Framing Western Alienation As Political Alienation

Framing Western Alienation as Political Alienation

Paul Grewar (1004736155)

Department of Political Science, University of Toronto

POL214: Canadian Government & Politics

Professor David Pond

24 February 2020 2

Framing Western Alienation as Political Alienation

Despite retaining only 10% of their seats in Western Canada and losing the national popular vote in the 2019 federal election, Justin Trudeau’s Liberal Party received a renewed mandate to govern Canada. However, cries of western alienation and Western political independence movements (the idea of “Wexit”) have surfaced. The notion of western alienation is not new to the Canadian political landscape; fervent discontent with the federal government has ebbed and flowed ever since the western provinces’ entries into Canada. Traditionally, the alienation Western Canadians experience has been explained as regional discontent with the seemingly asymmetrical nature of the relationship between the federal government and the West versus Central Canada and a lack of representation in the federal government — referred to as western alienation. A better explanation for the discontent Western Canadians face is political alienation as it accounts for how similar levels of discontent are experienced across Canada, better aligns with data on the ways Western Canadians feel alienated, and explains how the history of populism aligns with the alienation Western Canadians face; using this framework, we evaluate the Harper government’s response to western alienation (Senate reform) and whether or not political alienation is a solvable problem.

Background

Since joining Canada, many of the western provinces have felt as though they have been mistreated by the federal government to the benefit of Ontario and Quebec — especially concerning energy and natural resource policy. When Manitoba, Alberta, and Saskatchewan joined as provinces of Canada, the Macdonald government required that the federal government retain control of all crown land and natural resources “for the purposes of the 3

Dominion” (Kilgour & Harvey, 2013). In the 1980s, Pierre Trudeau’s National Energy Plan

(NEP) aimed to reduce energy dependency on foreign oil and secure Canadian energy self- sufficiency. Petroleum producers were forced to sell oil and gas below world market prices and the federal government increased its share of oil and gas revenues by 140%. This came at the expense of firms, provincial governments, and the regional economy. More recently, the implementation of a carbon pricing scheme has been criticized by western provinces as antagonistic toward critical sectors of their economies and contributory in rising provincial unemployment rates. These policies all exacerbate the view that the federal government stands to exploit the economy and natural resources of the West to protect the interests of Central Canada and the policy preferences of political elites (Henry, 2001; Andrew-gee, 2019)1. Additionally,

Alberta, BC, and Saskatchewan often argue that they contribute more to the national balance sheet than they receive in terms of equalization transfers (Government of Canada, 2019).

Relating this to energy policy, not only is the Western economy demonized for having an economic dependency on petroleum extraction, but they are expected to share their profits with the rest of Canada through equalization (Lecours & Béland, 2010).

Discussion

Political Alienation as the Root Cause

Historically, the grievances of Western Canadians have been explained as regional in nature, exclusive to the western provinces, and manifested as discontent towards their

1 The NEP is often referenced when discussing the permanent decline of the Liberal Party in Alberta. The distrust the policy created shut the party out of the province as Westerners viewed the policy as entirely consumer-oriented, as opposed to one that balanced the interests of both producers (centered in Western Canada) and consumers (Kilgour & Harvey, 2013). 4 representation in the federal government. Rather, the alienation Western Canadians experience is political alienation; this form of alienation occurs when citizens feel as though they have little opportunity to provide input in the political process or decision-making beyond voting, that government is unresponsive to their interests and concerns, or that their representatives are out of touch with their values. This diverges from the traditional view of western alienation in that it is not unique to western provinces and that it is not necessarily rooted in region — which are the two inconsistencies with reality in defining Western Canadians’ alienation as western alienation.

This argument is bolstered by the rise of populism in Western Canada.

Western Alienation: Not Uniquely Western, Nor Consistent Across the West

Using data from the 1997 Canadian Election Study, Shawn Henry assessed whether or not western alienation could be attributed to being on the political periphery and if similar discontent persists in other peripheral provinces. Applying quantitative analysis, Henry found that the level of alienation experienced in the Atlantic provinces and Northwest Territories is comparable to that of the western provinces (2001). Thus, the regional discontent experienced in

Western Canada is not particularly exceptional; instead, it represents a common experience among Canadians on the political periphery. Because peripheral provinces only represent small proportions of the seats/positions in Parliament, the Cabinet, and the public service, they often feel ignored to the vote-rich provinces of Ontario and Quebec, where politicians typically focus their attention. Consequently, peripheral provinces feel as though they cannot affect political decision-making and that the federal government is unresponsive to their interests and concerns

— typical of political alienation.

Henry also found that there were inconsistencies across provinces in the West. The 5 peripheral alienation experienced by Manitobans was on average lower than that of the other western and Atlantic provinces and Alberta’s level of peripheral alienation was significantly higher than any other province (2002). Proponents of regional alienation often generalize the experience of Alberta across other western provinces, calling into question the alleged ubiquity of regional alienation in the West.

So then why is “Atlantic alienation” not a salient political concern — what about western alienation makes it so prevalent? Economic clout. The frustration in the West lies in their lack of political influence despite their economic success — resulting in vociferous protest movements

(e.g., “Wexit”) (Henry, 2001). Indeed, Mildred Schwartz found a correlation between rising economic fortunes in the West and political activism related to Western separation (1974). While

Atlantic Canadians are similarly frustrated by their lack of political efficacy, their dependency on the federal government for revenues and resources reduces their bargaining power with the federal government (Henry, 2001)2.

Western Alienation: Not Regionally Focussed

Second, political alienation better accounts for the behaviour of those in Western Canada in demonstrating that Western Canadians’ alienation is not necessarily rooted in region, but rather a lack of political efficacy. Data from the 1997 Canadian Election Study verifies this:

Drawing data specifically from western Canadian respondents, they find that in the

Prairies, 71% of respondents agree with the statement “People like me have no say,” 70%

agree that “Government does not care,” and 83% agree that “MPs lose touch.” Similarly,

2 Henry cites the systematic underdevelopment of the Atlantic provinces as a result of federal policy since Confederation as the course of their subsequent reliance on the federal government. 6

in BC, 69% agree that “People like me have no say,” 66% agree that “Government does

not care,” and 85% agree that “MPs lose touch.” (Clarke et al., 2002, as cited in Lawson,

2005, p. 141)

Western Canadians’ reactions to these statements indicate high levels of dissatisfaction with their ability to provide input in the political process/institutions and the government’s responsiveness to their concerns, indicating feelings of low political efficacy3. Additionally,

Western Canadians express concerns that their representatives are out of touch with their values

— the statement “MPs lose touch” received the most universal support across the West. This is intriguing as it confirms that the alienation that Western Canadians face is not because they are

Western, but rather because they are alienated from the political process. Members of Parliament

(MPs) are from the regions they represent, thus sharing the same regional concerns as their constituents. This suggests that the primary issue plaguing Western Canadians is a lack of opportunity to engage in the political process — this is political, not specifically regional, alienation.

It could be argued that characterizing the alienation Western Canadians face as political alienation neglects the federal government’s historical actions that have disadvantaged the West.

However, these concerns should be viewed within the framework of political alienation as a failure of the federal government to consider the concerns of those in the West, intensifying individuals’ political alienation. This perspective is not dependent on alienation as a result of region, but rather Western Canadians’ feeling that they cannot engage with the political process,

3 As identified previously, these concerns are shared in other regions of Canada’s political periphery, indicating that these concerns are not uniquely Western. 7 the federal government, or their representatives.

Populism in Western Canada

Populism has a rich history in the West — most notably with the formation of the Reform

Party. Populism is typically denoted as a form of mobilization forged by a collective group in opposition to some power bloc, generally emerging when citizens feel they are unable to exert influence or that the political elites representing them are out of touch. These concerns resoundingly represent political alienation. In the West, the Reform Party capitalized on this discontent.

Right-wing populist parties typically manifest themselves in two ways: neoconservatism, with a focus on limited government and protecting free-markets, individualism, and property rights, and right-wing populism, as defined above. The notable aspect of the Reform Party was that its voters were typically no more “neoconservative” than those in the Conservative party.

This implies that the ideological thread that accounts for the periodic success of the Reform

Party was right-wing populism, not neoconservatism (Harrison et al., 1996). Indeed, much of the

Reform Party’s initial focus was advocacy for direct democratic principles and promoting the voice of the people in political decision-making (Lawson, 2005). This was done with particular regard to reducing the influence of special interest groups in government — representing the interests of their firm/industry as opposed to Canadians in general. This is interesting in that populism expresses the alienation of citizens, as opposed to regions, from political representatives and institutions. Further, it bolsters the notion that the preeminent theme in

Western Canadians’ discontent focused on their desire for more effective democratic participation and the reduction of voices that do not represent them (special interest groups) — 8 all of which typify political alienation.

Harper Government & Senate Reform

Traditionally, western alienation is viewed as regionally-based and a result of the federal government disadvantaging Western Canada to protect the interests and retain the votes of

Central Canada. Proponents of this theory suggest increased Western representation in the institutions of federal government to alleviate regional discontent — namely the Senate, citing that the current allocation of seats does not give Western Canada a fair chance to provide regional perspectives on federal policies, nor does it reflect the population distribution (Gibbins,

2003). Also, because senators are appointed by the prime minister, not elected, and almost always accept the legislation proposed by the House of Commons, there are concerns that the

Senate is undemocratic and ineffective in representing regional issues (Verrelli, 2009). Thus, when politicians address western alienation they often point to Senate reform as the most critical change necessary to alleviate Western Canadians’ discontent.

Upon entering office in 2006, Prime Minister Harper made Senate reform a core political priority (Dodek, 2015), proposing two main reforms: Bill C-19, which would impose eight-year term limits on senators, and Bill C-43, which would create a framework for senators to be

“recommended” (elected) by the people of each region for the prime minister to appoint. The difficulty with this legislation was that the constitutionality of the measure was unclear: a

Supreme Court reference in 1980 stated that changes to the Senate required the involvement of the provinces4, however, the Government believed they could pass this legislation bypassing the

4 Note that this ruling was made prior to the enactment of the Constitution Act, 1982, creating even more uncertainty as to whether or not Harper’s government was required to consult the provinces (Paré, 2009). 9 provinces and the constitutional amending formulae as Bill C-43 did not technically alter the selection process of senators (Verrelli, 2009)5. The deliberate subversion of provincial consultation is precisely the issue many Westerners have with Ottawa — political alienation resulting from a lack of discourse with provinces to understand their concerns. By passing this legislation only through Parliament, Harper would have only further politically alienated the provinces (Verrelli, 2009). After multiple attempts to pass these bills, they all eventually fell through due to questions of their constitutionality and the fact that Harper retained a minority government (Bakvis, 2014).

Is Western Alienation Solvable?

As it stands, western alienation is not solvable; because the prevailing understanding of

Western Canadians’ alienation is reliant on regional alienation, as opposed to the more accurate explanation of political alienation, there are no means that would effectively reduce alienation, the end — as the end itself is not properly understood by those with power to make changes in government. That is, solutions designed to reduce regional alienation do not address the actual issue of political alienation — and would thus be ineffective. We analyze this through the framework of Senate reform and party discipline.

Senate Reform

The issue with Senate reform as a solution for western alienation is that it confounds political alienation with regionally-based discontent, and thus does not resolve the issue that

Western Canadians do not feel their concerns are represented in government. Robert Lawson

5 Despite the introduction of elections, senators would still be formally appointed by the prime minister. 10 identifies two key areas that demonstrate this6. First, Lawson cites the fact that senators would be responsible for representing even larger constituencies than MPs, with whom Western Canadians already feel discontented with. The input of citizens would have even less direct influence on the political process (2005). Additionally, because the selection of Senators would rely on infrequent elections, it would be relatively unresponsive to political concerns.

Second, he notes that having an elected Senate would provide the body with the ability to actively engage with legislation, reducing its political independence. Thus, partisanship would dominate and the same frustrations Western Canadians feel toward their MPs would culminate toward their Senators. An elected Senate could replicate the political parties’ strong control over the legislative process as in the House of Commons (Lawson, 2005). As a result, the Canadian government would become even less effective, which could result in “parliamentary paralysis” where legislation would become nearly impossible to pass (Dion, 2014).

Harper’s proposed Senate reform plans were more limited than the “Triple-E” model as they did not reallocate seats. Thus, the same issues outlined above hold — additionally, because the Senate’s would presumably have the ability to actively engage legislation (as they were democratically elected), the preferences of West would remain disproportionately buried by the central and Atlantic provinces, creating further alienation (Dion, 2014). Additionally, Harper’s plan to implement eight-year term limits would compound the potential for partisanship in the chamber as a prime minister who governs for two or more terms could end up appointing every senator.

6 The concerns he identifies are based on the assumption of the implementation of “Triple-E” reforms, which refers to the policy that there are an equal number of elected senators from each province and the Senate has the ability to be effective — use its power to affect legislation. 11

Party Discipline

Perhaps the most effective method for alleviating political alienation would be to systematically reduce the role party discipline plays in the legislative process. Partisanship has a stranglehold on the legislative process, preventing individual MPs from voting on issues as their constituents would like, creating a disconnect between representative and constituent, exacerbating political alienation. Allowing for MPs to more candidly represent their constituents on individual issues, as opposed to following the party platform, would increase citizens’ ability to provide input in the political process and develop a more responsive government.

Unfortunately, the feasibility of this is incredibly low due to the power of party politics (Gibbins,

2003).

Conclusion

Western Canadians’ alienation is often misconstrued as a type of regional alienation, cited by the federal government’s historical antagonistic treatment of the West — often viewed as exploitive to protect the interests of vote-rich Central Canada. Instead, western alienation should be viewed through the framework of political alienation. This view takes into account the fact that similar levels of alienation exist in other provinces of Canada’s political periphery and that alienation is inconsistent across the West. This is consistent as Westerners’ feeling that they are ignored as part of Canada’s political periphery and that alienation is not ubiquitous across the

West. Also, Western Canadians’ high levels of dissatisfaction with their ability to provide input in the political process, government responsiveness, and their representatives indicates feelings of low political efficacy. This argument is bolstered by the fact that the rise of western populism and the Reform party can be attributed to its features of populism, not neoconservatism. Finally, 12 reducing the West’s political alienation is challenging as solutions presented to date, namely

Senate reform, address regional alienation, not political alienation, rendering them ineffective.

Thus it is critical that politicians rethink the causes of alienation with respect to political alienation and consider alternative measures, like the role party discipline plays, in addressing western alienation.

Word Count: 2572 13

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