Apostles of Commerce: the Fur Trade in the Colonial Northwest and the Formation of a Hemispheric Religious Economy, 1807-1859 Jonathan W

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Apostles of Commerce: the Fur Trade in the Colonial Northwest and the Formation of a Hemispheric Religious Economy, 1807-1859 Jonathan W Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2014 Apostles of Commerce: The Fur Trade in the Colonial Northwest and the Formation of a Hemispheric Religious Economy, 1807-1859 Jonathan W. Olson Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES APOSTLES OF COMMERCE: THE FUR TRADE IN THE COLONIAL NORTHWEST AND THE FORMATION OF A HEMISPHERIC RELIGIOUS ECONOMY, 1807-1859 By JONATHAN W. OLSON A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Religion in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Summer Semester, 2014 Jonathan Olson defended this dissertation on May 28, 2014. The members of the supervisory committee were: John Corrigan Professor Directing Dissertation Andrew Frank University Representative Amanda Porterfield Committee Member Michael McVicar Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii Always for Courtney iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the members of my committee, Amanda Porterfield, Andrew Frank, Michael McVicar, and especially John Corrigan, for taking time out of their busy schedules to read over drafts and provide helpful feedback. I am also in the debt of numerous archivists, namely those at the Bancroft Library, University of Washington Library, the Hudson's Bay Company Archives, and the Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Library. Lastly, I would like to thank my family and friends for their endless encouragement and, most of all, my wife Courtney, who graciously endured many long and lonely evenings. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... vi 1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................1 2. FUR TRADE IMPORTS, INDIGENOUS SPIRITUALITY, AND THE CONFLATION OF ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE: THE CASE OF KAUXUMA-NUPIKA ..................................25 3. KAPU AND COMMERCE: HAWAIIANS IN THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE AND THE MATERIALIZATION OF A PACIFIC WORLD RELIGIOUS EXCHANGE ............................84 4. REVENUE, REGULATION, AND RELIGION: THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY ON THE PACIFIC SLOPE ................................................................................................................166 5. HARVESTS AND HANDOUTS: AMERICAN PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES AND THE SCOPE OF THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE .........................................................................237 6. BAPTISMS, BENEFACTORS, AND BRIGADES: THE CATHOLIC MISSION ECONOMY AND THE FUR TRADE IN COLONIAL OREGON .................................................................300 7. EPILOGUE ..............................................................................................................................355 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................360 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................375 v ABSTRACT The ethnic and national mélange that characterized the Pacific Northwest in the first half of the nineteenth century (Native Americans, Metis, Hawaiians, British, Americans, and French- Canadians all called it home) facilitated a wide range of local and trans-regional religious exchanges largely visible within the networks, resources, and methods of the area's foremost economy: the fur trade. I argue that this trans-continental commercialism, sustained in part by the trafficking of furs in the colonial Northwest, integrated into its system of operations a hemispheric religious economy, whereby fur trade and religious transactions manifested as conflated economic performances within the larger scope of imperial expansion. I explore a variety of religious encounters from the early stages of the trade to its collapse in the mid- century. After establishing a historiographical and interpretative framework in chapter one, I highlight, in chapter two, the interplay between indigenous prophecy and fur trade imports from eastern North America and Europe, which included not only durable goods, but also theologies and moralities. In chapter three, I underscore the role played by Hawaiian employees of fur trading companies in shaping a religious economy which linked the Northwest to a wider Pacific World exchange. In chapter four, I dissect the region's leading trade organization, the London- based Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), and their exploitation of religion as a means of preserving a monopolizing control over all commercial activity in the area. Lastly, in chapters five and six, I scrutinize the Protestant and Catholic mission economies, and their comparable yet contrasting forms of dependence on the capital of fur trading giants such as the HBC. In the end, I suggest that the diffusion of religion into the "secular" - into the "commercial" and "ecological" - during the early nineteenth century set a precedent for the contemporary Northwest as the "None Zone." vi CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION They called him Tsalakum. As the headman of a village on Whidbey Island - a twelve mile stretch of land that forms the northern barrier of what is now Puget Sound - he served as the primary liaison between his community and the Euro-American traders who began arriving in the early part of the nineteenth century. He was responsible for the welfare of his kin and conducted his negotiations with a shrewdness that became legendary within the ranks of trading organizations such as Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). In the early 1840s, he encountered a new type of trader on the Island. Although their skin was light, they wore long black garments instead of leather pantaloons and seemed to care very little about animal furs. They also distributed a different set of commodities. Instead of offering blankets, guns, and ammunition, these Black Robes (as they were called) offered greater spirit power in the form of water purification, which was said to ward off disease and improve one’s fortunes in the arenas of gambling and warfare. These newcomers also gave gifts of significant value. Tsalakum himself "received a wooden strip [also known as the Sahale Stick] on which were marks to designate," according to one writer, "the centuries after the creation of the world and some of the principal events of sacred [biblical] history."1 This stick was nothing the headman or any of his people had ever seen before and he accepted it with great pleasure. The following year, one of these Black Robes (a priest named Francis Norbert Blanchet) was busy conducting a mission at the HBC trading post on the southern end of the Sound (Fort Nisqually) when a visitor arrived with an urgent message. It was the wife of Tsalakum, who 1 F. N. Blanchet to the Bishop of Quebec, St. Paul of Walamette, 23 February 1841, in Notices and Voyages of the famed Quebec Mission to the Pacific Northwest, trans. Carl Landerholm (Portland, OR: Champoeg Press, 1956), 62. 1 beseeched the priest to return home with her, as the chief and others were ill and in need of intervention. To prove their identity and sincerity, she presented Blanchet with the same Sahale Stick her husband received months prior, except in this instance it had been "carefully enclosed in the skin of a sea-lion."2 The packaging of Tsalakum’s Stick offers an apt metaphor for the broader relationship between religion and commerce in the colonial Northwest. The ethnic and national mélange that characterized the region during this era (Native Americans, Metis, Hawaiians, British, Americans, and French-Canadians all called it home) enabled a wide range of local and trans- regional religious exchanges largely visible within the networks, resources, and practices of the area's foremost economy: the fur trade. This trans-continental commercialism, sustained in large part by the hunting and trafficking of animal pelts, integrated into its system of operations a hemispheric religious economy, in which fur trade and religious transactions manifested as conflated economic performances within the larger scope of imperial expansion. Much like Tsalakum’s Stick, religious actors found themselves enveloped in what is best described as an "ecology of exchange," cultivated from decades of fur trade encounters, and one that would prove vital to the transference of their own sets commodities across ethnic and regional lines. In the words of one local trader, "commerce [was], in truth,…hand maid to religion."3 2 Philip M. Hanley, History of the Catholic Ladder, ed. Edward J. Kowrach (Fairfield, WA: Ye Galleon Press, 1993), 22. 3 Archibald McDonald and Malcolm McLeod, Peace River: A Canoe Voyage from Hudson's Bay to the Pacific, by the Late Sir George Simpson in 1828 (Ottawa: J. Durie & Son, 1872), 64. 2 Religion and Trans-Regionalism in the Pacific Northwest This study centers on an area known commonly as the Pacific Northwest. As with any regional identification, it can be as restrictive or expansive as one imagines it to be. It could simply include the modern states of Oregon and Washington or it could stretch as far north as the Arctic Circle. I am most interested in the commercial and religious activity
Recommended publications
  • Francophone Historical Context Framework PDF
    Francophone Historic Places Historical Context Thematic Framework Canot du nord on the Fraser River. (www.dchp.ca); Fort Victoria c.1860. (City of Victoria); Fort St. James National Historic Site. (pc.gc.ca); Troupe de danse traditionnelle Les Cornouillers. (www. ffcb.ca) September 2019 Francophone Historic Places Historical Context Thematic Framework Francophone Historic Places Historical Context Thematic Framework Table of Contents Historical Context Thematic Framework . 3 Theme 1: Early Francophone Presence in British Columbia 7 Theme 2: Francophone Communities in B.C. 14 Theme 3: Contributing to B.C.’s Economy . 21 Theme 4: Francophones and Governance in B.C. 29 Theme 5: Francophone History, Language and Community 36 Theme 6: Embracing Francophone Culture . 43 In Closing . 49 Sources . 50 2 Francophone Historic Places Historical Context Thematic Framework - cb.com) - Simon Fraser et ses Voya ses et Fraser Simon (tourisme geurs. Historical contexts: Francophone Historic Places • Identify and explain the major themes, factors and processes Historical Context Thematic Framework that have influenced the history of an area, community or Introduction culture British Columbia is home to the fourth largest Francophone community • Provide a framework to in Canada, with approximately 70,000 Francophones with French as investigate and identify historic their first language. This includes places of origin such as France, places Québec, many African countries, Belgium, Switzerland, and many others, along with 300,000 Francophiles for whom French is not their 1 first language. The Francophone community of B.C. is culturally diverse and is more or less evenly spread across the province. Both Francophone and French immersion school programs are extremely popular, yet another indicator of the vitality of the language and culture on the Canadian 2 West Coast.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Look at the Himalayan Fur Trade
    ORYX VOL 27 NO 4 OCTOBER 1993 A new look at the Himalayan fur trade Joel T. Heinen and Blair Leisure In late December 1991 and January 1992 the authors surveyed tourist shops sell- ing fur and other animal products in Kathmandu, Nepal. Comparing the results with a study conducted 3 years earlier showed that the number of shops had in- creased, but indirect evidence suggested that the demand for their products may have decreased. There was still substantial trade in furs, most of which appeared to have come from India, including furs from species that are protected in India and Nepal. While both Nepali and Indian conservation legislation are adequate to con- trol the illegal wildlife trade, there are problems in implementation: co-ordination between the two countries, as well as greater law enforcement within each country, are needed. Introduction Enforcement of conservation legislation Since the 1970s Nepal and India have been In spite of measurable successes with regard considered to be among the most progressive to wildlife conservation, there are several ob- of developing nations with regard to legis- stacles to effective law enforcement in both lation and implementation of wildlife conser- countries. In Nepal the Department of vation programmes. The Wildlife (Protection) National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act of India was passed in 1972 (Saharia and (DNPWC), which is the designated manage- Pillai, 1982; Majupuria 1990a), and Nepal's ment authority of CITES (Fitzgerald, 1989; National Park and Wildlife Conservation Act Favre, 1991), is administratively separate from was passed in 1973 (HMG, 1977). Both have the Department of Forestry, but both depart- schedules of fully protected species, including ments are within the Ministry of Forests and many large mammalian carnivores and other the Environment.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fur Trade of the Western Great Lakes Region
    THE FUR TRADE OF THE WESTERN GREAT LAKES REGION IN 1685 THE BARON DE LAHONTAN wrote that ^^ Canada subsists only upon the Trade of Skins or Furrs, three fourths of which come from the People that live round the great Lakes." ^ Long before tbe little French colony on tbe St. Lawrence outgrew Its swaddling clothes the savage tribes­ men came in their canoes, bringing with them the wealth of the western forests. In the Ohio Valley the British fur trade rested upon the efficacy of the pack horse; by the use of canoes on the lakes and river systems of the West, the red men delivered to New France furs from a country unknown to the French. At first the furs were brought to Quebec; then Montreal was founded, and each summer a great fair was held there by order of the king over the water. Great flotillas of western Indians arrived to trade with the Europeans. A similar fair was held at Three Rivers for the northern Algonquian tribes. The inhabitants of Canada constantly were forming new settlements on the river above Montreal, says Parkman, ... in order to intercept the Indians on their way down, drench them with brandy, and get their furs from them at low rates in ad­ vance of the fair. Such settlements were forbidden, but not pre­ vented. The audacious " squatter" defied edict and ordinance and the fury of drunken savages, and boldly planted himself in the path of the descending trade. Nor is this a matter of surprise; for he was usually the secret agent of some high colonial officer.^ Upon arrival in Montreal, all furs were sold to the com­ pany or group of men holding the monopoly of the fur trade from the king of France.
    [Show full text]
  • Syllable Structure in Umatilla Sahaptin* Tymoteusz Alan Chrzanowski
    Syllable Structure in Umatilla Sahaptin* Tymoteusz Alan Chrzanowski A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Linguistics Swarthmore College December 2018 Abstract Umatilla Sahaptin is a Shaptian language spoken in North-Eastern Oregon by the Umatilla tribe. While it has some documentation, such as a dictionary and sketch grammar, there are still acknowledged gaps in the literature. The purpose of this thesis is to fill one of those gaps with a description of syllable structure. To do this I compare data gathered from speakers of Umatilla with published accounts of sylla­ ble structure in the mutually intelligible sister language Yakima. After establishing what is meant by syllable structure and what is known about Yakima, I discuss the data I gathered. Using word list and sentence elicitations, stories, poems, and songs I conclude that Umatilla syllable structure is very similar to Yakima's, with some differences, namely in maximal margins, minimal words, and licensing of sonority sequence defying clusters. 'I would like to thank my consultants, Thomas Morningowl and Mildred Quaemptes, since it was their time and knowledge that made this work possible at all. I would also like to thank the Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla, for the privilege of working with the tribe, specifically the Language Program, the Education Commission, and the Board of Trustees. In particular I would like to thank Modesta Minthorn, for her help and guidance through the process of securing per­ mission for my work and scheduling time to do it. I would also like to thank the Eugene M.
    [Show full text]
  • Fur Trade & Beaver Ecology
    Oregon’s First Resource Industry: The Fur Trade & Beaver Ecology in the Beaver State Grades: Versions for 4-HS Subjects: American History, Oregon History, Economics, Social Studies Suggested Time Allotment: 1-2 Class Periods Background: The first of Oregon’s natural resources to be recognized and extracted by Euro-Americans was fur. In the early decades of the nineteenth century, furs were highly valuable commodities of international trade. Early explorers of the northwest, such as Robert Gray and Lewis and Clark, reported that the region’s many waterways supported an abundant population of sea otter and beaver. When people back east heard about this, they knew that there was the potential of great profits to be made. So, the first permanent Euro-American settlements in Oregon were trading outposts established by large and powerful fur trading companies that were based in London and New York. Initially the traders in Oregon obtained their furs by bartering with Native Americans. As the enormous value of the northwest’s fur resources quickly became apparent to them, corporations such as Hudson’s Bay Company and Pacific Fur Company decided to start employing their own workforce, and professional trappers were brought in from Canada, the American states, and islands of the South Seas. The increasing number of trappers and competition between English and American companies quickly began to deplete the populations of the fur-bearing animals. In fact, by 1824 the Hudson’s Bay Company was pursuing a strategy of intentionally ‘trapping out’ and eliminating beaver from entire sections of the Oregon interior in order to keep rival businesses from moving into those areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Etienne Lucier
    Etienne Lucier Readers should feel free to use information from the website, however credit must be given to this site and to the author of the individual articles. By Ella Strom Etienne Lucier was born in St. Edouard, District of Montreal, Canada, in 1793 and died on the French Prairie in Oregon, United States in 1853.1 This early pioneer to the Willamette Valley was one of the men who helped to form the early Oregon society and government. Etienne Lucier joined the Wilson Price Hunt overland contingent of John Jacob Astor’s Pacific Fur Company in 1810.2 3 After the Pacific Fur Company was dissolved during the War of 1812,4 he entered the service of the North West Company and, finally, ended up being a brigade leader for the Hudson’s Bay Company.5 For a short time in 1827, he lived on what would be come known as East Portland. He helped several noted pioneers establish themselves in the northern Willamette Valley by building three cabins in Oregon City for Dr. John McLoughlin and a home at Chemaway for Joseph Gervais.6 Also as early as 1827, Lucier may have had a temporary cabin on a land claim which was adjacent to the Willamette Fur Post in the Champoeg area. However, it is clear that by 1829 Lucier had a permanent cabin near Champoeg.7 F.X. Matthieu, a man who would be instrumental in determining Oregon’s future as an American colony, arrived on the Willamette in 1842, “ragged, barefoot, and hungry” and Lucier gave him shelter for two years.8 Matthieu and Lucier were key votes in favor of the organization of the provisional government under American rule in the May 1843 vote at Champoeg.
    [Show full text]
  • Orcadians (And Some Shetlanders) Who Worked West of the Rockies in the Fur Trade up to 1858 (Unedited Biographies in Progress)
    Orcadians (and some Shetlanders) who worked west of the Rockies in the fur trade up to 1858 (unedited biographies in progress) As compiled by: Bruce M. Watson 208-1948 Beach Avenue Vancouver, B. C. Canada, V6G 1Z2 As of: March, 1998 Information to be shared with Family History Society of Orkney. Corrections, additions, etc., to be returned to Bruce M. Watson. A complete set of biographies to remain in Orkney with Society. George Aitken [variation: Aiken ] (c.1815-?) [sett-Willamette] HBC employee, British: Orcadian Scot, b. c. August 20, 1815 in "Greenay", Birsay, Orkney, North Britain [U.K.] to Alexander (?-?) and Margaret [Johnston] Aiken (?-?), d. (date and place not traced), associated with: Fort Vancouver general charges (l84l-42) blacksmith Fort Stikine (l842-43) blacksmith steamer Beaver (l843-44) blacksmith Fort Vancouver (l844-45) blacksmith Fort Vancouver Depot (l845-49) blacksmith Columbia (l849-50) Columbia (l850-52) freeman Twenty one year old Orcadian blacksmith, George Aiken, signed on with the Hudson's Bay Company February 27, l836 and sailed to York Factory where he spent outfits 1837-40; he then moved to and worked at Norway House in 1840-41 before being assigned to the Columbia District in 1841. Aiken worked quietly and competently in the Columbia district mainly at coastal forts and on the steamer Beaver as a blacksmith until March 1, 1849 at which point he went to California, most certainly to participate in the Gold Rush. He appears to have returned to settle in the Willamette Valley and had an association with the HBC until 1852. Aiken's family life or subsequent activities have not been traced.
    [Show full text]
  • Lt. Aemilius Simpson's Survey from York Factory to Fort Vancouver, 1826
    The Journal of the Hakluyt Society August 2014 Lt. Aemilius Simpson’s Survey from York Factory to Fort Vancouver, 1826 Edited by William Barr1 and Larry Green CONTENTS PREFACE The journal 2 Editorial practices 3 INTRODUCTION The man, the project, its background and its implementation 4 JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE ACROSS THE CONTINENT OF NORTH AMERICA IN 1826 York Factory to Norway House 11 Norway House to Carlton House 19 Carlton House to Fort Edmonton 27 Fort Edmonton to Boat Encampment, Columbia River 42 Boat Encampment to Fort Vancouver 62 AFTERWORD Aemilius Simpson and the Northwest coast 1826–1831 81 APPENDIX I Biographical sketches 90 APPENDIX II Table of distances in statute miles from York Factory 100 BIBLIOGRAPHY 101 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Fig. 1. George Simpson, 1857 3 Fig. 2. York Factory 1853 4 Fig. 3. Artist’s impression of George Simpson, approaching a post in his personal North canoe 5 Fig. 4. Fort Vancouver ca.1854 78 LIST OF MAPS Map 1. York Factory to the Forks of the Saskatchewan River 7 Map 2. Carlton House to Boat Encampment 27 Map 3. Jasper to Fort Vancouver 65 1 Senior Research Associate, Arctic Institute of North America, University of Calgary, Calgary AB T2N 1N4 Canada. 2 PREFACE The Journal The journal presented here2 is transcribed from the original manuscript written in Aemilius Simpson’s hand. It is fifty folios in length in a bound volume of ninety folios, the final forty folios being blank. Each page measures 12.8 inches by seven inches and is lined with thirty- five faint, horizontal blue-grey lines.
    [Show full text]
  • A Settlement Model at the Robert Newel Farmstead (35MA41
    AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Mollie Manion for the Degree of Master of Arts in Applied Anthropology presented on March 14 2006 Title: A Settlement Model at the Robert Newell Farmstead (35MA41). French Prairie. Oregon Abstract approved: -- Signature redacted forprivacy. David R. Brauner This thesis is based on the excavations of the Robert Newell farmstead (35MA41), excavated in 2002 and 2003 by the Oregon State University Department of Anthropology archaeological field school. Robert Newell lived at this farm from 1843- 1854. Major architectural features, including a brick hearth and postholes were discovered at the site. This is the first early historic site excavated with such intact architectural features since the Willamette Mission site found in the 1980s. The data from the excavation also revealed artifacts dating from the 1830s through the mid 1850s. I have hypothesized an occupation prior to 1843, when Robert Newell moved onto the property. Based on this hypothesis, a settlement model has been proposed for the site based on the analysis of the archival and archaeological data. I specificallypropose that John Ball, Nathaniel Wyeth's farm workers and William Johnson occupied the site prior to Robert Newell's arrival in 1843. ©Copyright by Mollie Manion March 14, 2006 All Rights Reserved A Settlement Model at the Robert Newell Farmstead (35MA41), French Prairie, Oregon by Mollie Manion A THESIS submitted to Oregon State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Presented March 14, 2006 Commencement June 2006 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are so many people to thank on a project like this both personally and professionally First, I would like to thank my husband, Ross Manion.
    [Show full text]
  • The Discovery of Gold
    COPIES OR EXTRACTS pp CORRESPONDENCE RELATIVE TO THE DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN THE FRASER'S RIVER DISTRICT, IN BRITISH NOBTH AMERICA. WvmmUt! to ©otlj bourns of IPavlianmit tig command of fflev Mtisttv. July 2, 1858. LONDON: PRINTED BY GEORGE EDWARD EYRE AND WILLIAM SPOTTISWOODE, PRINTEKS TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE. 1858. [ 3 3 SCHEDULE. Number in From whom. Date and Number, SUBJECT, Series. Governor Douglas April 16, 1856 DISCOVERY OF GOLD on the Upper to the Right Hon. (No. 10.) Columbia. Reports. Tax on persons H. Labouchere. \ digging, impossible to levy without a military force The Right Hon. Aug. 4, 1856 ACKNOWLEDGES the preceding Des­ H. Labouchere to (No. 14.) patch. Digging Licences not practicable Governor Douglas. to raise Revenue by issue of. Leaves to his discretion the means of maintaining order Governor Douglas Oct. 29, 1856 PROGRESS OF THE DISCOVERIES. to the Right Hon. (No. 28.) Hostility of the Indians, and exclusion H. Labouchere. by them of Americans. The number of diggers small and the district quiet - 6 The Right Hon. Jan. 24, 1857 ACKNOWLEDGES receipt of the pre­ H. Labouchere to (No. 5.) ceding Despatch - 7 G o vernor Douglas. Governor Douglas July 15, 1857 THE THOMPSON'S RIVER GOLD- to the Right Hon. (No. 22.) FIELDS. White men prevented from H. Labouchere. digging by the Natives. Danger of Affrays in event of an influx of Adven^ turers from Oregon. Protection of the Natives ------ Governor Douglas Dec. 29, 1857 EXCITEMENT IN THE UNITED to the Right Hon. (No. 35.) STATES, and expected influx of per­ H.
    [Show full text]
  • Britain's Magnificent “Forts”
    Britain’s Magnificent “Forts” The Freedom Freighters of WW 2 By Geoff Walker For our non-seafaring friends, many would associate the word “Fort” with some kind of medieval bastion or land based strong hold, but in the case to hand, nothing could be further from reality. Fort was the name given to a class of Cargo Ship built in Canada during WW2, for the British government (MOWT), under the Lend Lease scheme. All Fort ships, except two which were paid for outright, were transferred on bareboat charter, on Lend - lease terms, from the Canadian Government or the U.S. War Shipping Administration who bought ninety of the 'Forts' built in Canada. The construction of this type of ship commenced in 1942, and by war’s end well over 230 of these vessels had been delivered to the MOWT, (including all “Fort” variants and those built as Tankers) each at an average cost of $1,856,500. Often, confusion persists between “Fort” and “Park” class ships that were built in Canada. To clarify, “Fort” ships were ships transferred to the British Government and the “Park” ships were those employed by the Canadian Government, both types had similar design specifications. All Fort ships were given names prefixed by the word “Fort”, whilst “Park” ships all had names ending or suffixed with “Park” at the time of their launching, although names were frequently changed later during their working life. These ships were built across eighteen different Canadian shipyards. Their triple expansion steam engines were built by seven different manufacturers. There were 3 sub-classes of the type, namely, “North Sands” type which were mainly of riveted construction, and the “Canadian” and “Victory” types, which were of welded construction.
    [Show full text]
  • The Implications of the Delgamuukw Decision on the Douglas Treaties"
    James Douglas meet Delgamuukw "The implications of the Delgamuukw decision on the Douglas Treaties" The latest decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in Delgamuukw vs. The Queen, [1997] 3 S.C.R. 1010, has shed new light on aboriginal title and its relationship to treaties. The issue of aboriginal title has been of particular importance in British Columbia. The question of who owns British Columbia has been the topic of dispute since the arrival and settlement by Europeans. Unlike other parts of Canada, few treaties have been negotiated with the majority of First Nations. With the exception of treaty 8 in the extreme northeast corner of the province, the only other treaties are the 14 entered into by James Douglas, dealing with small tracts of land on Vancouver Island. Following these treaties, the Province of British Columbia developed a policy that in effect did not recognize aboriginal title or alternatively assumed that it had been extinguished, resulting in no further treaties being negotiated1. This continued to be the policy until 1990 when British Columbia agreed to enter into the treaty negotiation process, and the B.C. Treaty Commission was developed. The Nisga Treaty is the first treaty to be negotiated since the Douglas Treaties. This paper intends to explore the Douglas Treaties and the implications of the Delgamuukw decision on these. What assistance does Delgamuukw provide in determining what lands are subject to aboriginal title? What aboriginal title lands did the Douglas people give up in the treaty process? What, if any, aboriginal title land has survived the treaty process? 1 Joseph Trutch, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works and Walter Moberly, Assistant Surveyor- General, initiated this policy.
    [Show full text]