Elísio Estanque, Hermes Augusto Costa and José Soeiro the New Global Cycle of Protest and the Portuguese Case

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Elísio Estanque, Hermes Augusto Costa and José Soeiro the New Global Cycle of Protest and the Portuguese Case Journal of Social Science Education © JSSE 2013 Volume 12, Number 1 ISSN 1 61 8-5293 Elísio Estanque, Hermes Augusto Costa and José Soeiro The New Global Cycle of Protest and the Portuguese Case This paper focuses on the recent cycle of collective action across countries and continents over the past few years. It seems to be evident that in the outset of 2011 began a new wave of global protests made of contagion and communication that spread in different contexts. Our argument is that, unlike other cycles marked by post-materialistic values, changes in labour and material issues have gained a new centrality. The labour and social basis of these mobilizations is particularly evident, though not exclusive, linking up with disaffection towards political institutions and a crisis of legitimacy of elites in power. We will take the example of the demonstration of 12th March in Portugal as an expression of some of the features in this emerging type of mobilization, where youth plays a leading role. It is from the empirical information concerning this public protest that we will build our analysis, identifying in the Portuguese reality parallels with the international context but also national peculiarities, dynamics of continuity and rupture in relation to the historical past. Keywords Cycle of protest, labour, social movements, youth, Portugal 1 Introduction hundreds of young people who suffered the same kind of humiliation, concentrated in protest around Since the beginning of 2011, the world has the same building. Mohamed Bouazizi's cousin made witnessed a new wave of rebellions and movements a video of these protests that became viral on the that have affected countries and cultures, including internet, and in the days that followed, several those where any idea of political transformation was spontaneous demonstrations flourished all over the unimaginable. The so-called “Arab Spring” astoni- country. From a catalyst event, a revolutionary mobi- shed the Western world by unleashing a wave of lization process took place. How can we ex-plain it, movements that were forged at the heart of if it seemed that a few months before it would be so repressive regimes. The unleashed force of these improbable? movements, in many cases gave substance to In a recent book on "social movements in the political revolutions whose outcomes are still Internet age," the sociologist Manuel Castells tries to unknown but where the desire for liberty and de- identify the causes that explain the emergence of mocracy are crucial (Gelvin 2012). the revolt in Tunisia, suggesting three fundamental The Arab Spring had a huge coverage in Western elements: (1) the existence of an unemployed countries, apparently catching everyone by surprise. graduate youth, able to lead the revolt bypassing the More so given the fact that the wave of indignation traditional power and representation structures, (2) a was, primarily, to bring down the tyrannical and very strong cyberactivism culture, which helped to corrupt governments which had been comfortably in create a critical public space against the dictator- power for decades. ship, with autonomy regarding state repre-ssion, and On the 17th of December a young Tunisian (3) a high rate of diffusion of Internet use, either in vendor immolated himself with fire outside a household connections, cybercafes or educational government building. A few hours after this event, spaces which, combined with the existence of juvenile sectors with high qualifications and no job, made youth a central actor of the revolution (Castells Elísio Estanque, Assistant Professor at the 2012, 28 - 29). University of Coimbra, Faculty of Economics (FEUC). In the Tunisian case, the first of the Arab Spring Studied Sociology at ISCTE - Lisbon University, was revolutions, it is not difficult to accept the idea that an activist during the revolutionary period (1974- the existence of an "Internet culture" made up of 1975) and involved with several social movements blogs, social networks and cyber activism, was and trade union activities. Since 1985 he worked crucial in the ability to overthrow a dictatorship that with the social sciences team at the FEUC. email: seemed immutable. Not because this mobilization [email protected] process has developed only in the virtual space of Hermes Augusto Costa iis Assistant Professor at the networks, but precisely because, following the FEUC. Since 1993 he is also research fellow at the Castells’s argument: "the connection between free Centre for Social Studies (CES). Since 2011 he communication on Facebook, Youtube and Twitter belongs to the Research Group on “Social Policies, and occupation of urban space created a hybrid Labor and Inequalities”. His main research areas are public space that became a major feature of Tunisian the processes of globalisation and regionalisation of rebellion, foreshadowing the movements to come in trade unionism, the European Works Councils and other countries" (Castells 2012, 23). Mobile phones labour relations. email: [email protected] and social networks played a key role in diss- José Soeiro is a PhD student in Sociology, at the eminating images and messages that were important FEUC and CES. He has done his degree in Sociology for mobilization. But the rebellion explodes when it at University of Porto. Right now he develops his goes from cyberspace to physical space, making research around youth, work and collective action. those tools a means of expression and commu- email: [email protected] nication of the revolt against unemployment, 31 Journal of Social Science Education © JSSE 2013 Volume 12, Number 1 ISSN 1 61 8-5293 deprivation, inequality, poverty, police brutality, identified five key elements to explain his concept: authoritarianism, censorship and corruption. In the an intensification of the conflict, its geographic Arab world, a new era of revolutionary turmoil and spread, the triggering of inorganic actions but also upheaval took place and democratic aspiration has the emergence of new organizations, new symbols, led thousands of people to take their fate into their ideologies and interpretations of the world, own hands (Khosrokhavar 2012). extending, in each cycle of protest, the available In very different ways, the combination of the repertoire of action. In our understanding, we are degradation of the material life conditions for a experiencing such a process. In either case - from significant part of the population, coupled with the Tunisia to Egypt, from Greece to the United States, legitimacy crisis of political institutions responsible passing through Portugal or Spain - the collective for the management of collective life, serves as the action intensified, spread, new forms of action and backdrop for this new wave of global protest that new organizations emerged, with common refe- had its origin in the Arab countries. Their beginning rences at a global level and dynamics of solidarity was symbolically associated with the self-immolation that occur on the scale of the nation state, but of a young Tunisian in December 2010. But, since remain connected internationally in real time by the then, the protest has spread to different countries Internet space. In either example, collective action around the globe. The Tunisian experience, like the does not arise spontaneously from the exacerbation experience of Iceland and its wikiconstitution1, were of people’s difficulties and worsening living inspiring for mobilizations that followed, also conditions, but needed an emotional mobilization because they could have as an outcome a concrete that could transform anguish into anger and revolt institutional change in governmental power, a into enthusiasm. An interesting hypothesis is that transformation that changed the state. These were this element was precisely boosted by a cycle effect, inspiring because they translated what was deemed that could generate a contagion effect. In Tunisia, in as impossible to the concrete possibility of change. the government square where protesters converged Our hypothesis in this article is that the set of in the early days of 2011, there were slogans not demonstrations that began in Tunisia, and before in only in Arabic but also in English and French, Iceland, that led to the Egyptian revolution, but also revealing a certain internationalist disposition of the the mobilizations in Portugal with the “Desperate protest, which seemed to be aware of the Generation”, in Spain with the Indignados, in Greece importance of having the international support. In with the movement of Squares and in the United the end of January, the first occupation of the Tahrir States with the Occupy movement, the students’ Square in the Egyptian capital, protesters were revolt of 2011 in Chile, among many others, are not shouting "Tunisia is the solution". In the United a separate phenomena, albeit some similar features. States, the first online call that would lead to the In fact, it seems to be something deeper. It is not Occupy movement, which dates from July 2011, just a sequence of events, but a wave of protest that urged the occupation of a square in downtown New should be analysed as a whole, in which different York, the heart of financial capitalism, asking "Are movements, that use the virtual space of infor- you ready for a Tahrir moment?". In European mation flows as a primary place of their struggle, mobilizations, the silenced "Icelandic revolution" binded together, contaminated each other and kept functioned as an example of citizen resistance to the on communication. attack on the financial sector: "Less Ireland, more This paper is the result of an on-going research Iceland" could be read on banners and posters on the process of precarization of work and the new during the mobilizations in Portugal. In mid- modalities of collective action that are emerging, February 2012, concentrations whose motive was focusing on the case of Portugal. It is metho- "We are all Greeks" took place in more than a dozen dologically supported in (i) the systematization of countries.
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