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Spurensuchen, Austausch – Für Eine Europäische Landschaft Der Erinnerung

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Spurensuchen, Austausch – Für Eine Europäische Landschaft Der Erinnerung Exchanges and interactions in the tracing of atrocity - For a European landscape of remembering Hartmut Schröder In an initiative hosted by the Heinrich Böll Foundation and the International Memorial Society, the European History Forum aims to promote exchanges centring on people's experience of the culture of commemoration in the disparate regions of Europe, particularly in eastern and south-eastern Europe. After last year's focus on Nazi Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1941, attention has now turned to the European approach to sites associated with conspicuous acts of terror and violence in the 20th century. * * * Habbo Knoch, Director of the Foundation for Lower Saxony Memorials, began by presenting a number of widely diverging reflections on the practical challenges to be met when addressing these locations. Against the backdrop of a "boom in historic sites" over the last 20 years, a surge in recollection, an upswing in 'battlefield tourism' and 'heritage industry' and a "global rush to commemorate atrocities", Knoch observed how important it was for a dialogue to open up between eastern and western Europe on how to approach sites where acts of terror had been committed. Although museums had sprung up in many European countries, a study of the condition and development of these historic locations suffused with past violence revealed considerable disparities along East-West lines. Memorial sites - historic sites - traumatic sites Knoch referenced the notion of memorial sites, Pierre Nora's "lieux de mémoire", which he defined as "long-lasting locations, spanning generations, where collective memory and identity have crystallised", locations that are "intensely relevant to political, societal and cultural relations" and of which the tangible sites (monuments, museums, etc.) form but a sub-group. Memorial sites are, by definition, open to multiple interpretations and cannot necessarily be construed solely in terms of their physical location. They are described in words over and over again, changing with the passage of time as a result of shifting perceptions, analyses and political instrumentalisation. At the same time, warns Knoch, metaphorical aspects of the memorial sites raise difficult issues, as they distract attention from real historical incidents. Sites associated with specific events and acts had to be directly addressed; only then could they be defined in their historical context and protected from a certain laxity of interpretation. 1 If they are to embed themselves in the social or political consciousness, the historic sites, i.e. the many locations where incidents occurred, have first to be "discovered". Historic sites are inextricably linked with the fates of individuals (Aleida Assmann) and a suggestion of the need to act (Knoch). Straddling historic and memorial sites, a developmental process is underway that depends largely on the selection and design of the locations concerned. A visit to a historic (geographically fixed) site - and here a distinction is made between primary sites (the venues of suffering, as it were) and secondary sites (which are commemorated by means of a monument or memorial) - produces in the individual a private mode of perception and a raft of expectations that have to be considered. Regardless of the private visualisations taking place, the historic site has to be divorced from the Now, not least in order to temper the experience of overwhelmment. The site stands at the threshold between past and present, a "mysterious gateway to a past world". In the aftermath of the two world wars a landscape of traumatic sites (atrocity sites) emerged in Europe. These sites of mass violence are hewn into the European landscape of recollection, would remain etched in the landscape regardless of whether or not they were marked on a map. They are a permanent fixture in people's awareness, form part of the negative memory and hence constitute a challenge, as they invert a "positive" memory that has been handed down for centuries and which created a set of myths rooted in the people's own heroism. The sites are cumbersome; they cannot be incorporated; they pose questions that niggle at society, at policy makers and at the governmental status quo. There is always a second story involved, a tale of people's and institutions' response to the crimes perpetrated there. Through the response to what went on, through the position they hold in the social consciousness, memorial sites, historic sites and traumatic sites are intrinsically connected. Only a small minority of traumatic sites are also (central) memorial sites. The making of a site of remembrance Taking Bergen-Belsen as an example, Knoch illustrated the factors that can inform the site as a post-atrocity location. Firstly, as early as 1945, the place was charged with a symbolism purveyed by the media. To this can be added, consciously or subconsciously, destruction, decay and neglect. In Bergen-Belsen the huts were burned down to prevent the spread of typhus, so the physical infrastructure of the site no longer exists. Subsequent design of the site, in keeping with certain interpretations and with a specific intention in mind, implies a certain notion of how the site should be cast - the graves and the park establish no direct link to the real concentration camp. Beyond this, rituals, events and civic activities all have a part to play. In 1960 Konrad Adenauer had 2 commemorated the Jewish victims above all others. Then there has been the commentating as part of exhibitions and documentation centres created in Bergen-Belsen in 1966, 1990 and 2007: these displays add a dimension to the site by virtue of their narratives, which cannot avoid emphasising certain aspects and omitting others and which exert their own influence on the overall way in which the subject is addressed. Finally we have the emergence of functioning memorials that assume semi-responsibility for the site. What happens to the site? Knoch described five phases in the practical approach to the traumatic site. The initial phase involves the recollections of survivors, whose markers of remembrance enshrine the location and make of the traumatic site a historic site. During the 1950s, however, many of these Bergen-Belsen markers vanished. This first stage is followed by a period of profanisation, characterised by destruction or unthinking design, in which the previously established significance of the site is eradicated - something that lasted many years in both German states. The next phase can be termed the juridical approach, in which the historic site is rendered recognisable as the scene of a crime. For the Federal Republic, the emphasis here is on Auschwitz and, to a lesser extent, Majdanek, although there is no genuine experiencing of the site. As civic society searches for traces of past events, we see a resurgence of the historic sites. Attention is drawn to the breadth of historic sites; eyewitnesses confer a legitimacy on the "forgotten places". Since the 1990s a process of museum-related professionalisation has been underway, setting better standards, establishing better features and facilities, and providing educational support. Current developments involve liaison with other sites. Memorial sites today are accorded legitimacy within the political context. Knoch rounded off his statement by observing that the German experience might form an important part of the international dialogue on the subject. What can be achieved by addressing and grappling with sites of cruelty and violence? However we approach sites of terror, the very act of doing so is a resource for democratic learning. Rituals rooted in respect and human valuation can be a force for education. As pointed out by Mathias Heyl, the sites can also be forensically examined as scenes of a crime. Documents and traces have to be secured, the things they tell about the place logged and preserved. Knoch has noted that the reason no rebuilding goes on in the Federal Republic is that it is precisely in conserving what has remained behind that a message is sent about the physical site. Through the physicality of historical events, the site can become a platform for cognitive and reflexive learning about history. Empathy 3 alone is not enough, insists Knoch; it must go hand-in-hand with an appreciation of the historical context. The historic site can render the deeds "palpable" and reveal how the place of past evils relates to the geography of the living. A study of the chronology of the formation and interpretation of a site and how they have affected its identity is an integral part of a thoughtful visit to the location. Memorials can counteract the tendency of recollection to become "impressionistic" and help preserve the hard edge (Hartwig) of the experience. As keepers of an anamnetic culture (Metz), traumatic sites can also serve to prevent a ritualistic ossification. Knoch stresses the need to visualise things over and over afresh as a way to acquire a moral competence. After all, traumatic sites must be discussed as manifestations of the disenfranchisement of individuals and the destruction of legal systems. Knoch holds that this central approach provides an important frame of reference that is of use when placing the sites in the context in which the crimes were committed. Knoch points out that, given the continued lack of a European identity and the fact that most action is taken on a national scale, the dynamics of a supranational openness on the one hand and a focus on national themes on the other hand can result in conflict. He counters the notion that traumatic sites might block the emergence of a European community of remembrance by suggesting that, when going about the necessary integration of the history of 20th-century violence into the national and international debates, interpretations and quests for identity, account must be taken not only of national particularities but also of the universal nature of those events.
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