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Home , Disputation, Huldrych Zwingli, Leo Jud, Oswald Myconius

The Making of a : 's Path from Humanism to

H. WAYN E PIPKIN

The Swiss reformer, Huldrych Zwingli , is the least known and understood of the ma­ jor reformers. Although he was the first Reformed theologian and churchman, and though his influence has been enormous, his name has been largely eclipsed in the English-speaking world by . This fi ve-hundredth anniversary of the Zurich reformer, born 1 J anuary, 1484, provides an appropriate occasion for a reassessment of the nature of the Zwinglian reformation. Zwingli is best known in the Anglo-Saxon world for his conflict with Luther over the , and to a lesser degree fo r his confrontation with the Zurich Anabaptists. His personal development, the character of his religious pilgrimage, and the nature of his con­ flict with the Roman of his day are largely overlooked. Yet, it was Zwing­ li 's personal and spiritual perspective, coming to fruition in his own evangelical discovery, as well as in the crisis of separation from Rome, which shaped the reformer who necessari­ ly opposed the Anabaptists and the Lutherans. In this brief essay, we shall look at Zwing­ li's early development, including his evangelical discovery, and his departure from the Roman practice of his day as a manifestation of his search for, and commitment to, true re ligion. We will then observe briefly how Zwingli 's understanding of true religion se rved to insure his conflict with the Taufer and with Luther. In doing so, we shall purposely concen­ trate on the religious aspects of Zwingli's approach. It is true that there were political, so­ cial, and educational perspectives in the Zurich reform, but it was primarily the religious dimension which motivated Zwingli , and we shall endeavour here to understand his charac­ teristic religious intentions. 1

Education of Young Zwingli

Two significant features differentiate Zwingli from Luther: his self-concious develop­ ment as a Swiss, and his humanistic education. Born in the small mountainous fa rming village of , located in the relatively populous region, the majesty of the region pervaded the soul of young Zwing­ li, exercising an influence long after he had left. Myconius, Zwingli 's close friend and first biographer, suggested concerning his hero that "he drew something of divine quality direct­ ly from the heavens near which he lived. ''2 T hough too romantically cast by Myconius, it is nonetheless ev ident that Zwingli's childhood envi ronment was important to him in later years. One fi nds numerous references by, and to, Zwingli concerning his regional back­ ground.3 It emerges in his writings on occasion as an appreciation fo r nature4 and on one striking occasion led him to translate the "green pastures" of Psalm 23:2 as "beautiful Al­ pine meadows.''5

54 It should also be remembered that Zwingli 's father was the chief elected offi cial of Wildhaus' va lley society. Walter Koehler has traced the social and political concerns of Zwingli 's back to the influences which the notion of a free race living in the Tog­ genburg exercised upon the se nsitive Swiss youth.6 The traditional stories of Zwingli 's youth, which gave him an appreciation fo r his ancestors, were stories of daring and cour­ age characteristic of the personality of Zwingli the Reformer. It is an unavoidable conclu­ sion th at it was early in his youth that Zwingli gained an appreciation for the people and the state which was lacking in Luther. It is a major characteristic of the Zwinglian reform. Probably the best-known fact about young Zwingli is his humanistic education.7 Be­ ginning with his uncle Bartholomew at Wesen, he soon was sent to study with Gregory Buenzli where he made noteworthy progress in , , and music. From there he travelled to Be rn to study with Heinrich Woelnin, "a remarkable man, and famous also as a poet, who was the fi rst to teach the in . "8 Farner notes that the signi fi­ cance of the Bernese years lies in Zwingli 's exposure to Latin literature and the likelihood that WoelOin would have fanned the spark of Zwingli's patriotism with his stories of Swiss heroes.'1 Zwingli 's gift as a musician also became apparent while in . T he D ominicans were apparently anxious to have Zwingli m their choir and it was the boy's father and uncle who rescued him. Zwingli 's higher education was spent m two leading ce nters of northern humanism: Vienna and . At Vienna he was exposed to a lively humanistic tradition. The Emperor Maximilian seemed determined to build the , and under the intellectual leadership of humanist scholars such as Giovanni Ricuzz i Vellini, called Camers, and Conrad Celtes, the German arch-humanist and poet laureate of the Empire, Vienna was fast attaining a leading position among the of Europe. Pollet observes that in cosmopolitan Vienna Zwingli had the means of enlarging his vision to include broader European hori­ zons.10 And yet, Zwingli , for whatever reason, did not remain in Vienna, choosing rather to travel to Basel to conclude his university education. The move was decisive. In Basel the young humanist scholar was introduced to one of the most vibrant circles of humanism in Europe. His teacher certainly was T homas Wyttenbach, though it is possible he encountered Ulrich S urgant whose thinking and writing in the matter of worship exercised a great influ­ ence in the Basel area. Martin Haas concludes that there are good reasons for believing that Zwingli came under the influence of Surgrnt. 11 Surgant emphasized the place of the in worship, noting especially the role of t he sermon in the instruction of the people, an understanding appropriated by the Reformers, including Zwingli. Surgant also insisted that the laity, having heard the sermon and now with access to the Scriptures in the ver­ nacular, were to discuss the Sunday Bible text within the family situation. Thomas Wyttenbach came to Basel in 1505. He was known for his lectures on the Scriptures, and it is likely that he held a on for Zwingli credits him in two pl aces with having influenced him on this matter.1 2 In addition, at Basel Zwingli was being exposed to the. thought of the scholastics, es pecially , , and above all, T homas Aquinas. Furthermore, Zwingli was becoming acquainted with sig­ nificant elements of the pre-Reformation era that were to become decisive only in the

55 storm and stress of the renewal movements themselves. In any event it is fa ir to conclude that "several important fundamentals for the later development of Zwingli · lay in the time of Base l. "13 In the decade to come, Zwingli would increasingly find his spiritual home there. In 1506, having become a Master of Arts, Zwingli , as G.R. Potter notes, had attained some measure of stature: He was well known as a Latinist, able (and eager) to correspond on eq ual terms with the rather select company of those who tried to write passably cor­ rect classical Latin, and he had learnt something more than the rudiments of Greek and Hebrew. T hese were unusual achievements for a boy from a Tog­ genburg vi llage and were not attained without much labor and thought. 14 At the instigation of Uncle Bartholomew, Zwingli was installed as parish priest in , having been quickly ordained and celebrating his initial in Wildhaus September 29, 1506. Zwingli 's Early Pastorates

His formal education completed, Zwingli entered the pastorate at Glarus in 1506. There he continued his individ ual studies, especia ll y in the C hurch Fathers. Even more im­ portant, however, was his immersing himself in the life of his people. It was to prove of great significance for him and his people. Zwingli accompanied his parishioners on their most important journeys as merce naries, servin g as chaplain. He was present for the tragic defeat of the Swiss at Marignano in 1515. He saw, in addition, the negative impact of the mercenary service on the morals of his people. He concluded that there was little. of value in the mercenary service. As Leonhard von Mural! suggested, "the experience in Glarus and the insight into the injury which the foreign military service inflicts on the body of the people, focused Zwingli 's attention on the ethical weakness of humankind."15 Zwingli was in Glarus for ten years, until 151 6, w.hen , largely due to his opposition to the mercenary service, he found it necessary to relocate. He moved to . He was then a humanist-trained pastor, a Swiss patriot who was nonetheless disi llusioned with the effects of the foreign military service on his fell ow countrymen. In retrospect, one can see how he was ready for the encounter that was to prove so decisive for his li fe, and the reform which was to fo ll ow; that is, the encounter with the great D utch humanist and pacifist, of Rotterdam. T he influence of Erasmus on Zwingli is well knownY• It is not unusual, however, for the exact nature of that influence to be misunderstood. Us ually the Erasmian stage of Zwingli's development is depicted as both prior to, and contrary to, his work as an evangel­ ical reformer. Zwingli 's Erasmian stage is commonly portrayed as educational and intellec­ tual wh ile the later period is understood to be decisively different since it is religious and, of course, protestant. What is assumed is a radical break between the earlier and later Zwing­ li , a break in which some kind of evange lical conversion must have occurred. In fact, such an assumption is not necessary. A more tenable view of the Zurich reformer is one that sees him developing in a way not unusual for people of his day and ours, that is, in a more or less consistent fas hion. It is helpful fo r understanding the emergence of the Reformer if we wi ll see the Eras­ mi an experience as primaril y religious in nature, not merely as educational or intellectual.

56 Zwingli's Self-Understanding of His Evangelical Discovery

It will help us understand the nature of the Zwingli an reformati on if we will examine passages wherein the Refo rmer looks back to his evange lical origins. If we keep in mind the background of Zwingli 's development on the one hand and the background of the time in which he is writing, on the other, then the reasons for, and nature of, that discov­ ery will become clear. Basic insights concerning Zwingli will emerge. In the summer of 1522, Zwingli preached to the nuns at Oetenbach his sermon On the Clarity and Certainty of the Word of God.17 It was an important time in the Re­ former's life. Earlier in the year the famous controversy over the eating of meat in had produced a first confrontati on betwee n Zwingli and the Bishop of Constance. On that occasion Zwingli had published his first major Reformation writing, Concerning Choice and Liberty Respecting Food. 18 The affair ended with a level of cautious support for Zwingli, who was nonetheless under continuing criticism in certain qua11ers for his depar­ ture from the standard religious practices of his day. His sermon is in part a response to that climate of criticism. He wrote: When I was younger, I gave myself overmuch to human teaching, like others of my day, and when about seven or eight years ago I undertook to devote myself entirely to the Scriptures l was always prevented by and theology. But eventually I came to the point where led by the Word and Spirit of God I saw the need to set aside all these things and to learn the doctrine of God for light and the Scriptures became far clearer to me- even though I read nothing else- than if I had studied many commentators and expositors. 19 In Zwingli's mind in 1522, the source and basis of the reform that was under way in Zurich was the Word of God. Scripture was set over against philosophy and theology, that is, the Scholastics. What is significant in terms of the timing is that the Reformer is referring back to the time of his encounter with Erasmus, 1515-1516. Zwingli came strongly under the influence of Erasmus toward the end of his pasto­ rate in Glarus. It was in 1516 that Erasmus published his influential edition of the Greek . One must think that Zwingli 's humanistic orientation, combined with his pastoral needs, turned him decisively to the study of the Scripture. If the humanist was concerned to return ad fontes, to the sources, then what else would one expect a Christian humanist, a pastor, to do? In Zwingli's own mind his preoccupation with understanding the Word of God, the Scripture, dates from this time. What also becomes significant is what he found there. In the spring of 1523 Zwingli wrote his most extensive theological treatise, the Expo­ sition and Basis of the Conclusions or Articles. It was an expanded defense of his sixty­ seven articles which had se rved as the basis for the First Disputation of January, 1523. On that occasion the City Council had decisively asserted its role as the protector of the preaching of the in Zurich. It was an action which in effect guaranteed the evangel­ ical Reformation of Zurich. In fact, little debate took place during the disputation, and Zwingli's theses were only criticized by the bishop's representative, John Faber, after the meeting. It was in res ponse to that critique, as well as in response to the need for a state-

57 ment of evange lical doctrine, that Zwingli wrote hi s Exposition. It was a defense by Zwingli of his reforming work. In one significant passage Zwingli reOected on hi s discov­ ery of the sole mediatorship of Christ: I do not wish to keep from you, most beloved brothers in Christ Jes us, how I have reached the opinion and firm faith that we do not need a mediator other than C hrist. Some eight or nine years ago I read a comforting poem by the great scholar Erasmus of Rotterd am which was addi·essed to the Lord Jesus in which Jesus bemoans the fact in many beautiful words that not every­ thing good is sought with him, though he is a fount of all goodness, a savior, the comfort and treasure of the soul. I thought then: it is ever thus. Why, indeed, do we seek help with creatures?20 If the poem to which Zwingli referred is examined, an insight for the Zwingli an under­ standing of the gospel can be obtained. In the poem Jesus passionately deplores the per­ son who neglects the one true source of divine good, preferring instead the lesser advantages of mere human creations: Since to me all things are good, which either leafy earth Or huge Olympus contains, Tell me, 0 mortals, what madness has seized you? How is it You prefer to chase everywhere after these things Rather than to make earnest request at the unique fountain, Nay- the one bounteous and cl ose at hand? Why do you delight in pursuing the false Shadows of good things, With fearful and miserable agitation? Why is it that few seek after me, who am the bestower And author of felicity? Comeliness captivates many; yet nothing is ever more comely than I: However, no one ardently yearns after this comeliness of mine. M any take up ancestral images and family trees, Yet what is more illustrious than I? I who am God Himse lf, having proceeded from God the Father

Why does ungrateful man alone refu se to know me, His creator and vindicator? I am to you the one who is the highest of all goods: What is it that you seek outside me?21 Here, in essence, is the Erasmi an impact on Zwingli that bore fruit in his reforming work. Human bei ngs have lost sight of the highest good by unsuccessfully focusing on what is less than God, i.e., their own creati ons. This became a bas ic theme of the Zwinglian ap­ proach and formed the basic perspective by which Zwingli differentiated between false and true religion. The sole mediatorship of C hrist came to mean for Zwingli that one should focus on the divine, not on the human, on the spiritual, not on the ceremonial and sensible. It is a discovery of the sole mediatorship of C hrist in contrast to those who would make lesser figures such as the saints to be mediators. "I am to you the one who is the highest of all goods; what is it that you seek outside me?" We know that Zwingli owned many of the works of Erasmus, and his personal cop­ ies show signs of careful reading. F urther understanding of the Erasmian impact can be gained by looking brieOy at two treatises Zwingli valued. One of the best known of Eras-

58 mus' writings is his Enchiridion or Handbook of the Christian So!dier.22 In this work Eras­ mus "earnestly calls C hristians away from the sacerdotal, ritua listic, institutional, .and dogmatic religio n to the practice of the fundamentals of Christian faith. ''23 In summary !ashi o n Erasmus offers two weapons of Christi an warfare; "these two weapons are prayer and knowledge. ''24 Erasmus uses the weapo n of knowledge to reveal the weakness of man and the strength of God. Knowledge brings recognition of God's work, revealing the na­ ture of true worship as that which centers on God, not on the creations of humankind. Such is the function of prayer. T he Christian is to look "toward Christ alone, your sole and highest good , so that you may love nothing, be in awe of nothing, seek after nothing, other than C hrist l1imself, or for Christ's sake.''25 A subsidiary tenet offered by Erasmus is further suggestive of the nature of true religion; for, "in this one respect you maintain perfect piety, if you try always to press on from visible things, which are for the most part either imperfect or intermed iate, to things invisible, in accordance with the higher part of man.''26 True wo rship of God is not dependent on the a ppeal to the senses, but upon the immediate relation to God as spirit. It is the higher .part of man, his soul or spirit, that is to be turned toward God. In fact, insists Erasmus, human ceremonies and corporeal reli­ gion hinder man's approach to God. Erasmus' positing two parts in man, the higher and lo wer or soul and body, lays the foundation for contrasting fa lse and true religion. Prop­ erly understood, the lower part of man stands in opposition to true religion by concentrat­ ing on non-spiritual "false shadows." True religion, which looks beyond human creati ons to C hrist, is spiritual religion. In hi s Account of True Theology Erasmus compares those who stand on ceremonies to Judaize rs.21 Godliness is always universal and has no need of particular place, and who does not know that "simulated piety is never to be given fi rst place?''2& He is painfully aware that the masses above a ll are led astray by those things which they see, and he muses a bo ut many people whose godliness is injured by the external appearance of false piety. 2" He insists that true piety is situated in deeds, not words, in feeling, not external appearances, and in obedience, not ceremonies. Jo It is this setting of manifestations of fa lse and true godliness over against each other that Zwingli took to heart and which lies at the basis of his reforming work in Zurich. Erasmus' approach to true piety was conceived in terms of a return to the pristine practices of the early church, and as such, it was his goal to return to the sources of Christian antiquity. In his return to the early fathers, but above all in his return to the Scriptures as the primary source, Erasmus had a decisive and abiding effect on Zwingli . "Erasmus saw in the sources an opportunity to rid contemporary and society of the excesses that he so despised: superstition and ignorance, and Scholastic theology.''3 1 Zwingli's reforming work included a characteristic return to Scripture as a norm for un­ derstanding true piety as well as providing the means for purifying the church of its abuses. It should be pointed out that the writings of Erasmus reveal not only theoretical re­ flectio n and the concern for scholarship, but also an intense dedication to the values in­ herent in education itself. In the light of Erasmus' emphasis upon the necessity of knowledge as a weapon of the Christian and his own apparent dedication to scholarship,

59 it may be somewh at repetitive to mention educati on in general; nevertheless, fa ith in the power of educati on is characteristic of the manner in which Zwingli carried out his re­ fo rming work. It is at this point, however, that differences between Zwingli and Erasmus begin to emerge. Erasmus, after all , never became a Reformer. Eventually a rupture in the rela­ tionship between Erasmus and Zwingli occurred. T he fact is, Erasmus remained the schol­ ar, content to attempt to purify· the church from afar. He remained the cosmopolitan el­ itist who sought to change the church frori1 his study through his writings. Zwingli , on the other hand , was a pastor. As such he was faced . with a day-to-d ay need to expound a gospel fo r his people. He did not enj oy the lu xury of distance from the needs of the common people. We must see now how the concrete realities of Zurich prod uced in Zwingli , the humanist theologian, the response of the Reformer.

The Pastoral Reformer

Two sets of events and associated writings will serve to illustrate how Zwingli emerged in Zurich as a pastoral Reformer. We look first to the spring and summer of 1522 and thereafter to the fa ll of 1523 . The affair of the Lenten sausages in which the strict fast was broken by workers of the printer Froschauer as well as by Zwingli 's friend , , in the presence of Zwingli who only observed the eating, illustrates much about the nature of the Zurich Reforma­ tion. It was much more than a matter of diet, of course. Since it was forbidden to eat meat during the Lenten Fast the event struck a blow at the ve ry fa bric of the Roman Catho lic authority and practice. If Luther's protest against the traffic was a legi ti mate protest against an abuse of Catho lic practice, then the event in Zurich repres­ ents a more radical attack on the whole of Catholic spirituality. Out of the controversy engendered by the sausage-eating came Zwingli 's first clearly delineated Reformation writ­ ings. On March 29, Zwingli preached the sermon, Concerning Choice and Liberly Re­ specting Food.32 Not long after, the Bishop of Constance sent an admonition to Zurich obliquely warning against Luther and admonishing the Zurich church not to instigate in­ novati ons in church practice.JJ Three months later Zwingli published a second significant ' writing, the A rcheleles, a defense of the evangelical party in Zurich and an articul ati on of its theological basis.J4 Although one runs a risk of oversimplifying the matter by treating the two treatises so summarily, it is possible to ascertain certain themes emerging in these writings which refl ect the particul ar applicati ons the Reformer was making to the Zurich situation of the evangelical principles earlier adopted. In the first place, any changes or innovations that were heing carried out were done on the basis of the Scriptures, not on tradition.JS The role of the Spirit begins to play a role in Zwingli's thinking as well, though not as much as later. Still, it is the Spirit of God coming in Scripture that will lead human beings to understand all things.36 Zwingli further maintained that all regulations governing a person's choice of food or abstinence were basically Jewish in nature and were therefore done away with in the New Testament by Christ. Eating or not eating a particular food did not make one person more worthy than

60 another. T he unfortunate resu lt of trusting to such external regulati ons was that they "lead men away from trust in God to confidence in themselves. ''3 7 Christ has freed human­ ity fr om the necessity of being enslaved to such externals. In a passage reminiscent of the lesson he learned from Erasmus, Zwingli wrote: If we are dead with Christ to the rudiments of the world- that is, if Christ by hi s death made us free from all sins and burdens, then we are also in - that is, in belief, freed from all Jewish or human ce remonials and chose n works , which he calls the rudiments. If we are now dead to the rudi­ ments, why do we burden ourselves with fi ctitious human ordinances?38 If God had seen no need to leave humanity enslaved to ceremonies, why should people feel it necessary to add them? " How dare a man add to the testament, to the covenant of God, as though he wo uld better it?"39 Such human efforts we re not necessary in the light of Christ's work as mediator. Zwingli implored his foll owers to have fa ith in God, not in their own works or merits: 0 Christia n of right beli ef, consid er tl1ese word s we ll , ponder them carefully, and yo u will see that God des ires that we hearken to him alone! If now we are thoroughly imbued with him, no new God will be honoured within our hearts, no man instead of God, no feeling of our own instead of God.40 Clearl y, throughout the se rmon Zwingli was seeking to turn the church in Zurich away fro m the materi al manifestations of religious practice to true religion founded upon wor­ ship of the true God who is spirit. Simil ar themes appeared in an eve n more mature state in his Latin treatise in Au­ gust. He wrote that "the matter in dispute is whether as much ought to be attributed to the traditions of men as to the word of God. "4 1 In several places he distinguished betwee n fa lse manifestati ons of religion which re ly on human traditions and ceremonies and true religion which is based on the Scripture and seeks God alone. He contrasted true apostles with fa lse apostles: T he false apostles demand alm ost divine honours .. . The Apostles taught men onl y to recognize the grace of God, and its fulness brought to them through Christ. T he false apostles cease not to shove upon the shoulders of men heavy and unbearable burdens, and compel them to buy off their wrongdoings for money as if they were merchandise.42 What would happen, Zwingli mused, if the wh ole "rubbis h-heap" of ceremonies were done away with, "since God dec lared that he is worshipped in vain by these things?"43 Zwingli's intentional reliance on Scripture could not be more explicitly stated in this writ­ ing. 44 He se lf-consciously turns to Christ as the sole redee mer, rather than to the extern al church.45 Zwingli understands himself not to be concerned merely about the extern al church, but about the true church which is composed of those who have faith in Christ, the only true mediator. He expanded his understanding of the role of the Spirit as well. T he spiritual person is able to understand the Scriptures better than the scho.lars because

"they depend wholly upon the spirit- that is, the mind of God. "46 This had implications for hi s understanding of the gospel and its relati on to the interpretation of Scripture, fo r "the Gospel consists not in the word s of Scriptures, but in their sense; not in the outside, but in the pith; not in the leaves of the language but in the root of its spirit. "47 Zwingli was certain of the foundation of his opposition to the traditional understand-

61 ing voiced by Bishop Hugo. Against all the bishop's claims he presented the essence of scriptural religion, manifest in the continuous work of the Holy Spirit: the human being is not saved by his own efforts and work but only by the salvation effected in the ministry and death of Jes us Christ and received in faith. With this basic self- of his approach, Zwin gli accused Bishop Hugo and his followers of havi ng woven "a veil of human tradition over the Gospel, now letting the Gospel go altogether and advocating only human tradition. "48 To summarize: to this point we have telescoped several periods of Zwingli 's life into word portrai ts. We have seen his development as humanist and pastor. We have viewed his "evange lical discovery" as a particular approach that was strongly inOuenced by Eras­ mus. This approach iss ued in a commitment to Scripture, to Christ as mediator, and to true reli gion as spiritual, not material or sensible, religion. Next, we have seen Zwingli's emergence as Reformer in 1522 as acting out the earlier commitments of 15 15 / 1516. It now remains for us to examin e a period of Zwingli's life in which he has clearly emerged as evangelical Reformer and to see what the events and writings of that period tell us about the nature of his reforming work. The decisive year for determining the nature of the Zwingli an Reformation was 1523. In January, the First Disputation was held in which the City Council reaffirmed decisively before an intern ational audience, in Zurich and abroad, that the government had the responsibility for the practice of religion within its borders and that preaching hereafter was to be scriptura lly based.49 A Ourry of writing and activity followed throughout 1523, including Zwingli 's Exposition and Basis of the Conclusions or Articles and Divine and Human Righteousness.so During the summer, radical unrest appeared centering about the payment of and also about continued observance of the Mass and the maintenance of the images in Zurich's churches. Some demonstrations and de­ struction took place, issuing finally in a study commission of the matter. Out of this commission came a call in October for the Second Disputation. The significant issues under discussion in the Second Disputation were the question of the Mass and images. T he major conclusion regarding the Mass was that it was not a sacrifice. Auxiliary matters were discussed concerning the manner and mode of celebra­ tion. It was also concluded that images were not scriptural. Major changes were not to be made immediately , however. A commission was appointed to stud y the matter further and out of this study came an important document. In November Zwingli wrote his Short Christian Instruction51 in which he articulated a fundamental evangelical theology as the basis for the reform in Zurich and then applied that theology to the matter of the Mass and the images. T he Instruction was published under a mandate of the City Coun­ cil and was sent throughout the Zurich territory to the Swiss Confederacy at large, to the Bishops of Constance, Chur, and Basel and to the . August Baur summarized the significance of the Instruction: The writing had a two-fold purpose: first, to serve as an instruction toward proper spirituality. Next, to orient the circle outside Zurich which had ei ther a friendly or hostile interest in the movement as to what was done and taught in Zurich. Thus, the Instruction was a public confessional statement of the Zurich Reformation and Church of the first order- and in the fu ll sense of the word. Even more so than the Sixty-Seven Articles which, 62 alth ough they ex pressed th e definite principl es of the movement and were co nstructed definitely fo r public use and purpose, we re only a pri va te wo rk of Zw in gl i.52 The /11 s1ruc1io11 is important for l wo specific reasons: fi rs t, it was to be used as a basis fo r educatin g the clergy - and by im pli cati on th e lait y- into the evange lical fa ith and it was to se rve as a statement out sid e or Zurich as to what the evange li cal fa ith of th e Zuri ch church was. Pu bli shed with a Cit y Council mandate th e treatise was a theological mani­ fes to co ntaini ng th e prin cipl es of th e refo rm movement. A brief look at the treati se will tell much about the nature or th e Zw ingli an reform. It has the added advant age of all ow­ in g us to sec the eva nge lical theology of Zw ing li pri or to the co nfro ntati on with the Ta ufer and with Luther. As one wou ld ex pec t, Zw ingli co ntin ued hi s intenti on to esta bli sh sc riptu ra ll y-based Chris ti anit y in Zuri ch. T rue reli gion was biblical religion. T he Bible is the norm by whic h theology and practice are to be jud ge cJ .51 Human· aut ho ri ty, typica ll y, is contrasted wi th the divine authority of the Word of Goel, fo r "a ll hu man teachi ng is in va in unless God enli ghtens a nd draws peo ple in wa rdly. "54 Allied to, and consistent with , Zwin gli 's reli ance on Scri pture is his co ntinui ng affi rma ti on that th e hu ma n be in g cannot co me to a certai n knowledge of the wo rd or Goel unless God en light ens and draws th e un derstanding lo himse lf. /\s Zw in gli sees it. l he probl em in the Ro man Catholic church of hi s day is th at human teachings have bee n exalted over the teachings of the Scrip ture: We shoul d be taught solely by the word of Goel. Instead, the idle priests, who shoul d have taught us unceasingly, have painted the teachings on the wa ll s ror us. And we poor simple people have therewith bee n depri ved of the teaching and have fa llen to im ages, and have honored them. We have begun to seek fro m creatures what we should have so ught only fr om God. 55 Here the mature evange lical pas tor is affi rming biblica l authority in terms reminisce nt of his eva nge li cal discove ry of the so le mecli atorship of Christ. In the /11 s1ruc1iun Zwingli also outlines briefly a confessional, as dist ingui shed from a sys temati c or sc holastic, theology that is to unclc rgird the li fe of th e church in Zurich. Two major thrusts of hi s theology may be summari zed: fi rs t, whatever is lack in g in the individu al, Christ graciously obtains before God, and secondly, it is the res ponsib ility of each Ch rist ian to give eve ry pe rso n his due. Zwi ngli bega n the ex plicatio n of hi s theology with a di sc uss ion of sin , fo ll owed by disc uss ions of law, gos pel, and the aboliti on of the law. T he outline itse lf was signifi cant: For anyo ne to know why he should me nd his ways, it is necessary for him lo recogni ze his guilt. Therefo re it is essenti al in the fi rst place lo know th e source of sin . After we find th at, each perso n will judge himse lf to be a sinner and trust him self lo the me rcy of God.5'' Thu s Zwingli affirm s that the human being is truly a sinner befo re God .57 He next dis­ cussed the la w, which is th e means of revealing to human beings that they cannot come to Goel on their own.5N Havin g determined the need of grace for humanity, Zwingli turned th en to disc uss the gospel whi ch is fo rmul ated in terms of God's mee ting the human being's eve ry need fo r sa lvati on in ChristYJ Zwingli 's understanding of the human as still wea k eve n aft er sa lva ti on in Christ has bee n experienced led next to a disc uss ion

63 on the nature or the Christi an li re.'" He characteri sti ca ll y co nclud ed this secti on by stating: In short, here no one should let him selr be misled so as to seek grace rrom anyone but God himself. For this reason, we ha ve the clea r word of God . Wh oever does not hold this is not a Christi an. The pure raith ca nn ot to ler­ ate one's see king another solace than the spouse or the bel iev ing so ul : God.'" He then co ncluded his maj or part or the !nsrrucrion with a rellcction on the aboliti on of the law.'•2 With this firm eva nge li cal basis, Zwingli then turned to the practical iss ues facin g the church at the time, that is, to the Mass and images in the churches. Having established th at true reli gion is that which is founded on the gracious acti vit y of God in Christ, and not on human in ve ntion, Zwingli had a clear basis on which to maintain , first of all , that images are not acceptable.<..i The tone is entirely reminisce nt of the earli er Zwingli , here refin ed by the press ing realit y of his present situati on: For whoever has sought help and confidence from a creature which the beli eve r ought to seek onl y with God , has made a foreign god for himse lf. For that is foreve r one's god in which one tak es refu ge. Hence, that is one thing that ma y draw us from God: foreign gods.'"' Likewise he rejected the Mass as sacrifice, primarily beca use this diverted attention from the di vine to the human.<>5 The abuses, however, are not to be immediately abolished. A major purpose of the lnsrrucrion is educational. The clergy are to be trai ned and then through them the laity educated so that the changes can be bro ught about without disruption. Both in the dis­ cuss ion or the images and in the discussion of the Mass, it is clear th at Zwingli is moving ahead slowly so that gains wi ll be co nso lid ated before th ey are tes ted in the tension created by change. One passage illustrates his co ncern : At the same time, however, one is to proceed ca refully so that ev il does not res ult. Fo r until Christian peo ple are instructed rightly, that one should not pay the images any honor, one may still have patience until th e weak are also able to fo ll ow- so that th e matter may be brought to a conclusion with un animityM• Zwingli had learned early on from Erasmus and his humanistic teachers about the va lue of educati on. The education process itself, however, was only a mea ns to an end . It was to be the se rva nt of the co mmunity. One needed educati on to in sure that the co mmunity wou ld hold together and th at, properly instructed, it would incarnate in itself the virtues of true religion.

Summary and Conclusions: The Nature of the Zwinglian Reformation

It is now appropriate to draw so me conclusions about th e nature of the Zwinglian Reformation as it reached it s first stage of maturation, that is, as it defin ed itself over aga in st the Ca tholic practi ce of the day a nd before th e Tiiufer and Luther controversies shaped ce rtain emphases. I. First, it has bee n observed here th at there is a certain level of co nsistency in the developing theology of the Reformer, Huldryc h Zwingli . This is not simply to seek the

64 seeds of the mature Zwingli in his youth and early manhood. It is to see that Zwingli developed as human beings, and even theologians and , sometimes do develop. The humanist is evident in hi s concern for the sources, in this case the Scriptures. His evangelical discovery is rightly tied to his Erasmian encounter, for that was a time in which he learned personally a meaning of the sole mediatorship of Christ that was cer­ tainly to be refined, but not repudiated in the crucible of the reforming work. Tied to this christological emphasis was a strong theocentric emphasis: true religion was that directed to the Creator rather than the creature. In addition, his humanist teachers left an endur­ ing commitment to education that Zwingli utilized in the formation of the church in Zurich. 2. Secondly, it is apparent that the theology of Zwingli did in fact develop in the course of his years as pastor. Zwingli was clearly a pastoral reformer who continued to develop a theology out of the context of the needs of the church in Zurich and, later, abroad. An added dimension in 1523 is his' reflection on the human as sinner and the role of Christ as Redeemer in the light of the human incapacity to earn or merit salva­ tion. One might well call this an Augustinian or Pauline element, but it is not a repudia­ tion of his earlier evangelical commitment. The influence and impact of Erasmus will continue to be debated and the differences between Zwingli and his me~tor will be noted. It may well be that Zwingli did not fu ll y understand Erasmus even in 1515/ 1516. It seems reasonable here to conclude, however, that for the influence of the great teacher to be decisive it was not necessary for Zwingli to be a carbon copy. Perhaps the best solution is to recognize that Zwingli was a pastor and not primarily a scholar. The insights he gained from Erasmus were applied to the context of his place of ministry. He did not have the lu xury of merely trying to influence through his writings and his circle of devo­ tees. He could not be, and was not, divorced from the concrete life of the church in Zurich. He was not, as pastor, reacting against certain abuses, but was, as spiritual leader, engaged in the formation of a church on the basis of the evangelical gospel. 3. Thirdly, Zwingli was at the conclusion of 1523 committed to a specific community of faith. His concern for the community which was Zurich became increasingly clear in the course of the next few months as the Taufer challenge was experienced as a threat. It was the whole church that Zwi ngl i was seeking to reform and not just the individ ual lives. As has been often recognized, he was not only asking, "How can I be saved?", but "How can my people be saved?" It is part of the genius of the Zurich pastor. 4. Finally, there was beginning to appear a consistent concern for the life of the Christian. Growing distinctions were emerging in Zwingli's writings between the false and the true, whether bishops, Christians, or churches. This theme of the lived-out faith of the true Christian was to occupy considerable time in his attempts to reform both the life of the church and the society in his time. Such is the kernel of the Reformed emphasis of his work as pastor. For Zwingli at this time it is clear that true religion was spiritual religion. It was his commitment to spiritual religion that in no small part led him later to react against a Luther whose emphasis on the real (corporal) presence of Christ in the eucharist seemed dangerously close to those errors of false religion he had so vigorously fought against.

65 FOOTNOTES *1-1. Wayne Pipkin is Professor or Chu rc h History, Baptis1 T heological Scmmary, IWschlik o n, Swit ze rland.

1 The wo rks in Engli sh on Z win gli arc few. Fortunately th ere is an increas in g number of good works. The fo llow­ ing may be recommended : G. R. Poller, Zwingli (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni versity Press, 1976). Robert C. Wal­ ton, Zwingli :, T11 eocracy (Toronto: Un ive rsity of Toronto Press, 1967). Gollrricd W. Locher, Zwingli :, Tho 11gh1 (Leiden: E. .l . Brill, 198 1). A forthcoming memorial volume to appear in early 1984 wi ll contai n articles by an international tea m of sc holars in ce leb rati on of the 500t h anni ve rsary of Zwingli 's . birth: E. J. Furcha and H . Wayne Pipkcn, eds., Prophet, Pastor Protestant: Th e Work of Huldrych Zwingli after fi've J-/ wu/red Years (Pillsburgh: Pi ckwick Publicatio ns, 1984). ' , "The Original Life of Zwing li ," in S. M. Jackso n, 711l' Latin Works of" Huldreich Zwingli. J vols. (Vol. I: New York: G. P. Putnam's, 19 12, Vols. II & Ill: Philadelphia: Heid elberg Press, 1922, 1929). I: 2.

J Emil Eg li , et al., H11ldreich Zwinglis Siimtliche Werke (Leip1.i g, Berl in and Zurich, 1905-). Still in progress. T he writings of Zwingli arc norma ll y cit ed in this edition by Z fo ll owed by the vo lu me, page and line number. Hence: Z VII : 9: 19: 11 : IJ; 44: 14 among others. 4 Z II : 538: 25-29. Translation used is G. W. Bromilcy, Zwingli and 8111/inger. Volume 24 of Library of Chrfa·tian Cla.uics edited by J ohn Baillie et al. (Philadelphia: Westmi nster Press, 1953), p. 104. (Hereafter = LCC). ' Quoted in Oskar Farn er, H11ldrych Zwingli, 4 vo ls. (Zii rich: Zwingli Verlag, 1946- 1960), I: 99. '' Walter Ko hler, "Zwingli als T hcologc," Ulrich Zwingli. Zwn Gediichtnis der Ziircher Reformation 1519- 1919. (Zurich: Buchdruckcrci Berichth aus. 19 19), cols. 14ff. 7 For a good survey or the educati on or young Zwingli, sec Poller, pp. 7-2 1. ' Myco nius, p. 3. • Farner I: 167.

10 J . V. Po ll et, 1-/u/drych Zwinxli et la Reforme en Suisse (Paris: Presses Unive rsitai rcs de t-rancc. 1963), p. 15. 11 Martin Haas, l-l11i

11 Z II: 145:28- 146: 4; Z V: 7 19: 5-720: 2. " Haas, pp. 33-34. " G. R. Poller, A Short His101y o( Switzerland (London: O xford Unive rsit y Press, 1963), p. 147. ts Leonhard vo n Mura lt , "Zwingli als Sozialpoliti ker," Zwingliana. V ( 193 1), 54. 16 For a sur vey of the issues surroundi ng th e innuencc or Erasmus on Zwingli and th e similarities and di fferences between the two, sec Gottfried Locher, Zwingli :,- 1hought, 233-255. T he article is rich in citation or the relevant literature as well . " Z I: 338-384 (translati on: LCC: 59-95). "Z I: 88-136 (translation: J ackson I: 70- 112). 1• Z I: 379: 21-32 (translation: LCC: 90-9 1). 20 Z II : 2 17: 5-14. The translati on is by E. J . Furcha in the fo rthcoming Selected Writings of H11ldryd1 Zwingli, Volume I: The Defense of the Re/im11ed Faith edited by E . .I . Furcha (Pittsburgh: Pickwick Publications, 1984). 21 Desid crius Erasmus, "Expostulati on of Jesus with a Man Perishing Through His Very Own Fault," F. L. Bal!les (trans. ) The Hartford Q11arterl11, V/ 4 ( 1965), 64-66. 22 Sec Dcsid cri us Erasmus, "The Enchiridion," F. L. Battles (t rans.) Advocates of Reform. Vol. 14 or Library of Chn:,tian Classics edited by J ohn Baillie-et al. Whiladclphia: Westminster Press, 1953), pp. 295-379. " Mallhcw S pinka, "Dcsidcrius Erasmus, A Humanistic Reformer," LCC 14: 286. " Eras mus, "The Enchiridion," LCC 14: 302. " Ibid., p. 328. " Ibid., p. 332. 27 Dcsiderius Erasmus, "Ratio sc u methodus compcndio Pcrve niendi ad Vera m Theologiam," Opera Omnia. Edited by J oannes Clericus, 10 vols. (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 196 1-62 = photomccha nical printing of Leyden edition or 1703- 1706), 5:73-138. An Engli sh translation is fo und in "The Ecumenical T heology or Erasmus of Rollerdam," unpublished Pillsburgh Ph.D. dissc11at ion, 1974. Zwing li 's co1iy or the " Ratio," which in his circle of correspon­ dents was ca ll ed the "Compendium," is still in the Zenlralbibli othek, Ziirich. It is bound with several writings of Erasmus, including the "Expostulation of J esus. " The possible value of this writing on Zwin gli has been over­ looked, this in spite of Zwin gli's allusion to it in highly favorable terms in a lel!er lo Beatus Rhenanus in 15 19. Z VII: 139: 14- 18. " Ibid., col. I I 2c. 29 Ibid. ' J-O Ibid., col. I I 3c. 66 " J ohn Wi lli am Aldridge, The /-lerme11e111 ic of Erasmus (Zurich: EVZ-Vcrl ag, 1966), p 13. "Z I: 88- 136. The translati on used here is fo und in .J ackson I: 70- 11 2. "Z I: 163-269. J4 Archctclcs is a neologism crea ted by Zwingli from two G reek words to suggest he was treating th e "beginning" and "end" of the mailer. See Z I: 256-327 (translation: Jackson I: 197-292). " Z I: 9 1: 1-5. "' Z I: 135: 23-25. 37 Z I: 95: 15; Jackson I: 76 " Z I: 130: 27- 131: 6; Jackson I: 108. "Z I: 134: 24-25; Jackson I: I l l. 40 Z I: 105: 26-36; J a c ~so n I: 86. "Z I: 274: 20-22; J ac~son I: 223. "Z I: 302: 13- 19; J ackson I: 259. 43 Z I: 27 1: 29-30; .Jackson I: 219. 44 Z I: 299: 1-9; Jackson I: 255. 45 Z I: 320: 2-8; Jackson I: 282. "Z I: 279: 21; Jackson I: 230. 47 Z I: 294: 22-24; Jackson I: 25 1. "Z I: 29 1: 3-5; J ackson I: 246. 49 Cf. Z I: 447. 470- 1, 547. It is an admillcd disservice. to dismiss so summarily the First Disputation. It is true that further research and refl ection on the significance of the First Disputation needs to be done. For some recent treatments. sec Poller, pp. 99ff., Bernd Moeller, "Zwinglis Disputationcn. Studicn zu den Anfiingen dcr Kirchcn­ bi ldung und des Synodalwesens im Protcs tanlismus," Zeitschri)i der Savigny-Stiftw1g fiir Rechtsgeschichte. Kant. Abt. 56 ( 1970). 275-324; 60 ( 1974). 213-364, and numerous references in Heiko Oberman, Masters of the Refor­ mation (Lo nd on: Cambridge University Press, 1981). Sec also Gollfried Locher, Die Zwinglische Reformation im Rahmen der w ropiiischen Kirche11geschichte (Giillingcn: Vandcnhocck & Ruprec ht , 1974), pp. 11 0- 11 5, 128- 136 for a brief review of the First Disputation as well as the Second . It is Lochcr's view that the victory of the Reformation in Zurich was assured in the Second, not the First Disputati on. "' Sec above. note 20. The lallcr treati se will appear in a translation by E. J . Furcha in H. Wayne Pipkin, ed. In Search o( True Religion: Reformation. Pastoral and Eucharistic Writings; Vol. 11 of Selected Writings of f-lul­ drych Zwinxli edited by E. J. Furcha and H. Wayne Pipkin (Piu sburgh: Pickwick Publications, 1984). " Z II : 628-663. The Instruction wi ll appear in Vol. II of Selected Writings. The translations used arc the present author's as they wi ll appear in that volume. " August Baur, Zwingli.1· Theo/ugie. /hr Were/en und !hr System, 2 vols. (Halle: Max Niemeyer, 1885), I: 344. 53 Z II : 646: 6-8; 663: 20-22. " Z II : 630: 3-5. "Z II : 656: 15-20. "Z II : 630: 29-33. "Z II : 632-633. " Z II: 634-636. "Z II : 637-640: 2. "° Z 11: 640: 3-646: JO . " Z II: 646: 6-10. " Z II : 646: 11-654: 9 . ., Z II : 654: 11-16. "'Z II : 655: 21-25. " See es pecia ll y Z 11: 660: 1-663: 22. "' Z. 11 : 655: 4-8.

67 BOOKS FOR THE BIBLICAL SCHOLAR

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