked for the private sector at some point, commercial architects were ostracized due to their close rela - tionship with developers and were criticized by the architectural establishment for the very characteristics that made them attractive to their clients: an economical Grey Room 71, Spring 2018, pp. 88–115. © 2018 Grey Room, Inc. and Massachusetts Institute of Technology 89 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/grey_a_00243 by guest on 25 September 2021 approach; an affinity for using planning loopholes; and, above all, a working method that privileged cost calculations over other ambitions. By contrast, London’s more recent architectural development shows a regulatory convergence within the spheres of architecture, finance, and government. Since the economic reforms of the 1980s and the reorientation of state regulation to incen - tivize private enterprise, the approaches of architects and the planning policies of local authorities have fallen in line with investment structures. The blurring of “state” and “commerce” and the prominence of public-private partnerships have removed the economic and cultural distinctions so prevalent in the postwar decades between commercial and public commissions. 7 Commercial architects are no longer industry pariahs but the norm, and the developer is their main client. 8 Nowhere has this cultural shift been so explicit as in the City of London (the financial center, as distinct from London, the capital), which was at the center of debates around both commercial development and regulatory reform for most of the second half of the twentieth century. With 31 percent of its office floor space destroyed during the Blitz, the City became the site of concentrated commercial development from the 1950s onward. 9 Its reconstruction was positioned as central to the revival of the national economy, and the government and its local authority, the Corporation of London, put in place measures to enable the swift and frictionless rebuilding of offices. The latter gave rise to an insatiable and lucrative property market. Simultaneously, the business-oriented nature of the City rendered it the site of opportunity for devel - opers and architects who capitalized on the increasing internationalization and expansion of the financial services industry. This culminated in the 1980s, as the Thatcher government’s deregulatory policies entirely overhauled the organization of business in the City, causing financial companies to expand and rely increasingly on new forms of information technology. 10 The influx of foreign firms and a dramatic shift in accommodation requirements created an unprecedented demand for new office space. The City became the most important site for innovation in the archi - tecture and construction sectors in Britain from the mid-1980s, as over half of its floor space was rebuilt in little over a decade. 11 Like the commercial architects it hosted, the City is an outcast in architectural histories of London in the postwar period, largely because it ignored the procedures and contravened the ideological stance of the London County Council (LCC). 12 After the war, the City existed in a different regulatory realm from the rest of London due to its long-standing independence as a political constituency: the Corporation was established before the Parliament and, because of its role as the historic center of 90 Grey Room 71 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/grey_a_00243 by guest on 25 September 2021 trade (and consequently as a source of financing for the monarchy), it possessed the economic power necessary to retain its independence from the state. 13 The domi - nance of its business population (in 1939 there were approximately 10,000 residents to 500,000 workers) enabled the City to avoid local government reforms and retain electoral rights for businesses. 14 The City’s legislative independence was highly controversial in an era dominated by the centralized state, and consequently the Corporation was under continuous threat of abolition and reform until the 1980s. 15 This regulatory divergence was reinforced by the self-regulatory character of the British finance industry at the time, which was based on nineteenth-century “invented traditions” of gentlemanly capitalism, organized around club-like bodies such as the London Stock Exchange and Lloyd’s of London, with the Bank of England at the helm. 16 The City’s unique level of independence enabled the Corporation to push its own agenda in planning terms, often slipping through the net cast by London’s centralized rebuilding agencies. 17 For these reasons, the postwar architectural history of the City exposes the chang - ing relationship between architects, the property market, and the state, and the impact of this change on the development of the capital, perhaps more than any other area in London. Complex relationships between architects, financiers, real estate developers, and occupiers irreversibly transformed the standing of architects within the political economy of Britain after 1945. Examining these relationships reveals new narratives. Scrutinizing the practices and tools of the “developer’s architect” expands the definition of architectural labor to include less-celebrated modes of productivity, such as knowledge of planning legislation and accounting, while analyzing mundane objects such as building licenses, development permits, and building codes reveals them to be important architectural instruments in the development of London. 18 Missed Opportunities: The Corporation of London and Postwar Reconstruction In 1957 Nikolaus Pevsner, a frequent detractor of the modernizing financial district, summed up the architectural establishment’s negative feeling toward the City’s reconstruction efforts, commenting that “the building necessities in the City for the next few years are enormous. What is going up now is mostly not promising. Vast opportunities have already been missed. Here the problem exceeds that of better architecture. It becomes one of overall planning.” 19 For Pevsner, the “vast opportunities” had emerged in the late 1940s, when the City had commissioned one of the most progressive planners of the day from the new Ministry of Town and Thomas | Prejudice and Pragmatism: The Commercial Architect in the Development of Postwar London 91 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/grey_a_00243 by guest on 25 September 2021 Country Planning (MTCP), William Holford, in partnership with veteran architect Charles Holden, to plan the reconstruction of the City and take advantage of the unprecedented array of large bombsite building plots. 20 While not as radical as the unsolicited Modern Architecture Research (MARS) group’s proposal that had pre - ceded it, the Holden and Holford plan incorporated “visual planning,” a modernist variant of the picturesque tradition of which Pevsner was an ardent advocate. 21 Their proposal synthesized the historic street patterns and buildings with modernist interventions in the form of pedestrianized “precincts,” the vertical segregation of traffic and pedestrians, a ring road, and a large east-west thoroughfare to ease the flow of traffic. 22 The traditional emphasis on street façades in the City was to be modulated by the introduction of the “plot ratio,” which placed limits on the total area of a building in relation to its site, rather than the traditional “cornice
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