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The Political Culture of Canada
CHAPTER 2 The Political Culture of Canada LEARNING OBJECTIVES By the end of this chapter you should be able to • Define the terms political culture, ideology, and cleavages. • Describe the main principles of each of the major ideologies in Canada. • Describe the ideological orientation of the main political parties in Canada. • Describe the major cleavages in Canadian politics. Introduction Canadian politics, like politics in other societies, is a public conflict over different conceptions of the good life. Canadians agree on some important matters (e.g., Canadians are overwhelmingly committed to the rule of law, democracy, equality, individual rights, and respect for minorities) and disagree on others. That Canadians share certain values represents a substantial consensus about how the political system should work. While Canadians generally agree on the rules of the game, they dis- agree—sometimes very strongly—on what laws and policies the government should adopt. Should governments spend more or less? Should taxes be lower or higher? Should governments build more prisons or more hospitals? Should we build more pipelines or fight climate change? Fortunately for students of politics, different conceptions of the good life are not random. The different views on what laws and policies are appropriate to realize the ideologies Specific bundles of good life coalesce into a few distinct groupings of ideas known as ideologies. These ideas about politics and the good ideologies have names that are familiar to you, such as liberalism, conservatism, and life, such as liberalism, conserva- (democratic) socialism, which are the principal ideologies in Canadian politics. More tism, and socialism. Ideologies radical ideologies, such as Marxism, communism, and fascism, are at best only mar- help people explain political ginally present in Canada. -
Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
National Urban Policy: a Roadmap for Canadian Cities
IMFG No. 14 / 2016 perspectives National Urban Policy: A Roadmap for Canadian Cities Abigail Friendly About IMFG The Institute on Municipal Finance and Governance (IMFG) is an academic research hub and non-partisan think tank based in the Munk School of Global Affairs at the University of Toronto. IMFG focuses on the fiscal health and governance challenges facing large cities and city-regions. Its objective is to spark and inform public debate, and to engage the academic and policy communities around important issues of municipal finance and governance. The Institute conducts original research on issues facing cities in Canada and around the world; promotes high-level discussion among Canada’s government, academic, corporate and community leaders through conferences and roundtables; and supports graduate and post-graduate students to build Canada’s cadre of municipal finance and governance experts. It is the only institute in Canada that focuses solely on municipal finance issues in large cities and city-regions. IMFG is funded by the Province of Ontario, the City of Toronto, Avana Capital Corporation, and TD Bank Group. Author Abigail Friendly is the 2015–2016 Postdoctoral Fellow at IMFG. She received her PhD in planning from the Department of Geography and Planning at the University of Toronto. Her research at IMFG focuses on comparing land value capture in São Paulo, Brazil and Toronto, Canada. Acknowledgements The author would like to acknowledge Richard Stren and Selena Zhang for their thoughtful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Special thanks go to Enid Slack for her input and guidance throughout the publication process and to Duncan Maclennan for his comments on the final stage of this paper. -
Alternative North Americas: What Canada and The
ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS What Canada and the United States Can Learn from Each Other David T. Jones ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20004 Copyright © 2014 by David T. Jones All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned, or distributed in any printed or electronic form without permission. Please do not participate in or encourage piracy of copyrighted materials in violation of author’s rights. Published online. ISBN: 978-1-938027-36-9 DEDICATION Once more for Teresa The be and end of it all A Journey of Ten Thousand Years Begins with a Single Day (Forever Tandem) TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 Borders—Open Borders and Closing Threats .......................................... 12 Chapter 2 Unsettled Boundaries—That Not Yet Settled Border ................................ 24 Chapter 3 Arctic Sovereignty—Arctic Antics ............................................................. 45 Chapter 4 Immigrants and Refugees .........................................................................54 Chapter 5 Crime and (Lack of) Punishment .............................................................. 78 Chapter 6 Human Rights and Wrongs .................................................................... 102 Chapter 7 Language and Discord .......................................................................... -
Allan Blakeney: Deftly Navigating Thunderstorms
ALLAN BLAKENEY: DEFTLY NAVIGATING THUNDERSTORMS Brian Topp Saskatchewan Premier Allan Blakeney was one of Canada’s greatest premiers, and there is much for us to learn from his approach to issues ranging from managing a resource dependent economy and the Charter, to how to run a fiscally responsible, economically literate and socially progressive social democratic government. Premier ministre de la Saskatchewan, Allan Blakeney a été l’un des meilleurs chefs provinciaux du pays et aurait beaucoup à nous apprendre aujourd’hui sur la gestion d’une économie tributaire des ressources naturelles, sur la Charte des droits et libertés tout comme le fonctionnement d’un gouvernement social-démocrate qui est à la fois financièrement responsable, économiquement compétent et socialement progressiste. first met Allan Blakeney, one of Canada’s greatest pre- CEOs; constitutional issues; national unity; trade issues. It is miers, during a high-risk aeronautics experiment. not the easy problems that make it onto a premier’s desk. It I Specifically, in the 1990s the Government of is the toughest problems — and it was the very toughest Saskatchewan wanted to see what would happen when a ones that Romanow discussed with Blakeney. couple of Cessna airplanes purchased in the 1960s contin- ued to be flown as the government’s “executive air” fleet to lakeney approached each issue like a fascinating little ferry ministers and officials around the sprawling province. B chess puzzle. What if we did this? What if we did that? Would the planes stay in the air? Or would one of them Did you think of this? What would it mean if that were so? finally break up after decades of loyal service, tumbling with All with a cheerful, wry humour and the slightest undertone some of the province’s most senior people into a wheat field of skepticism about the high principles invoked by princi- 10,000 feet below? The planes spent more time being serv- pals making their cases, usually at high decibels, before the iced than they did flying — they were the last planes of their premier. -
Canada's Third National Policy: A
+(,121/,1( Citation: 59 U. Toronto L.J. 469 2009 Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline (http://heinonline.org) Mon Dec 23 00:22:02 2013 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: https://www.copyright.com/ccc/basicSearch.do? &operation=go&searchType=0 &lastSearch=simple&all=on&titleOrStdNo=1710-1174 Roderick CANADA'S THIRD NATIONAL POLICY: A. Macdonald* & THE EPIPHENOMENAL OR THE Robert Wolfe** REAL CONSTITUTION?t The idea of the NationalPolicy as both a collective endeavour and a framework for detailed policy analysis is more constitutive of the Canadianstate and its governing instruments than is any of its renamed Constitution Acts. Nationalpolicies orig- inate in the actions and demands of citizens and are often framed by cultural and economic elites before being appropriated by politicians. This essay begins with a descriptive genealogy of Canada's three National Policies (NP1, from the 1840s through the 1930s; NP2, from the 1930s through the 1970s; and NP3, from 1980 onward). In subsequent sections, the essay elaborates the principles and components of Canada's contemporary National Policy, based on the notion of embedded citizen agency. It then explores a set of hypotheses about integrative action in the traditionalanalytic registersfor thinking about the National Policy: economic, communications, and social policy. Canada's third National Policy is an emerging fact reflected in a number of initiatives taken by both Liberal and Conservative governments over the past thirty years. -
The Harper Casebook
— 1 — biogra HOW TO BECOME STEPHEN HARPER A step-by-step guide National Citizens Coalition • Quits Parliament in 1997 to become a vice- STEPHEN JOSEPH HARPER is the current president, then president, of the NCC. and 22nd Prime Minister of Canada. He has • Co-author, with Tom Flanagan, of “Our Benign been the Member of Parliament (MP) for the Dictatorship,” an opinion piece that calls for an Alberta riding of Calgary Southwest since alliance of Canada’s conservative parties, and 2002. includes praise for Conrad Black’s purchase of the Southam newspaper chain, as a needed counter • First minority government in 2006 to the “monophonically liberal and feminist” • Second minority government in 2008 approach of the previous management. • First majority government in May 2011 • Leads NCC in a legal battle to permit third-party advertising in elections. • Says “Canada is a Northern European welfare Early life and education state in the worst sense of the term, and very • Born and raised in Toronto, father an accountant proud of it,” in a 1997 speech on Canadian at Imperial Oil. identity to the Council for National Policy, a • Has a master’s degree in economics from the conservative American think-tank. University of Calgary. Canadian Alliance Political beginnings • Campaigns for leadership of Canadian Alliance: • Starts out as a Liberal, switches to Progressive argues for “parental rights” to use corporal Conservative, then to Reform. punishment against their children; describes • Runs, and loses, as Reform candidate in 1988 his potential support base as “similar to what federal election. George Bush tapped.” • Resigns as Reform policy chief in 1992; but runs, • Becomes Alliance leader: wins by-election in and wins, for Reform in 1993 federal election— Calgary Southwest; becomes Leader of the thanks to a $50,000 donation from the ultra Opposition in the House of Commons in May conservative National Citizens Coalition (NCC). -
New Horizons Preface
TEN CENTS NEW HORIZONS PREFACE This 1>amphlet is ba~:>ed on the speech made by Pro fessor F. R. Scott to the 11th CCF National Conventicm, in Vancouver, JuZ.y, 1950, when he relinquished the position of National Chairm-an after foU'r successive terms. F. R. Scott is professor of civil law at McGill Univer sity and a widely-recognized e.rpert on the Canadian con stitndion. He was prominent among those who O'rgamized the League fo1· Social Reconst?"'ztction in the early thirties, and collaborated in the LSR's writing and publication of "Social Planning for Canada" and "Democracy Needs Socialism." He attended the fi·rst CCF National Conve.ntian in Regina, in 1933, and helped to draft the Regina Mani festo. In 1942, together with David Lewis, he wrote "Make This Your Ca?WAla," until then the most comp'rehensive statement of CCF history and policies. Professo?· Scott is at present a member of the CCF National Council and Executive. NEW HORIZONS FOR SOCIALISM GfT Regina, in 19JJ, the GCF Party held its first national convention, and drew up the basic statement of its philosophy and program which has been known ever since as the Regina Manifesto. Probably no other document in Canadian political history has made so deep an impression on the mind of its generation, M secured so sure a place in our public annals. Certainly within the CCF itself the Regina Manifesto holds an especially honoured position. In the depth of its analysis of capitalism, the vig.aur of its denunciation of the injustices of Canadian society, Page one and the clarity with which it distinguished democratic socialism from the liberal economic theories of the old-line parties, it pro vided for every party member a chart and compass by which to steer through the stormy seas of political controversy. -
Estrategias Electorales De La Izquierda Canadiense En Un Sistema Que Favorece Al Bipartidismo Santín Peña, Oliver
www.ssoar.info Estrategias electorales de la izquierda canadiense en un sistema que favorece al bipartidismo Santín Peña, Oliver Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Santín Peña, O. (2017). Estrategias electorales de la izquierda canadiense en un sistema que favorece al bipartidismo. Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, 62(231), 77-105. https://doi.org/10.1016/ S0185-1918(17)30039-9 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-58623-1 Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales⎥ Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Nueva Época, Año LXII, núm. 231 ⎥ septiembre-diciembre de 2017 ⎥ pp. 77-106⎥ ISSN-2448-492X Estrategias electorales de la izquierda canadiense en un sistema que favorece al bipartidismo Electoral Strategies of the Canadian Left in A Predominantly Two-Party System Oliver Santín Peña∗ Recibido: 11 de mayo de 2016 Aceptado: 2 de mayo de 2017 RESUMEN ABSTRACT Este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar el This paper aims to analyze the origin, develop- origen, desarrollo y estrategias de la izquier- ment and strategies of the Canadian party-based da partidista canadiense y su evolución como left and its evolution as a political group to com- grupo político para contender en elecciones fe- pete in federal elections. -
New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan Election Review Panel Report
Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Osgoode Digital Commons Commissioned Reports, Studies and Public Policy Documents Faculty Scholarship 4-2021 Saskatchewan 2024: Making Change Happen - New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan Election Review Panel Report Gerry Scott Judy Bradley Modeste McKenzie Craig M. Scott Brian Topp Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/reports Part of the Election Law Commons Repository Citation Scott, Gerry; Bradley, Judy; McKenzie, Modeste; Scott, Craig M.; and Topp, Brian, "Saskatchewan 2024: Making Change Happen - New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan Election Review Panel Report" (New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan, 2021). Commissioned Reports, Studies and Public Policy Documents. Paper 217. https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/reports/217 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Commissioned Reports, Studies and Public Policy Documents by an authorized administrator of Osgoode Digital Commons. Saskatchewan 2024: Making Change Happen New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan Election Review Panel Report April 2021 This page has been intentionally left blank. Index Introduction and Executive Summary ........................................................................page 3 Part 1: Our Results 1. Eligible voter turnout in Saskatchewan has declined .............................................page 8 2. The NDP is struggling to rebuild its caucus ...........................................................page 9 3. A regional breakdown tells a more complex story ...............................................page 10 4. Conservatives enjoy a massive fundraising advantage.........................................page 11 5. Party membership has steadily declined since its peak in 1991 ...........................page 12 Part 2: Why These Results? Political issues: 1. The so-called “Saskatchewan Party” proved to be a loyal pupil of the NDP .......page 14 2. -
WHAT the WEST WANTS Lorne Gunter
WHAT THE WEST WANTS Lorne Gunter Assignment: Explain western alienation through the filter of the special CBC Radio forum on the subject held February 7, 2001. ho dreamt up this topic? [Editor’s note: The ence is whether citizens should be remodelled from Ottawa editor did!] or Quebec City, whereas with western alienation, the debate W It would be easier to explain Boyle’s law of is over whether citizens should be remodelled at all. thermodynamics through the filter of Saturday morning television programming, or bond-based derivatives through estern alienation is a geographic phenomenon the filter the World Curling Federation. W largely by coincidence. At its root, it is more an It’s not that our state broadcaster hasn’t expended a ideological issue. good deal of time and money struggling to understand the If it were a purely regional development, it would be rel- disaffection of western Canadians. Indeed, it has devoted atively easy to solve. Even up the balance sheet. Start pour- countless hours to the subject. It’s just that after all that ing into western Canada an amount of federal spending soul-searching, its only solution is to no longer do docu- roughly commensurate with the region’s fiscal contribution mentaries only about disabled native lesbians from Toronto. to Confederation (minus a healthy contribution to assist Now it makes sure to do a proportionate number about dis- deeply needy provinces), and—voila! (see, we westerners abled native lesbians in Regina and Kamloops, too. aren’t anti-French)—the West would be content. Even the Liberal Party of Canada has made attempts to But—and I pause here, because this seems to be the comprehend. -
Saskatchewan Elections: a History December 13Th, 1905 the Liberal Party Formed Saskatchewan’S First Elected Government
SaSkatcheWan EleCtIonS: A History DecemBer 13th, 1905 The Liberal Party formed Saskatchewan’s first elected government. The Liberals were led by Walter Scott, an MP representing the area of Saskatchewan in Wilfred Laurier’s federal government. Frederick Haultain, the former premier of the Northwest Territories, led the Provincial Rights Party. Haultain was linked to the Conservative Party and had advocated for Alberta and Saskatchewan to be one province named Buffalo. He begrudged Laurier for creating two provinces, and fought Saskatchewan’s first election by opposing federal interference in provincial areas of jurisdiction. RESultS: Party Leader Candidates elected Popular vote Liberal Walter Scott 25 16 52.25% Provincial Rights Frederick Haultain 24 9 47.47% Independent 1 - 0.28% Total Seats 25 AuguST 14th, 1908 The number of MLAs expanded to 41, reflecting the rapidly growing population. The Liberals ran 40 candidates in 41 constituencies: William Turgeon ran in both Prince Albert City and Duck Lake. He won Duck Lake but lost Prince Albert. At the time it was common for candidates to run in multiple constituencies to help ensure their election. If the candidate won in two or more constituencies, they would resign from all but one. By-elections would then be held to find representatives for the vacated constituencies. This practice is no longer allowed. RESultS: Party Leader Candidates elected Popular vote Liberal Walter Scott 41 27 50.79% Provincial Rights Frederick Haultain 40 14 47.88% Independent-Liberal 1 - 0.67% Independent 2 - 0.66% Total Seats 41 July 11th, 1912 The Provincial Rights Party morphed into the Conservative Party of Saskatchewan, and continued to campaign for expanding provincial jurisdiction.