Rwandan Genocide of 1994 Berkeley model united nations berkeley model united nations 1 Introductions Hi everyone, my name is Saran Uthayakumar, and I am very excited to be the head chair of this year’s Rwandan crisis committee. As a history major concentrating in human rights, and being a diaspora member of a community that was persecuted in a genocide in my home country, the Rwan- dan Genocide is an issue that I am passionate about expanding my understanding of; By participat- ing in this committee, I hope you gain a better understanding as well. I advocate for students rights here at Berkeley as a member of our student government’s Student Advocate’s Office, where I work as a caseworker. Outside of my passion for advocacy and history, I enjoy exploring cafe bookstores, listening to Childish and tutoring students on campus! Olivia Lipari is a senior double majoring in Political Science and Gender and Women’s Studies, with a minor in Public Policy. Olivia is in her fourth year of BMUN and this is her eighth year being involved in a Model United Nations program. MUN has brought so much meaning to Olivia and she hopes you will be able to find the same meaning. Outside of BMUN, Olivia is involved in her sorority and has served as President for the past year. After graduation, she’ll be bringing her talents to SF to work in Human Resources at a tax firm! This is Olivia’s fourth year chairing Historic Crisis at BMUN. She hopes you enjoy it as much as she does! Marine Fujisawa is a junior who has been involved in BMUN for the past three years. Marine currently serves as the BMUN Treasurer, and spends her free time going to the beach and running a business organization on campus. She is excited to see the creative directives proposed in commit- tee! Ashwat Chidambaram is a freshman who has been involved in MUN in his years on the high school circuit. Ashwat is majoring in Electrical Engineering and Computer Sciences and joined BMUN to share the same great experience he had in high school Model UN with all of you! Ashwat grew interested in the topic of the Rwandan Genocide ever since watching the film “Hotel Rwanda” where he was inspired by the true story of extreme bravery a hotelier had in saving the lives of over 1000 refugees from the violence. He hopes you all leave committee with a better understanding of this historical crisis and the UN’s inaction. Beyond MUN, Ashwat has a deep passion for aviation, drumming, listening to Travis, and playing ping-pong for fun! As you research the motivations and various stances of world powers during the Rwandan Genocide, berkeley model united nations 2 I hope you also take away essential knowledge that empowers you with a story of those who lost their lives in one of the world’s most tragic, yet lesser understood genocides, and helps inspire advocacy from learning more about the individuals involved and the genocide’s tragic legacy. Although some of the content you re- search may be frustrating and gruesome to learn, we empower the ignored victims of this genocide by trying to understand its marginalized history especially through the lens of multiple perspectives. I hope this com- mittee can help promote that level of understanding. The failure of humanity to stop mass atrocity and genocide historically marked the foundation of the United Nations (UN) after World War 2. Yet, the beacon of world cooperation and progress that promised “Never Again” has on multiple occasions failed to stop some of the world’s most violent crimes against hu- manity. In 1994, a long-term ethnic conflict between the Hutu and Tutsigroups amidst political turmoil led to massive killing sprees by civilians against their neighbors. Yet, during the period of these atrocities, interna- tional actors withdrew their foreign presence in Rwanda for a variety of reasons ranging from national interests to media pressure. No UN resolution passed to increase the ongoing international presence within Rwanda, but rather, the international community reduced the capacity of UN peacekeeping during the Genocide. The reasons behind these nations actions, can be best revealed by witnessing the acts of violence in Rwanda from the perspective of prominent world leaders at the time. By being a member of this committee set in the beginning stages of the 1994 Genocide, you will take on the stance of a world leader or a Rwandan that was directly involved in the crisis, in order to face similar considerations compared to what occurred in history. By no means is this committee meant to be a reenactment of the international crisis that en- sued from witnessing the mass atrocities in Rwanda; however, it will be a space for considering simi- lar patterns to ones that were apparent in the Rwandan Genocide. The end goal of this committee is to pass a series of directives that will prevent history from taking the course it took in 1994 and seek to uphold justice after the genocide. See you in March Saran Uthayakumar Head Chair, Rwanda Crisis berkeley model united nations 3 Topic A: Topic A: (The Rwandan Genocide of 1994) Topic Background Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups have been present in Rwanda since their initial migrations. The Hutu people descended from Bantu-speaking peoples that had migrated nearly 2000 years ago. The majority of these people formed agrarian societies that made contact with the mobile pastoralist Tutsis around 1300 (BBC). East Germany’s invasion led to the beginning of colonization in Rwanda in 1890, but occupation grew more severe with Belgium’s entry into the country in 1916 (Rogall). Unique power-play dynamics marked Belgian colonialism in Rwanda, where local rulers who aligned with Belgian colonials became established authorities. Tutsi elites were often designated as leaders by Belgian officials, leading to a stark class distinction between the utsiT minority and Hutu majority in the country. The first calls for Hutu power emerged as an early form of nationalist demand to form a Hutu nation in the mid-1950s. The emergence of independent Hutu parties also led to a strong front for self-determination and the belief that an independent Rwandan nation should be formed to grant the majority within the country more political power. In the years before Rwanda’s 1961 procla- mation as an independent nation and immediately after a Tutsi-led genocide against Hutu civilians in neighboring Burundi, ethnic conflict and mob violence ensued against the utsiT elites, driving many into Uganda. President Kayibanda headed the inaugural republic government in Rwanda at the time. His more Hutu extremist views led to the continued emigration of Tutsi populations into neighboring Great Lake countries. From Kayibanda’s rule forward, Tutsi populations within the country continually faced socioeconomic repression from their colonial status and additionally experienced limited politi- cal representation. However, Tutsi backlash was not only prevalent within Rwanda, but also neighbor- ing countries with significant Tutsi and Hutu populations such as Burundi. This series of mob violence and conflicts escalated into a Tutsi invasion from Uganda into Rwanda in 1990. Led by the Tutsi rebel group, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the 1990 conflict resulted in the official beginning of the Rwandan Civil War (BBC). The Rwandan Civil War was fought mainly between the RPF and Rwandan government forc- es led by President Habyarimana, a Hutu moderate president. Over three years, violence continued between both sides until the UN brokered a peace settlement between the Tutsi rebels and the Hutu berkeley model united nations 4 government in Tanzania known as the Arusha Accords. Through UN Security Council Resolution 872, the UN sent a peacekeeping mission to observe the terms and agreements under Arusha known as the UN Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR) in 1993 (Dallaire). General Romeo Dallaire, a Cana- dian peacekeeper, led UNAMIR, and while the organization was not authorized to use force in their observation of the conflict, it attained moderate success in mediating the ceasefire until April 1994. Definitions Arusha Accords: A series of terms set by a peace agreement between the Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front and Hutu Rwandan government signed in Arusha, Tanzania. This agreement led to interna- tional attention and a call for the implementation of UNAMIR, in order to ensure the terms of Arusha were being met by both parties. Unfortunately, the peace that existed was quite temporary, for soon after the Arusha accords, a series of mounting tensions, ranging from assassinations to nationalist outcries, led to the collapse of peace during the Rwandan Genocide. UNAMIR: The UN peacekeeping force sent to Rwanda to enforce peace and security measures between the Rwandan Patriotic Front and the Hutu rebels in an attempt to implement the Arusha Peace Accord. The staffing of this group was severely limited and further restricted by Security Coun- cil measures. Increasing Tensions and Warning Signs On April 6, 1994, The Hutu presidents of Burundi and Rwanda were killed when their plane was shot down (LA Times). Although the origin of the attack remains unknown, the violence that en- sued afterward was directly tied to the outrage caused by this incident (HRW). Despite the deaths of Hutu moderate presidents acting as the primary catalyst for the end of the ceasefire in Rwanda, the genocide was based on years of built-up tensions and violence stemming from the rivalry between the two communities that crossed national borders. Media and propaganda had a significant role in increasing tensions and spreading toxic messages with its power, but few were as popular as the Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM), which will be examined as a case study.