Topic Role of Media in Civil Revolution. Statement of the Problem Civil

Topic

Role of media in civil revolution.

Statement of the problem

Civil revolution in a country is an anger of common man towards a democratic government. First time we have seen how civil society has emerged as a whistl;e blower and watchdog of the democratic government.But this wouldn’t have been possible without the help of mass media (tv, newspaper, magazine, internet and social media) which gave spark to civil revolution.

How mass or common people perceive different media and influence by media in context of role of media in Anna Hazare’s Movement for India Against Corruption

Objectives

 How civil revolution eemrged.

 Journey of civil revolution in context of Anna Hazare’s movement .

 Role of civil society in shaping the country and uniting the society

 Role of all media ( tv, newspaper, magazine,internet and social media) in giving spark to civil revolution.

 Role of media in mobilizing civil revolution

 How media has helped Indian Youth in expressing itself politically

 How media has brought the middle class drawing room discussions onto the streets protesting against corruption and malpractices and fighting for justice.

1 Research Methodology

Qualitative methodoly:

I will do contextual analysis of all media.

Secondary Research:

Books, Websites, Portals, Magazines.

2 3 A Project Report on

“ Role of media in civil revolution(in context of Anna Hazare Movement India Against Corruption)”

Submitted in partial fulfillment for award of

M.B.A GLOBAL (Media and Entertainment)

ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY

[DIRECTORATE OF DISTANCE EDUCATION]

2011-2013

Submitted by:

Vicky Kumar Munda

Roll No: 6551100154

4 5 To,

The Director

DDE- Annamalai University

Sub: Certificate of originality from the project guide

I Mrs. Tejaswini Paranjape , faculty of Mba in Whistling Woods International certified that this project report on “Role of Media in civil revolution” is the bonafide work of Mr. Vicky Kumar Munda ,Mba Global ,Enrollment No 6551100154 who carried out the project work under my supervision.

Signature of Supervisor Signature of Student

Supervisor Name: D Wood Student Name: Sheetal. Jain

Date: 15th April 2013

6 Place: Mumbai

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am thankful to the faculty of Whistling Woods International, School Of Communication for giving me an opportunity to carry forward this project work. I would like to thank Mrs. Tejaswini Paranjape,faculty of Mba, Whistling Woods International, for consistent guidance for my project.

References of books, online library, journals and industry reports helped a lot for the project, without the reference of which I would not have got better insights. Suitable reference over the Internet, people from the management who gave me time to discuss with them about the project as well as my library department, I thank them sincerely for the time and information shared.

7 8 Abstract

Civil Revolution refers to the concept which is supported by a large segment of population especially one which doesn’t involve much of the elite section. In India itself, we have witnessed many movements beginning from the struggle for independence to the current Anna Hazare’s Anti Corruption Movement.

Media’s inevitable role in success of a campaign is well established and plays a vital role to make any campaign a success. The definition of media in today’s world has changed and it has turned into an integrated platform that deals with different modes of communication to make it more effective.

In context of Hazare’s campaign; Television, Newspaper, Magazine, Internet & Social Media sites have been abuzz with articles/messages showing support for Anna Hazare’s fight against corruption and his plea to pass Jan Lokpal Bill. For example–Facebook now has over 100 pages dedicated to Anna Hazare and his campaign. New media being a most popular media among the youth is giving new dimensions.

Mass media is a broad term in media studies and newspaper being most credible in mindset of Indian people it strengthen the movement and mobilise common man in fighting for corruption.

Same as, Television news set the propaganda for Anna Hazare’s movement and

Especially, new media holds out a possibility of on-demand access to content anytime, anywhere, on any digital device, as well as interactive user feedback, creative participation and community formation around the media content. Another important promise of new media is the “democratization” of the creation, publishing, distribution and consumption of media content. Facebook is an example on the social media model, in which most users are also participants.

Present paper is an attempt to demystify the role of media (mass media) as a tool to increase reach of mass movements.

For the purpose of study data was collected from various news websites, articles,books,pages of social networking sites and analyzed on the basis of set parameters.

A textual analysis is done in order to come out with the exact and in depth role of media in civil revolution.

Result of the study has interesting story about the media as well as mass movement and both are complementing each other.

9 1.Introduction

1.1 What is civil revolution:-

Civil revolution in a country is an anger of common man towards a government. Civil society emerge as a whistle blower and watchdog of the democratic government.

Civil revolution in India brought the middle class drawing room discussions onto the streets protesting against corruption and malpractices and fighting for justice.

1.2 Evolution of civil revolution ( in context of Anna Hazare Movement India Against Corruption)

Anna Hazare

Kisan Baburao Hazare (born 15 June 1937), popularly known as Anna Hazare is an Indian social activist who led movements to promote rural development, increase government transparency, and investigate and punish official corruption. In addition to organizing and encouraging grassroots movements, Hazare frequently conducted hunger strikes to further his causes—a tactic reminiscent, to many, of the work of Mohandas K. Gandhi. Hazare also contributed to the development and structuring of Ralegan Siddhi, a village in Parner taluka of Ahmednagar district, Maharashtra, India. He was awarded the Padma Bhushan—the third-highest civilian award—by the Government of India in 1992 for his efforts in establishing this village as a model for others. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anna_Hazare)

1.2.1 Anna Hazare's Movement Against Corruption

Anna Hazare has emerged as this Government's nemesis. The mild-mannered Gandhian has captured the imagination of an entire nation with his crusade against corruption. As an Indian Army jawan, he dodged a bullet during the 1965 war with Pakistan. The 74-year-old is in the midst of a battle once again.

Hazare first launched his campaign against corruption in 1991. His organisation, Bhrashtachar Virodhi Jan Andolan, exposed a scam where 42 forest officers had duped the Maharashtra government of crores of rupees. Hazare submitted evidence to the state Congress government in 1991. When the government did not take action against the accused since a minister was also involved, he returned his Padma Shri and went on indefinite fast at Alandi in Pune district. Finally, the state government suspended the accused officials and six Maharashtra Cabinet ministers were forced to resign the same year.

Hazare belongs to Ralegan Siddhi village, in Ahmednagar district of Maharashtra. Inspired by the Indo-China war of 1962, he joined the Indian Army in 1963. The violence frustrated him and he even thought of ending his life. But a book by Swami Vivekananda changed his outlook. "I realised that striving for the betterment of common people is equivalent to offering a prayer to God," he says. He took voluntary retirement from the Army in 1977 and returned to his drought-prone village. At that time almost 80 per cent of Ralegan Siddhi depended on other villages for food and water. Inspired by the water management model of social worker Vilasrao Salunkhe, Hazare implemented it in his village. This increased the ground-water level. He built schools, hostels, grain banks, a dairy, and formed a cooperative society and self-help groups. Today, Ralegan Siddhi has become a tourist spot.

In 1997, Hazare launched a movement for the implementation of RTI and went on a fast-unto-death at Azad Maidan in Mumbai in July 2003. After 12 days, the president signed the draft of the RTI Act and the state implemented it with effect from 2002. The same draft served as the base for national RTI Act in 2005.

Hazare gathered many supporters in his campaign but most of his earlier supporters have left him. Former bureaucrat Avinash Dharmadhikari and social activist Baba Adhav parted ways saying Hazare does not stick to his stand for long. Hazare's association with the rss, which supports the Jan Lokpal Bill, is not new. He had strong backing from the organisation before the bjp-Shiv Sena came to power in Maharashtra in 1995. However,

10 after Hazare targeted two ministers-BJP's Mahadev Shivankar and Shiv Sena's Shashikant Sutar- for corruption, his association with the rss came to an end.

Hazare's agitation for the Jan Lokpal Bill started in November 2009 at a public meeting at Parel in Mumbai. He announced he would launch a campaign for the bill and go on an indefinite fast if his demand was not met. Declaring December 9 as anti-corruption day, he started gathering support from other organisations. The agitation gained momentum on January 30 this year when a rally against corruption was held in 60 cities. At a rally in New Delhi's Ramlila Maidan on February 27, Hazare announced another fast from April 5. He gave a memorandum to President Pratibha Patil demanding a draft on Jan Lokpal Bill. Manmohan Singh invited Hazare for talks with the Government on May 7. But after a series of meetings, the talks broke down. The current crisis is a direct result (http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/anna-hazare-fast-against-corruption-began-in- 1991/1/148573.html)

1.2.2 2011 Indian anti-corruption movement.

The 2011 Indian anti-corruption movement were a series of demonstrations and protests across India intended to establish strong legislation and enforcement against endemic political corruption before the 2012 Indian anti- corruption movement was started. The Indian anti-corruption movement has been named among the "Top 10 News Stories of 2011" by Time magazine.

The movement has gained momentum since 5 April 2011, when anti-corruption activist Anna Hazare began his now-famous hunger strike at the Jantar Mantar in New Delhi. The chief legislative aim of the movement is to alleviate corruption in the Indian government through the Jan Lokpal Bill. Another important aim, led by protests under Swami Ramdev, is the repatriation of black money from Swiss and other foreign banks.

Grievances of mass protesters focus on legal and political issues including political corruption, kleptocracy, and other forms of corruption. The movement is primarily one of non-violent civil resistance, featuring demonstrations, marches, acts of civil disobedience, hunger strikes, marches and rallies, as well as the use of social media to organise, communicate, and raise awareness. The protests are unusual as they have no political affiliation; most protesters have been hostile to attempts by political parties to use them to strengthen their own personal political agendas.

1.2.3 Pre-launch of the movement:

Although Anna Hazare and Swami Ramdev now stand in the public limelight, the movement was pre-launched by several anti-corruption campaigns occurring from late October 2010 through late March 2011. The following table summarises the first Indian anti-corruption campaigns that built the foundation under the global movement:

Date Anti-corruption Campaign

29 October, An anti-corruption press conference organised by NGO India Against Corruption was held at the Press Club of India to highlight the fact that 2010 the government-appointed Shunglu Committee had inadequate powers to investigate the Commonwealth Games scam [15]

1 November, By order of Defence Minister of India A.K. Antony, the Indian Army establishes a court of inquiry into the Adarsh Housing Society Scam [16] 2010

14 After India Against Corruption registers a complaint regarding corruption in the Commonwealth Games scam, nearly 10,000 people November, assembled at the Parliament Street Police Station[15] 2010

11 24 The Central Bureau of Investigation's arrests of several senior bankers under allegations of receiving bribes to issue corporate loans in November, the 2010 housing loan scam [17] 2010

10 The Central Government of India and the Directorate General of Income Tax (Investigation) file a delayed joint affidavit to the Supreme Court December, of India declaring the November 2007 wiretapping of corporate lobbyist Nira Radia in the Radia tapes controversy [18] 2010

22 December, A 20,000-person anti-corruption protest in response to the 2G spectrum scam held at New Delhi's Ramlila ground[19] 2010

17 January, The Supreme Court of India criticises the administration for not publicly disclosing Indian nationals named on Rudolf Elmer's "black money" 2011 list disclosed by Julian Assange'sWikileaks.The Income Tax Department issues summons and arrest notices to many tax evaders.[20][21]

18 January, The public release of an anti-corruption open letter from Azim Premji, Keshub Mahindra, and other leading Indian industrialists demanding 2011 reform of "the widespread governance deficit in almost every sphere of national activity, covering government, business and institutions"[22]

29 January, Former Chief Minister Chandra Babu Naidu announces launch of his "war on corruption" through his NTR Memorial Trust and Jana 2011 Chaitanya Vedika[23]

Thousands of people marched against corruption in more than 52 cities in India and abroad. Copies of the CVC Act, the CBI Act,I-T Act, and 30 January, the Government’s Lokpal Bill were torn up by the thousands, sending a strong message that the people lack faith in the ineffective anti- 2011 corruption measures[15]

Feb–Mar, The Central Bureau of Investigation's and Income Tax Department's arrests of co-conspirators implicated in the 2G spectrum scam [24][25][26] 2011

8 February, Indian-born American executive Anjan Dutta-Gupta charged for bribing United States Navy officials in seeking software contracts worth 2011 approximately $10M[27]

10 The Supreme Court of India orders all trial courts in the country to expedite handling of corruption cases; also, all High Courts of February, India ordered to seek quarterly reports from lower trial courts on the progress of corruption cases[28] 2011

21 In a public address to the Parliament of India, the President of India Pratibha Patil stated that measures to ratify the United Nations February, Convention Against Corruption and other legislative and administrative measures necessary to improve transparency will be taken[29] 2011

The United States Securities and Exchange Commission action against Indian School of Business Chairman Rajat Gupta in the Galleon 1 March, insider trading scandal; Gupta had also violated McKinsey & Co.'s firm policy by corruptly backdealing through his own consulting firm, 2011 MindSpirit LLC[30][31][32]

12 3 March, The forced resignation of Chief Vigilance Commissioner P.J. Thomas on charges of corruption by the Supreme Court of India [33] 2011

12 March, The worldwide 50-city Dandi March II organised by People for Lok Satta and India Against Corruption [34] 2011

13 March, The "Drive around Delhi" protest organised by India Against Corruption [35] 2011

17 March, The Wikileaks' Cash-for-votes scandal involving the delayed leak of a diplomatic cable describing an Indian legislative aide showing a US 2011 embassy official "chests of cash" used to bribe Indian lawmakers over a vote on an Indo-U.S. nuclear deal back in July 2008[36]

30 March, Famous cricketer Kapil Dev's letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, complaining of the inadequacy of Commonwealth Games corruption 2011 investigations and petitioning for the Jan Lokpal Bill

1.2.4 Hazare's hunger strike at Jantar Mantar

Hazare began his Indefinite Fast on 5 April 2011 at Jantar Mantar in Delhi to press for the demand to form a joint committee of the representatives of the Government and the civil society to draft a stronger anti-corruption bill with stronger penal actions and more independence to the Lokpal and Lokayuktas (Ombudsmen in the states), after his demand was rejected by the Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh.He stated, "I will fast until Jan Lokpal Bill is passed".

The movement attracted attention in the media, and thousands of supporters. Almost 150 people reportedly joined Hazare in his fast.Social activists, including Medha Patkar, Arvind Kejriwal, former Indian Police Service officer Kiran Bedi, Noted Hindi Poet Kumar Vishwas and Jayaprakash Narayan lent their support to Hazare's hunger strike and anti-corruption campaign. People have shown support in internet social media such as Twitter and Facebook. In addition to spiritual leaders Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, Swami Ramdev, Swami Agnivesh and former Indian cricketer Kapil Dev, many celebrities showed their public support through Twitter.Hazare decided that he would not allow any politician to sit with him in this movement. Politicians like Uma Bharti and Om Prakash Chautala were shooed away by the protesters when they came to visit the site where the protest was taking place.

On 6 April 2011 Sharad Pawar resigned from the group of ministers formed for reviewing the draft Lokpal bill 2010.

Protests spread to Bangalore, Mumbai, Chennai, Ahmedabad, Guwahati, Shillong, Aizawl and a number of other cities in India.

1.2.5 Government response to Hazare

On 7 April, Hazare's strike led to the resignation of Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar from the Group of Ministers on corruption.[48] On 8 April, the government started seriously considering the demands of the protesters. The government stated that it would table the bill in Parliament in the upcoming Monsoon session. [49] On 9 April, the government finally agreed to have a 50:50 distribution of the Government appointed officials and the members of the civil society.

On 13 May, PM Manmohan Singh stated that the Indian government had completed the ratification of the UN Convention against Corruption.

13 1.2.6 Political party response to Hazare

Bhartiya Janata Party

The Bhartiya Janata Party supported Hazare, with prominent member Arun Jaitley urging the government to take Hazare's fast seriously.[52]

Another prominent BJP figure, L.K. Advani, suggested that a meeting of political parties should be convened to discuss the issue "particularly in the context of black money and curbing money-power in elections".

BJP leader Narendra Modi posted on his Facebook account that he was praying for Hazare's health. He also published an open letter to Hazare thanking him for the latter's support for the development work in Gujarat. Modi also warned Hazare of possible vilification by a certain 'powerful-group' that wishes to defame Modi and Gujarat. He reiterated his support for the Jan Lokpal Bill.

Communist Party of India (Marxist)

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) came out in support of Anna Hazare. Prakash Karat pledged support to Hazare over the Jan Lokpal Bill.

1.2.7 Global response to Hazare Fast

India community – people of Indian origin and Students came out in support of Anna's Indian Anti-Corruption Movement across the globe. Protest showing solitary with the movement were held in various countries' cities including Washington DC, London, Glasgow, Los Angeles, Artesia, New Jersey, Stolberg, Paris, Houston.

1.2.8 August protests

1.2.8.1Background

On 18 July 2011, Hazare declared that he had written a letter to the Prime Minister about his decision to go on an indefinite fast from 16 August at Jantar Mantar. Hazare said that it was the right of Indian citizens to protest and the government could not crush their movement, unlike the Ramlila ground protests. Hazare declared that he was ready to get arrested and beaten up and informed the Delhi Police about his protest.

Hazare's crusade for a strong Lokpal Bill found support in Mumbai as the Mumbai Taximen's Union, comprising over 30,000 taxis, agreed to extend their support to Hazare's cause on 16 August. The union's decision came after a meeting with Hazare's team in Mumbai. The union's proposal was to keep all taxis off the roads or ply less taxis on 16 August. The Mumbai chapter of India Against Corruption claimed that till 26 July, nearly 44,000 people had shown interest in joining the protest from 16 August.

In Allahabad, the legal community expressed their support of Hazare's campaign against corruption. Lawyers of Allahabad High Court held protests in support of Anna Hazare at Allahabad by burning copies of the Lokpal Bill, blocking roads and shouting slogans against the callousness of the government. They also pledged to go on a hunger strike at Allahabad from 16 August in support of Anna Hazare.

The Vishwa Hindu Parishad also came out in support of Hazare's movement, saying that for a strong Lokpal Bill, people from across the country should support his campaign.

In a poll conducted by India Against Corruption in Karnataka, about 94.3% of Chikkaballapur constituency and 79.7% of Bangalore South wanted to bring the prime minister under the ambit of the Jan Lokpal Bill. The results showed that a majority of the population wanted the Jan Lokpal Bill to be passed by the Parliament and not the "watered down, toothless" bill drafted by the government. The 6,000 participants at the referendum also said that being representatives of the people, members of parliament should vote for the Lokpal, not as directed by their parties, but as by the voice of the majority in his/her constituency. The participants also voted to bring judges under the Lokpal, give adequate powers to the Lokpal to dismiss officers guilty of corruption, monitor

14 corruption at the central as well as state level through Lokayuktas, and to bring all levels of officers under the bill. The questionnaire had a set of eight questions that brought out crucial differences between the Jan Lokpal Bill and the Lokpal Bill put forth by the government, and asked for the people's vote on the same. Around ten parliamentary constituencies across the nation conducted a similar exercise and the results from the nation-wide campaign will be consolidated and presented to the members of Parliament in time for the monsoon session.

1.2.8.2 Hazare's arrest

On the morning of 16 August 2011, Hazare, along with close associates, was remanded to judicial custody for seven days. Hazare was picked up by police at about 7.30 am from a residence in east Delhi for "intending to defy prohibitory orders". Late afternoon, he was produced before a special executive magistrate. After he refused to sign a personal bond to be allowed to get out on bail he was remanded in judicial custody for seven days. Within hours of his detention, a spokesperson for Team Anna said that he had begun his hunger protest while in police custody and that he was not accepting even water to drink. The arrest of Hazare and some of his close associates, set off a groundswell of protests across the country and this appeared to be spreading quickly. The arrest was condemned by political parties, the chief ministers of some non-Congress ruled states, non- government organisations and even parliament did not transact any business after an uproar on the issue forced an adjournment for the day.[116]

As protests built up in several cities and towns over the arrest, Prashant Bhushan, one of Hazare's key associates, announced a march from India Gate to Parliament House on Wednesday to protest against the police action, which he said was taken at the behest of some cabinet ministers. Delhi police commissioner BK Gupta said that the police were not keen for Hazare be sent to judicial custody. He said police were prepared to release him on a personal bond if he would have given an undertaking that he would not defy Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code which prohibits the gathering of five or more people and ask his supporters not to do so also. Hazare was taken to the Tihar jail where he will spend the time in judicial custody. Kiran Bedi, Arvind Kejriwal, Kumar Vishwas and Manish Sisodia, three other leading activists of Team Anna, have also been sent to judicial custody on similar grounds. In a message released after his detention, Hazare said this was the beginning of the "second freedom struggle" and he called on people to participate in a "jail bharo" agitation. [117]

Opposition parties, peeved over the attitude of the Congress in parliament, said they would meet later today to decide on the course of action.[when?] Communist Party of India leader Gurudas Dasgupta said he had proposed a boycott of parliament for three days. Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Brinda Karat described the arrest as "a strong attack on democratic rights". Hours after arrest of Hazare, Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha and BJP leader Sushma Swaraj strongly condemned the action and demanded and explanation from Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh saying that the government is hell-bent on crushing the civil rights of the citizens.[118][119] Senior Bhartiya Janata Party leader L K Advani said he was not surprised at the detention of Mr Hazare and he charged the government with looking for scapegoats and stopping peaceful protests instead of fighting corruption. Arun Jaitley, leader of the opposition in the Rajya Sabha, said, that it was a very sad day for Indian democracy, where the ruling government took away the right to protest and the right to dissent.[120]

In Patna, Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar described the detention of Hazare and his associates as a "rehearsal of emergency" which people will never tolerate, and "a murder of democracy." Punjab chief minister Prakash Singh Badal also condemned the arrests saying that the Congress has panicked over the movement of Anna Hazare and accused Congress leaders of stashing money abroad. In Chandigarh and Ludhiana, people from all walks of life took to the streets – despite inclement weather – to join the protest for a strong Lokpal. Among them were activists of the NGOs 'India Against Corruption' and 'Awaaz' who launched a relay hunger strike. Traffic was also blocked at several intersections. Slamming the Centre for detaining Anna Hazare and his aides, Bihar Deputy Chief Minister SK Modi today called upon the people to come to the streets to hold demonstration in support of Hazare's movement against corruption "peacefully and democratically."[121]

15 In Hyderabad, Telugu Desam Party president N. Chandrababu Naidu asked the Prime minister Manmohan Singh to apologise to the nation for having sent Hazare and other social activists, who are fighting against corruption, to Tihar jail. In Maharashtra, crowds gathered in many cities and towns in response to Mr Hazare's call to court arrest. Thousands poured into south Mumbai's Azad Maidan since early in the morning, in preparation for the 'Jail Bharo' programme. A large number of people courted arrest in support of the demand for an effective Lokpal. Many people wearing 'Gandhi' caps with slogans 'I am Anna' gathered at the Reserve Bank of India Square, on the busy Nagpur-Jabalpur national highway that runs through the Civil Lines area.

In a broad day light murder at Bhopal, capital of Madhya Pradesh, an RTI activist and a strong supporter of Anna Hazare's anti-corruption movement, Shehla Masood was shot dead around 11.30 am on 16 August. An unidentified assailant shot her dead from point blank range while she was leaving in her car to attend a demonstration in support of Anna Hazare.

In Delhi, in protest against the arrest of Anna Hazare and his close aides by the Delhi Police, the members of All India Students Association showed black flags and shouted anti-government slogan against Kapil Sibal, who was to address a seminar at Malvankar Hall in city.

Hazare on 16 August asked government employees across the country to go on mass leave to show solidarity with the movement. Union Home minister P. Chidambaram hoped they would not respond, describing the call as "completely wrong." Hazare's close associate and lawyer Prashant Bhushan urged government servants to join their cause and take a mass leave for a day and join the protests in their city.[126]

Hazare's release

After protests all over India, the Delhi Police decided to release Hazare after he had been sent to Tihar Jail for seven days. Hazare had even refused food and water intake in Tihar jail, indicating he would carry on his fast in jail. Hazare and his aides, including Kiran Bedi and Arvind Kejriwal, were first taken to the Delhi Police Officer's Mess in North Delhi and were shifted to another after Hazare's supporters gathered in large numbers at Civil Lines. The Delhi Police sent a warrant to the Tihar Jail for the release of Hazare and his supporters withdrawing bail bond conditions, which Hazare had earlier refused to sign. Over 1,500 people who have been detained for taking part in protests demanding Hazare's release were released. Congress sources said that the Government decided to release Hazare and his supporters after coming to the conclusion that keeping him in jail would disrupt law and order unnecessarily. The decision to release Hazare was made after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh met party General Secretary Rahul Gandhi, who disapproved of the arrest, on the evening of 16 August. Hazare supporters Kiran Bedi and Shanti Bhushan were released by the Delhi Police early on 16 August.[127][128] However, on release, Anna Hazare refused to leave Tihar jail until the government agreed to give unconditional permission to hold protests at JP Park.[129]

Anna Hazare agreed to leave jail after Delhi Police granted him permission to fast for 15 days against corruption at Ramlila Maidan, a larger venue than JP Park. However, he had to spend another night in jail as the venue was not ready.[130] On 19 August, at around 12noon IST, Anna left Tihar jail after 3 days. Supporters welcomed him with spontaneous roar as he headed towards Delhi's Ramlila Maidan to launch his hunger protest.[131]

1.2.8.3 Parliamentary debate

Main article: 2011 parliamentary debate on anti-corruption legislation

A debate on the Jan Lokpal bill was held in Parliament on 27 August 2011. With Hazare demanding three principles, (i) citizen charter, (ii) lower bureaucracy to be under Lokpal through an appropriate mechanism and (iii) establishment of Lok Ayuktas in the states, both houses of Parliament agreed to the principles.[132] It was then that Hazare agreed to break his fast after 12 days starting from 16 August 2011. However, Anna finally decided to break his fast on 28 August instead as he did not wish to break his fast after sunset.[133] At the time of breaking his fast, he said he was suspending his fast for the time being and will end it only after the strong Lokpal bill is passed by the Indian Parliament.

16 December protests

Anna Hazare on 27 December 2011, again began his fast demanding a stronger version of the ombudsman Lokpal bill at MMRDA ground, Bandra Kurla Complex, Mumbai. The basement of the protest was shifted from Delhi to Mumbai owing to the cold climate in the former city.[134] The members of India Against Corruption, including Arvind Kejriwal and Kiran Bedi insisted Hazare to end his fast taking into consideration his ill health, however the later remained adamant on continuing his protest. Hazare was suffering from cold and mild fever for few days before the fast.[135]

The participation of people is very low in comparison to August Movement. IAC expected 50,000 people where as only 4,000–5,000 people participated.

Parliament debate

27 December 2011 also saw Lok Sabha debating on Lokpal Bill in the parliament. The debate saw Bhartiya Janata Party leader Sushma Swaraj punching holes in the government's Lokpal bill. She added that the government has been compelled to introduce the bill that envisages the setting up of an effective anti-graft ombudsman.[136] The debate resulted in Lokpal Bill being passed to Rajya Sabha, however was not given constitutional status as expected. The bill that would have granted the Lokpal constitutional status failed as the government did not manage the two-thirds majority[137] of MPs present and voting on two of the three clauses of the Constitutional Amendment Bill. Its numbers did not cross 273 which is just past the half-way mark of the total number of seats in the Lok Sabha. Both conditions need to be satisfied to amend the Constitution.[138]

The Lokpal Bill was sent for review to Indian President Pratibha Patil the next morning, on 28 December 2011. This is standard operating procedure for any legislation that will have financial implications. She later gave her assent for the Bill to be tabled in the Rajya Sabha, which is scheduled for discussion tomorrow.[139]

1.2.8.4 International response

United States – Senator from Arizona and Republican presidential nominee in the 2008 United States election, John McCain described Indian democracy as the "strong and successful", brushed off the allegation by Congress spokesperson Rashid Alvi, McCain said "The US does not involve itself in what is happening in the world's largest democracy, nor does it intend to do so."

Spokesperson for the United States Department of State, Victoria Nuland blamed 'some extremely inaccurate reporting out of India' for Indians taking umbrage over the US stand on Hazare's protest and said it supported the right of non-violent protest universally. She said "With regard to the case (Hazare), however, you know where we are. We support freedom of expression and assembly, and we encourage all countries and all parties to do the same. All democratic governments have a responsibility to allow peaceful protest and freedom of dissent, even as they work to maintain public safety (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2011_Indian_anti- corruption_movement)

1.3 2012 Indian anti-corruption movement.

The 2012 Indian anti-corruption movement is a series of demonstrations and protests across India intended to establish strong legislation and enforcement against endemic political corruption.[7] 2012 Indian anti-corruption movement is the successor of 2011 Indian anti-corruption movement which ended on the last day of Winter session of Rajya Sabha. The Movement is to be started again with the first mass gathering at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi on 25-March-2012 and Anna Hazare to fast. This fast will witness the starting of 2012 Indian anti- corruption movement. Team Anna and Public of India is again ready to protest against corruption. In this regards thousands of volunteers are working in grassroot. Everybody attached with this movement is expecting the Indian Government to take some strong actions on corruption. The motto of this mass movement is only to

17 create a big pressure among Government to take some strong decision related to demolishing corruption in India.

1.3.1 Re-launch of the movement

The movement was relaunched by Anna Hazare and as mark of protest he sat on a token fast for one day at Jantar Mantar, Delhi. The following table summarizes the second Indian anti-corruption campaign

Detail

Date Anti-corruption Campaign

Feb 25, Kiran Bedi in Amritsar alleged that the Congress party had cheated them by introducing a fractured bill in Parliament for curbing corruption. 2012

Anna Hazare described his three week health regime that he underwent at a retreat in a naturopathy resort in Bangalore that helped him overcome his ailments. Hazare was unwell since December and the fasting had obviously taken its toll. He was suffering from high blood pressure, osteoporosis, arthritis and general swelling of the body. During this course, he stopped all medications he was taking for his various Feb 28, conditions. Not only is septuagenarian hale and hearty but he lost almost 5 kg as well. He was discharged 10 days ago but has stuck his to all- 2012 fruits regime since he left the resort. However, he will go back to solid food after a while. Anna followed a very strict regime whereby he only ate fruits like apple, muskmelon, watermelon, date and papaya and drank coconut water, soy milk and fruit juice. Furthermore, to maintain his sugar level, he ate after every three hours. In the morning, he took a 4-km walk, combined with yoga. He also underwent deep tissue massages, acupuncture and Hydrotherapy.[11]

March Anna Hazare sat on a one day token fast. Justice Santosh Hegde also joined the movement. Focus for the day was whistleblowers like Narendra 25, Kumar and Satyendra Dubey who lost their lives in fight against corruption.[12] People in India's major cities showed there support to this 2012 movement on March 25, 2012.

May 1, Anna Hazare will start an agitation from Durg in Chhattisgarh from May 1, 2012.[13] He will visit 35 villages in Maharashtra to awaken people 2012 against corruption

June 3, Anna Hazare was a one day fast along with Yoga guru Ramdev at Jantar Mantar.[14] There was a huge mass gathering in Jantar Mantar 2012

July Team Anna members are on indefinite fast at Jantar Mantar.[15] Anna Hazare has joined this fast from 29 July 2012. Activists are protesting 25, against the government's refusal an inquiry against the Prime Minister and 14 cabinet ministers, they have accused of corruption and Team Anna 2012 wants to action in this issue. Indians are closely associated with this movement.

August Anna Hazare and Team Anna broke their fast by drinking juice offered by ex-Army chief, General VK Singh.[16] Team Anna's members Arvind 3, Kejriwal and Prashant Bhushan announced that they are forming a political party which will contest the elections while Anna Hazare himself 2012 remained out of it.

Anna stated as the Government is not ready to enact Jan Lokpal Bill we have decided not to hold any more talks with it. The people have asked August us to leave fast and give an alternative. We are now stopping the activities of Team Anna and from today, there will be no Team Anna or Team 6, Anna Core Committee, he added. Later, at the end of the year, Anna Hazare along with Kiran Bedi started to form a new core committee for 2012 Janlokpal called as the phase 2 of their movement[17]

(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2012_Indian_anti-corruption_movement)

18 These two civil revolution ,Anna Hazare India Against Corruption and Baba Ramdev against Black Money were covered by media in intense and propagate the mass movement and influence the country and citizens of India blooming the air of patriotism in India.

19 1.4 Mass media ( Tv, Print, Magazine and Social Media) impact in giving spark to Civil Revolution:-

1.4.1Definition of Media :-

Noun:1 (the media) [treated as singular or plural] the main means of mass communication (television, radio, and newspapers]regarded collectively: their demands were publicized by the media. (http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/media)

1.4.2 Print media :-

Noun 1. print media - a medium that disseminates printed matter

medium - a means or instrumentality for storing or communicating information

public press, press - the print media responsible for gathering and publishing news in the form of newspapers or magazines

journalism, news media - newspapers and magazines collectively

samizdat, underground press - a system of clandestine printing and distribution of dissident or banned literature (http://www.thefreedictionary.com/print+media)

1.4.3 Television media:-

Noun 1. television news - a television broadcast of news

news program, news show, news - a program devoted to current events, often using interviews and commentary; "we watch the 7 o'clock news every night" (http://www.thefreedictionary.com/television+news)

1.4.4 New media ( social media):-

New media may be defined as latest tool of communication which has all the aspects of decoding message effectively through integrated platforms. ‘’The rise of new media has increased communication between people all over the world and the Internet. It has allowed people to express themselves through blogs, websites, pictures, and other user-generated media. (Donk, 2004)

1.5 Role of media in Anti - corruption movement:-

Anna Hazare at CNN IBN Indian of the year award said, “It is media which is responsible for making me a national icon. “

India is passing through a transitional phase, old values are crumbling; new values are formed, what was earlier considered blasphemous are now being considered sacred at least by educated class. This period is very uncomfortable and excruciating so here comes into play the crucial role of media as media deals with ideas besides media forms an integral part of the lives of all of us. So, by its very nature, media can play extremely crucial role in this transitional phase by shaping opinion of the hoi polloi (the masses). Almost every democratic country, be it USA or UK, was at some point of time severely plagued by graft. The media there played extremely crucial role in spreading rational idea to emerge from such difficult phase. It now India’s turn where every form of media be it Social media—the newest entrant in media section, Print Media—With maximum reach to the hinterland, Electronic Media—which has greatest impact on rising middle class, has to display exceedingly significant role in creating awareness about the current anti-corruption movement.

Characteristics of the movement:

Movement comprised of people who generally don’t participate in politics

20 People participating in the movement had little knowledge of political parlance

The crowd at the demonstration was mostly middle class who was disheartened with the rampant corruption prevalent ubiquitously in the society

Lokpal has been a perennially deferred promise of the successive governments, for the last 44 years

The movement has been led by a leader named Anna Hazare, who is down to earth, simple living and simple conversing social worker

A prominent member of the Anna team has wide experience in civil service area, non-governmental organization and active in the struggle for strengthening democracy .

The movement was termed as People’s Movement for anti corruption

This movement was featured as one of the top 10 stories in the Time Magazine for the year 2011

The movement gathered support not only in India but also in foreign

Media, today, plays extremely vital role in people life. Media is like a mirror to the society which reflects each and everything about the society to people, thus shapes people’s perception. The media has enormous power to affect their opinion. The media affect our perception in three ways- Social, Economic and Political. In the current anti corruption movement, the assessment presented by the media has greatly helped in gaining critical perspective on the anti-corruption movement like the finer point of the law, including legal and constitutional issues and flawed notions such as the “supremacy of the Parliament.”

Media greatly helped in making the movement a grand success. It greatly helped in raising the awareness about the movement.

Social Media also played extremely crucial role in spreading awareness about anti corruption movement. In the contemporary world, more and more people are on social networking sites. Social networking sites play a vital role in shaping the opinions and spreading awareness about various contemporary issues. In the current situation it’s often reiterated that Team Anna used this tool quite well to garner the support of netizens in turn making the movement a success.

On the other side, media also tried to kill the movement by targeting team Anna. A counterfeit CD featuring prominent member of team Anna, Prashannt Bhushan, was circulated without proper verification. Even Arvind Kejrival and Kiran Bedi were targeted.

Thus, media has played a pivotal role in current anti-corruption or rather I should say certain media has played the role of an activist. It was proclaimed that Anna is a media creation only. But there is more to it. To see the anti-corruption movement only as media creation is gross misjudgement/misreading of the mood of the nation as people got attracted to it because people saw this movement as antithesis to what happens in our society viz. corruption. Media contribution to current anti-corruption movement is obvious as there is no gainsay to the fact that 24*7 media coverage has helped the campaign to reach out to the masses remarkably.

Media should capture the mass movement against graft but should not take sides as it will adversely affect the neutrality of the media. Media should portray the real image of what is happening, not the fake image which arises due to stray incidents of paid news. (http://theviewspaper.net/role-of-media-in-anti-corruption-movement- 2/)

TOPIC: ROLE OF MEDIA IN CIVIL REVOLUTION

Chapter 2

21 2. Literature Review:-

This chapter offers a literature review and aims to contextualize (content analysis) the role of various media in civil revolution (in context of Anna Hazare India Against Corruption )

2.1 What is civil revolution:-

Civil revolution in a country is an anger of common man towards a government. Civil society emerge as a whistle blower and watchdog of the democratic government.

Civil revolution in India brought the middle class drawing room discussions onto the streets protesting against corruption and malpractices and fighting for justice.

2.2 Anti- Corruption Movement by Anna Hazare:-

Corruption is a major problem that contemporary India is facing. It has affected almost all sections of Indian society; defence, medical, housing, telecom, postal, agriculture and sports. High profile politicians, bureaucrats, police officers and other high-ranking officials are involved in it. It is killing the country slowly and steadily. In the middle of such widespread corruption, it is very heartening to find Anna Hazare fighting against it.

Jan Lokpal Bill if implemented will give teeth to fight corruption effectively. It will acts as an effective deterrent against corruption. Investigation of any corruption case will be initiated and completed within one year and those guilty will be punished within two years. Lokpal will even have the power to persecute corrupt politicians. There will be no interference from politicians and bureaucrats as it will be an independent body like Supreme Court and Election Commission. Therefore, the bill if enacted will act as the most potent weapon in the war against corruption. However, the Lokpal Bill proposed by the government in 2010 insulates the politicians from any kind of action against it.

In the light of such development, Anna demands the institution of a committee that includes fifty percent officials and the remaining citizens and intellectuals to draft the bill. He begins his fasting that compels the government to form a joint committee to draft the bill. However, this is not the first case of his anti-corruption campaign. In 1994, he campaigned against corruption in the forest department in Maharashtra; and again in the late 1990s two BJP ministers had to resign from the Shiv-Sena following his campaign. In all his campaign, he adopts fasting unto death as a means to pursue his demand. The question that arises is whether it is constitutional to force the government to enact a law by threat of death.

The Indian constitution mandates that state should protect the life of every citizen (article 21) and in this case that of Anna Hazare, who blackmail the government to fulfil his demand. Satyagraha, civil disobedience, non- cooperation and fast unto death are unconstitutional because they are not included in any part of Indian constitution as a means to address our grievances. Let us recall the last speech of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in the Constituent Assembly on November 25, 1949, which stated that unconstitutional methods like Satyagraha must be abandoned when constitutional methods are available.

However, if we claim that the means adopted by Anna is legitimate, and then another set of question arises “Can any group of people thinking that a bill should be pass go on the threat of collective suicide if the action is not carried out?” If the answer is, yes, then it would deprive the population from free and fair debate about the law and it will nullify the utility of the Parliament. This led us to another question, “Can India protest against unjust laws?” Yes, every Indian can protest unjust laws. They are provided with freedom of speech and expression (article 19). Besides, they can approach the judiciary to address their grievances. Those are the constitutional forms available to lodge our protest. Thus, the method adopted by Anna Hazare is unconstitutional at least from the point of Indian Constitution.

22 The main theme of the movement i.e. anti-corruption is welcomed by everyone because corruption is slowly sucking the blood of this country. It is also constitutional, as the Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988. Nevertheless, the method adopted by Anna Hazare may be effective, but it is not constitutional. To protest is an integral part of democracy and is one thing, while blackmailing the government and forcing it to act according to one’s wish is another thing. (http://www.civilserviceindia.com/subject/Essay/anna-hazare-against-corruption.html)

2.3 Role of media in Anti - corruption movement:-

Anna Hazare's movement seems to have struck a chord with the urban Indian middle-class though there is support form rural areas also.

Definitely there is anger among citizens. The Congress-led UPA is now shaky as it hasn't encountered such a popular surge of people's movement.

But it is also true that the news media, particularly, the TV channels have played a key role in keeping up the tempo. By ensuring round the clock coverage and maintaining the pitch, they have ensured that the protests occur across the country and there is a mass frenzy.

Even though the channels haven't stated much about merits and demerits of the proposed institution of Lokpal or educated citizens about the implications of the ombudsman, TV and newspapers are visibly the driving force behind the anti-corruption movement.

It is rare to see issues taken up with such seriousness. Even the India-England cricket series was ignored. The frenzy has been such that TRPs are also rising. Either it is kid getting named Anna by his parents or an elderly walking barefoot to express support for Hazare, everything is being telecast enthusiastically.

The movement has also shown how media can effectively be used. Though the propriety regarding active participation of news media in a movement is debatable, it is true to an extent that Indian media has voluntarily become a party, a sort of participant, in this drive for Jan Lokpal Bill.

There are charges that elitist media groups that are mostly anti-reservation and want to establish hegemony over institutions, are behind this movement. No wonder that the ruling party feels that this monster (mass movement) is a media creation.

23 There is also a fear from sections of Dalits, OBCs and tribal intellectuals, that the Anna Team is more upper caste dominated and has no member from the under privileged sections including SCs/ STs and other religious minorities.

Anna Hazare's movement may not have grabbed as much attention if the TV channels had ignored it after a day or two. It may not wipe out corruption. It may be urban-centric. It may not be something like a Tahrir Square revolution.

But it has propelled Anna Hazare to the centre stage of Indian politics. Arvind Kejriwal, Kiran Bedi and others are also in the focus. Perhaps such a movement may not have succeeded in an era when we had just a single channel--Doordarshan (DD), which today shies from reporting happenings at Ramlila Ground.

It is true that channels have given excessive coverage to Anna Hazare. But that's what happens in case of all major movements. It has given Anna Team a bargaining power, it has brought people on the streets and it has forced government to become flexible and agree to talks. (http://editindia.blogspot.in/2011/08/anna-hazare-tv- channels-media-driving.html)

2.4 Various or Genre of media impact on civil revolution(in context of Anna Hazare India Against Corruption)

2.4.1 Print media :- Role of Print Media in civil revolution (in context of Anna Hazare India Against Corruption

Noun 1. print media - a medium that disseminates printed matter

medium - a means or instrumentality for storing or communicating information

public press, press - the print media responsible for gathering and publishing news in the form of newspapers or magazines

journalism, news media - newspapers and magazines collectively

samizdat, underground press - a system of clandestine printing and distribution of dissident or banned literature (http://www.thefreedictionary.com/print+media)

2.4.1.1The Hindu and Times of India

The Hindu coverage

People back at Jantar Mantar, it's war on corruption

24 Supporters of Anna Hazare took out a march here on Sunday extending their support to civil society members of the Lokpal Bill drafting committee.

Armed with banners, placards, posters and flags, the supporters, after assembling at Jantar Mantar, started their march towards India Gate where a programme of songs and street play was held to pledge their support to the anti-corruption movement being spearheaded by Mr. Hazare. Supporters lit candles at India Gate to express solidarity with the cause.

Volunteer-cum-co-coordinator of the march Ashim said: We want to tell these leaders — civil society members on the committee — that we are with you and wholeheartedly support you and we will not let the movement die or allow it to be relegated to the back burner.”

Though Mr. Hazare, committee member Arvind Kejriwal and the former IPS officer, Kabir Bedi, were conspicuous by their absence, it was the supporters, volunteers and common people who held the show together through their enthusiastic participation, unmindful of the summer heat.

Several volunteer registration desks set up by the supporters were an instant hit with people turning up in hordes to fill up forms and contribute their bit to the movement.

Fifty-two-year-old Narender Rawat said: “These forms would help make the movement stronger and also give the organisers an idea of the number of people who have pledged their support to the cause of anti-corruption. It would definitely boost their morale and take the movement forward. I had come to support Annaji when he was fasting at Jantar Mantar last month and now I have come again this time. I shall keep coming until the Lokpal Bill is passed and there is an end to corruption in our country.”

According to Indu Verma, a housewife, who came along with her husband from Gurgaon to participate in the march, her support to Anna Hazare would continue, the “unnecessary mudslinging” campaign notwithstanding.

“I feel strongly about the cause behind the movement. I don't think it is fair to simply sit in our drawing rooms and show support, which is why I am here. Though I am satisfied with the setting up of the Lokpal Bill drafting

25 committee, I want this movement to gather such momentum that shakes the very core of the corrupt polity which is at the heart of this issue,” she added.

Youth express solidarity

PTI reports from Mumbai:

On the eve of the second meeting of the Joint Drafting Committee of the Lokpal Bill in New Delhi, thousands of Mumbaikars gathered at the Gateway of India to express their solidarity with social activist Anna Hazare's fight against corruption.

The rally ‘Youth Against Corruption' led by the former IPS officer and prominent anti-corruption activist Kiran Bedi shouted slogans demanding implementation of the anti-corruption bill at the earliest.

“Youth should lead the nation now. We are all behind Anna Hazare...It's time we unite against corruption,” Ms. Bedi told reporters.

Protesters also included over 140 pilots of Air India.

“We all are here in our individual capacity to support Hazare against corruption,” captain Ritesh Mathankar said.

Ms. Bedi as part of the protest put a garland of slippers on a symbolic effigy of corruption.

The joint drafting committee met in the national capital on April 16 for the first time, amid a controversy over a CD allegedly involving lawyer and panel co-chairman Shanti Bhushan. (http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/people-back-at-jantar-mantar-its-war-on- corruption/article1983604.ece)

2.4.1.2 The Role of The Times of India in propping up Anna Hazare’s movement of August 2011:-

How The Times of India pumped up Team Anna

PRITAM SENGUPTA writes from New Delhi: Six minutes and 20 seconds into his vote of thanks at the culmination of Anna Hazare‘s fast-unto-death last Sunday, the RTI activist Arvind Kejriwal heaped plaudits on the media for the support it had lent to the Jan Lok Pal bill agitation by “articulating the outrage of the nation”.

26 Pointing at the jungle of anchors, reporters, cameramen and crane operators in the media pen in front of the stage at the Ramlila maidan, Kejriwal said the “media weren’t just doing their job… they are now part of the movement”.

Verbatim quote:

“Hum in saari media ke shukr guzaar hain. Yeh aap dekhiye, abhi bhi camera lekar, tadapti dhoop mein khade hain, yeh log. Yeh zaroori nahin, kewal inki naukri nahin thi. Yeh log ab andolan ka hissa hain. Raat-raat bhar, chaubis-chaubis ghante, bina soye in logon ne hamari andolan mein hissa liya, hum mediake saathiyon ko naman karte hain.”

Kejriwal’s general gratitude was for television whose frenetic and fawning coverage instantly took the message to parts of the country print wouldn’t dream of reaching in the next half a century. (A TV critic wrote last week that a survey of TV coverage of Hazare’s Jantar Mantar fast in April found 5592 pro-Anna segments versus just 62 that were anti-Anna.)

But if Kejriwal had to choose one English language publication in particular for rounding up “Middle India” in round two of the fight for a strong anti-corruption ombudsman, the honour should surely go to The Times of India.

From the day after Anna Hazare was prematurely arrested on August 16 to August 29, the day he ended his fast, the New Delhi edition of The Times of India took ownership of the story and played a stellar role in mobilising public opinion and exerting pressure on the political class.

# Over 13 days, the main section of the Delhi edition of The Times of India, covered the Anna Hazare saga over 123 broadsheet pages branded “August Kranti” (August Revolution), with 401 news stories, 34 opinion pieces, 556 photographs, and 29 cartoons and strips.

# On seven of the 13 days of the fast, the front page of Delhi ToI had eight-column banner headlines. The coverage, which included vox-pops and special pages, even spilled over to the business and sports pages, with the Bofors scam-accused industrialist S.P. Hinduja offering his wisdom.

# In launching a toll-free number for readers to give a “missed call” if they wanted a strong Lokpal bill, ToIwas almost indistinguishable from the India Against Corruption movement behind Hazare. ToI claims that over 46 lakh people have registered their vote.

In short, backed by an online campaign titled “ACT—Against Corruption Together” plus the Arnab Goswami show on Times Now, the Times group provided substantial multi-media heft to the Jan Lok Pal campaign.

In its almost completely uncritical coverage of Round II, The Times of India provided a sharp contrast to the almost completely cynical coverage of Round I by The Indian Express four months ago, the former batting out of his crease for for the wider constituency of the reader, consumer, voter and citizen.

Remarkably, also, for a publication of its size and girth, ToI took an unhesitatingly anti-establishment stand in its headlines and choice of stories, showing where it stood on corruption—an issue agitating readers in its core demographic—in a manner in which most large newspapers are loathe to do.

There were only token negative pieces like the Shahi Imam of Delhi’s Jama Masjid calling the protest “anti- Islam”; Dalits wanting a Bahujan Lokpal bill; or Arundhati Roy calling Hazare’s stand “undemocratic”. On the whole, though, ToI coverage was gung-ho as gung-ho goes, especially judging from some of the mythological, militaristic headlines.

Just what was behind the ToI‘s proactive stand still remains to be deciphered.

27 Was it merely reflecting the angst and anger of its middle-class readership? Was it taking the scams, many of which it broke and which brought the Lok Pal issue to the head, to its logical conclusion? Or, does the involvement of its in-house godman in the proceedings, Sri Sri Ravi Shankar of the Art of Living, lend a clue?

Was it willy-nilly taking part in the dark rumours of “regime-change” swirling around Delhi? Or, was it just doing what a good newspaper is supposed to do: taking a stand, making sense of an increasingly complicated world to a time and attention strapped reader, and speaking truth to power?

Whatever be the truth, the fact that Times of India took such a popular-with-readers, unpopular-with- government stand when it is involved in a no-holds-barred campaign to stall the implementation of the Majithia wage board recommendations for newspaper employees, speaks volumes of its conviction on the Lok Pal issue. (http://www.whatislokpal.in/the-role-of-the-times-of-india-in-propping-up-anna-hazares-movement-of-august- 2011/)

2.4.2 Television media :- Role of TV news channel in civil revolution (in context of Anna Hazare India Against Corruption)

Noun 1. television news - a television broadcast of news

2.4.2.1 News channels' prime time coverage of Anna Hazare's fast: study report

Reproduced below is a report from CMS Media Lab on how much prime time selected English and Hindi news channels devoted to coverage of Anna Hazare’s Fast and how much rime was devoted to commercials:

Anna Hazare’s movement against corruption received blanket coverage on the prime time of television news channels, according to a study of CMS Media Lab.

To understand the coverage of Anna’s movement on television news channels, CMS Media Lab tracked and analyzed the prime time content (7PM to 11PM) of leading two Hindi (Star News & Aaj Tak) and two English (NDTV24x7 & CNN IBN) news channels from 16th to 28th August 2011.

News channels had a combined coverage of 8047 minutes (91.1%) of prime time news coverage on Anna Hazare’s movement. Hindi news channels devoted 10% more news time to Anna’s movement compared to English news channels. Hindi news channels devoted 97% of news time whereas English news channels devoted 87% of their prime time news space. During these 13 days, on nine days in the case of Hindi channels and four days in the case of English channels, other news was completely blacked out.

Interestingly, Television news channels covered Mumbai terrorist attack in 2008 with least advertisements. However, in Anna’s movement television news channels not only spiked in viewership but also a good share of commercial time during prime time. Approximately news channels devoted 27% of their prime time on advertisements. 23 to 31% of prime time of news channels – around a quarter in the case of English channels and one-third in the case of Hindi channels- were allotted for commercials.

On four days (24th to 27th) NDTV 24x7 fully filled up their prime time news time with Anna’s movement. CNN IBN also had four days (16th, 24th, 25th, and 27th) of 100% coverage on Anna. Star News and Aaj Tak blacked out all news other than “Anna’s revolution” for nine days.

28 Among news channels Star News devoted 97.8% of its news time followed by Aaj Tak with 94.6%. NDTV 24x7 and CNN IBN devoted 88.7 and 84.5% of news time respectively on Anna’s protest.

Note: CMS Media Lab analyses the content and market trends of news media (http://brpbhaskar.blogspot.in/2011/08/news-channels-prime-time-coverage-of.html)

2.4.3 Magazine:- Role of News Magazines in civil revolution (in context of Anna Hazare India Against Corruption ).

Anna Hazare makes it to Time Magazine's top 10 list

New Delhi: From Hitler to Obama - Time Magazine has featured people who 'for better or for worse, have done the most to influence the events of the year' on the cover of its special annual issue. And this year the Person of the Year is - the Protestor. While the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street Protests dominated world headlines, in India, it was Anna's year.

Anna Hazare's anti-corruption movement that saw Indians rally in support has been named among the top 10 news stories in the world this year by Time magazine, which listed the Arab Spring and killing of Osama bin Laden as the top attention-grabbing headlines.

In its section on People Who Mattered, Time Magazine says "It's hard to imagine this diminutive, celibate octogenarian being the dynamo behind an entire popular movement. But in India, Anna Hazare cut a Gandhian pose that transfixed the world's largest democracy and put its sitting government's feet to the fire."

It goes on to say, "Hazare's repeated fasts against corruption attracted tens of thousands of supporters and paralyzed India's Parliament. While critics spy corruption within his own ranks and point to Hazare's ties to the Hindu right wing, his protest channeled the widespread exasperation and anger of India's rising middle class, frustrated with the age-old habits of graft that still dominate much of India's calcified bureaucracy."

The magazine says - Mr Hazare, a former military man who spent much of his life helping govern his tiny village in western India, summed up his 2011 in a recent interview with TIME: "I am still bemused as to how this all came about. A pauper living in a temple, who has no money, no power, no wealth; for him the entire country united and spoke in one voice."

Anna also makes it to Peter Hapak's Photo Essay on the Cover Story. Among the 36 pictures is a close-up profile of a smiling and Gandhi-cap wearing Anna Hazare and one in which he is sitting cross-legged. Its caption reads "anti-corruption crusader in India."

"When God wants to bring in change, he needs a vehicle of change, and I became that vehicle," Mr Hazare, quoted.

OUTLOOK COVERAGE

29 courtesy: outlook

LOKPAL BILL

Thus Spake Hammurabi ( covered by Outlook)

As the Lokpal Bill gets mired in a tortuous birthing, the debate shifts to who exactly has the right to pass a law

Why Politicians Hate Civil Society

 Unelected activists stealing Parliament’s right to make laws, undercutting role of parliamentarians

 Demands like an all-powerful Lokpal directly impact political-bureaucratic class and the status quo

 Rigid deadlines, fasts unto death to press home issues are akin to holding government to ransom

 Streetcorner populism of activists runs counter to both the demands of realpolitik and tenets of democracy

Sparring Points

Besides Lokpal Bill, politicians have sparred with civil society on four key pieces of legislation

 RTI Act: Various arms of government first block it, now place conditions designed to strangle transparency

 Right to Food: The Planning Commission differs with activists on what percentage of poor should be covered

 Land Acquisition Bill: Many opinions even within govt, from ceding the role to industry or not. Activists want to go beyond compensation, against coercive displacement.

 Communal Violence Bill: Saffron parties allege new ‘discriminatory’ bill, drafted by NAC, is being rammed down their throats.

***

A few days in June have never looked so different from a few days in April. Two months ago, when the crowds had begun to swell at Jantar Mantar in support of a fasting Anna Hazare, the mood of the citizens was upbeat, the media unquestioning and a scared government anxiously monitoring upcoming elections in five states. As

30 the din over corruption grew, the Congress finally acceded to the demand of setting up a joint drafting committee including civil society representatives and government nominees for the proposed Lokpal Bill. The exercise was to lead to the formation of a body that would address corruption in high places.

By June, when Baba Ramdev took stage to roll out his version of the hunger strike, the assembly elections were long over. The government, which had seemingly capitulated, now reversed and progressively hardened its stand, jeopardising the very creation of the Lokpal Bill. The language its ministers employed became tougher, and the non-government representatives on the drafting committee were left fighting a rearguard action. Union minister for human resources Kapil Sibal, who is also part of the committee, fired the first “The government has not consulted us. We are only of many salvos when he said the government would go ahead with drafting observers. Whatever we have to the bill even if Hazare’s team boycotted meetings, which they did last week say, we will say it in Parliament.”Arun Jaitley, BJP after Ramdev’s fast was busted in a midnight operation. Leader

Between April and June, the summer had seen a distinct shift in the balance of power between government and civil society. First, there was the smear campaign against the father-son duo of Shanti and Prashant Bhushan. When that failed, ‘civil society’ itself was sought to be divided. Soon enough, it ceased to be a battle between civil society and the government and became a struggle between a few members who called themselves civil society and virtually the entire political class. Opposition parties like the BJP and the Left felt that democracy and the supremacy of Parliament was being subverted by a few unelected “anarchists”. Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari took the argument further to say, “Under the Westminster system of democracy, it is the right of the government to propose legislation and the sovereign right of Parliament to agree or dispose. So if anybody is under the misconception that they will be able to impose their will over the collective sovereign, then they are living in an illusion. Consultation does not mean the power to veto.” Tewari also made it clear that the UPA government had been, and will be, accommodating. “The National Advisory Council (NAC) was an attempt at constructive engagement. But can we give in to anarchists masquerading as civil society? We need to make a sharp distinction between anarchists and civil society.”

What exactly is “civil society”? One definition says the “term is understood “If anyone thinks to define a space and a sphere of action that exists between the private they will be able to sphere, the economy and the state. Acts in this sphere are based on a impose their will on minimum consensus of norms that include tolerance, fairness and freedom that of the collective from violence”. Far from being a homogeneous mass it is normally sovereign, they are understood to be, civil society comprises different shades of opinion. Where living in an the Right can go with the Left and fight a common cause. Where Hazare & illusion.”Manish Co or the Ramdev brand of mass upsurge—one legalistic and moderate and Tewari, Congress the other unpredictable and extremist in nature—can sit together comfortably Spokesperson in a united fight against corruption.

But it isn’t civil society per se as much as the proposed Lokpal Bill that has invoked the wrath of the politicians across the board. This is perhaps because it will make elected representatives and the bureaucracy accountable should they indulge in corrupt acts. And the disagreement with civil society on the exact contours of the bill is what has forged a consensus between sworn enemies and the Left and the Right. No one is supportive of the tough clauses that the civil society representatives want included and the manner in which they want to dictate terms while drafting the bill. Neither do the politicians like the idea of presuming their entire class to be corrupt.

31 Stead Fast Anna Hazare supporters at Rajghat

Says D. Raja of the CPI, “Painting all politicians with the same brush is not good for democracy and can lead to anarchy, which in turn breeds fascism.” Raja’s concern stems from the basic premise of Hazare’s movement that all politicians are corrupt. He also feels the coercive tactics of the group in forcing itself on the government and drafting the Lokpal Bill do not augur well for democracy. “It’s the government’s job to draft a bill and present it to Parliament and it is here that the bill should be debated and discussed. What is this civil society which is co- drafting the bill with the government? What is its sanctity?” Raja urges civil society groups to be a little cautious in their approach and advises the government to “consult political parties first before introducing a legislation”.

CPI(M)’s Sitaram Yechury is also critical of the government for forfeiting its responsibility to take the political parties into confidence before putting the bill to debate. “You cannot send a list of objective-type questions on such a serious issue like the Lokpal Bill and expect parties to answer,” he says. “No one is denying the importance of civil society, but passing laws is the preserve of the elected representatives of the people.” The objective questions Yechury is referring to pertain to a letter that Union finance minister Pranab Mukherjee “No one is denying sent last fortnight to political parties and chief ministers with an appended the importance of questionnaire on the bill. Many non-UPA CMs have written back either civil society, but complaining about the questions or wondering why political parties were not passing laws is the consulted during the drafting process and now being used as a convenient preserve of the afterthought. elected representatives of the Union home minister P. Chidambaram, in an extensive interview to people.”Sitaram Doordarshan, said, “I support civil society speaking up, raising its voice. But I Yechury, CPI(M) do not support elected representatives yielding their obligations and Leader responsibilities to civil society representatives. Let’s remember that the foundation of this country is parliamentary democracy.” But why has civil society mobilised itself now on the corruption issue? Explains political sociologist D.L. Sheth: “There are moments when a more generic voice takes root and allows civil society to mobilise itself like now.” Going by Sheth’s observation, the efforts of Anna Hazare and even Ramdev could qualify as movements where effective mobilisation took place to rouse the state from slumber. The recent spate of mega scams only amplified this systemic apathy. Money that could have been better spent on education, food and health was pocketed by a handful of people in power—corruption that was assiduously brought to light by a vigilant media chronicling their actions. “When people begin to see the government being treated as a jagir by those who they elected,”

32 says Sheth, “they resent it. Legislative and bureaucratic power can become defunct if not countervailed by civil society.”

And it was the UPA government itself which had opened its doors to civil society and gave it the legitimacy previous governments had not. This it did in the first term of UPA by setting up the NAC, which has since been poring over tens of thousands of important legislations (see graphics). Activists like Medha Patkar and Sandeep Pandey say the creation of the NAC was a good sign in that it brought in sections of people who had fought at the grassroots level for people-friendly policies into the mainstream where they are in a position to act as pressure groups. So even as some politicians blame the government for outsourcing its work of drafting legislations to the NAC, activists welcomed its creation. Says Medha Patkar, “The NAC is only a drafting committee, not a passing committee. Moreover, issues like corruption require a perseverance that political parties don’t have. Ultimately, Parliament has to pass legislations.”

This breed of activists is now finding itself at odds with other members of the civil society. It is not that they do not want a strong anti-corruption mechanism, but they are not comfortable with the methods employed by Hazare’s team. “We support everything Arvind Kejriwal and Prashant Bhushan have done so far,” a member of the National Campaign for the People’s Right to Information (NCPRI) told Outlook. “But we also detect a certain intolerance for contrary views and at times they do end up trivialising some of the positions that we have taken on the draft bill.”

The State Speaks Police action at Bhatta-Parsaul villages

An amalgamation of many opinions which came together to create the Right to Information Act between 1996 and 2004, the NCPRI today cannot see eye to eye with Hazare’s team. Its convenor for several years, Shekhar Singh, recalls, “We went through several processes. It is a myth to believe that a law can be drafted with 1,00,000 people. When we worked on the RTI Act, we made a draft and then met people. If we got a negative feedback, we would reflect and redraft it. But the idea was to incorporate greater diversity and take the most prominent voices coming in.”

Senior bureaucrats are now adamant that no inch will be conceded to Hazare’s team any more. “This is like blackmail. Tomorrow, the Maoists “I feel there should be could also operate in a similar manner. Would you expect us to give in to a greater debate them as well? Can we use hunger strikes to decide an agenda or draft a bill?” within civil society on asks a senior bureaucrat familiar with the drafting process. But Kejriwal, who a crucial issue like the Lokpal Bill. I hardly see the debate.”Justice A.P. Shah, Former 33 Delhi HC Chief Justice is in many ways the driving force behind the bill, points out to several inequalities in the current discourse. “We are in an unequal position in the drafting committee. We keep making suggestions and the government keeps ignoring us. We even asked for a public debate on some of the contentious issues which could be telecast live. They refused. Is that democratic?” The panel member also points out that they are not trying to subvert democracy or the legislative process, but to broaden and deepen it. “Isn’t democracy supposed to be more participatory than this? It’s not just about elections. Does that mean that once I have elected an MLA or an MP, he becomes a dictator for the next five years?”

Eventually, as Sheth says, civil society has its own legitimacy and accountability and this it draws from the causes it espouses. Nobody will embrace a cause that doesn’t sound credible. For now, corruption and the move against it is credible, for it has the ringing endorsement of thousands of Indians. (http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?277045)

India today coverage

India Today Newsmaker 2011: Anna Hazare News covered by India today

Anna Hazare Hope is a repudiation of today's desperation and a celebration of tomorrow's opportunities. Hope is the father of change. It shapes the dreams of the disillusioned. It is the power of the betrayed. In the histories of national freedom, it is hope that fuels dissent, and mobilises the voiceless against the lies of the state. In India 2011, hope wore a Gandhi topi. It fasted, dared the stormtroopers of a paranoid state, went to jail, awakened the middle class from its cozy stupor, brought the young and the idealistic to the mean streets of politics, and shook the foundations of a corrupt regime that kept changing its fig leaf in its anxiety to curtain shame. Hope became Anna Hazare in the year India's scandals boiled over into popular rage. This portly satyagrahi from the Maharashtrian village of Ralegan Siddhi walked into the consciousness of India at a time when the country was on the verge of abandoning hope and taking refuge in fatal stoicism. Between the dubious multi-crore 2G spectrum deal and the scandalous preparations for the Commonwealth Games, the overwhelming banality of corruption became the defining character of the UPA Government. A few went to jail, but India recognised them for what they had become: scapegoats. The highest echelon of the regime remained immune to accountability. As the stench pervaded the nation, Hazare thrust himself to the centrestage as Citizen Outraged. He led the uprising against the citadel on Raisina Hill as Citizen Rearmed. A boy offers sweets to a portrait of Anna Hazare in Ahmedabad. The discredited Government thought arrogance was an adequate response to dissent. India, the world's most volatile democracy, also has the most evolved civil society in Asia, and it has been consistently unforgiving to rulers swayed by totalitarian temptations. Parliament is the highest shrine of a civil society and Hazare, as a pilgrim let down by the gods of democracy, took his war to the sanctum sanctorum. His argument was moral, his method was Gandhian, though, as he repeatedly accepted, he was no Mahatma. He wanted Parliament to legislate an honest mechanism which incorporated the popular will to fight the cancer of corruption. The government resisted the intrusion of the outsider-for a while and at a heavy cost. The sweep and scope of a Jan Lokpal, a people's ombudsman, as envisaged by Hazare and his comrades in India Against Corruption (IAC) was a nightmare for the UPA. The Government has enough reason to shield the corrupt rather than punish them: the guilty are from its fold. A war against corruption meant a war on the regime itself; so, obviously, the Government opened hostilities against the inconvenient messenger. But Hazare under attack spawned a multitude of Hazares across the country, in towns and villages, spanning gender, class and age. When the street embraced the romance of 'we-are-all-Anna-

34 Hazare-today', Delhi trembled, the fig leaves fell, and a triangulating regime lost the argument. Anna's movement did not defy Parliament; it sought to enlarge and empower institutions to curb corruption. Indians were inspired by a 74-year-old man, a former driver in the Indian Army. The fierceness of his commitment was only matched by his perseverance. Click here to Enlarge Even when faced with a volcanic street, the Government seems more interested in containing Hazare than curbing corruption. The draft Lokpal Bill, put together by the UPA's wily legal brains (Kapil Sibal, P. Chidambaram and Salman Khurshid), is a partial submission, full of deviations that could weaken its ability. A wider section of the lower bureaucracy will come under the Lokpal but the central investigating agency, the CBI, will continue to be the handmaiden of the Government. This is a rebuff to Hazare, who wants the agency under the control of the Lokpal. The principal Opposition party, BJP, wants CBI to be autonomous. Even though the Prime Minister is included in the ambit, enough escape routes have been left open in the name of national security. Even in this moment of seeming surrender, honour is not a virtue visible in South Block. If Hazare is an open book, the UPA Government is a secret text about survival. Anna Hazare with a young fan Hazare's response is in character: to up the ante. When INDIA TODAY caught up with him on a wintry evening in Delhi's Maharashtra Sadan, the only sign of change was the choice of his cap: the trademark white cotton Gandhi topi was replaced by a blue woollen one. Anna could take on the frozen conscience of the ruling establishment, but the December chill of Delhi was a bit too much. Still, the feisty tormentor of a beleaguered UPA wouldn't give in to the vagaries of weather: "Look at me, do I look ill?" Indeed, there was no heater in his room, though there were two in the visitor's room, full of volunteers and sundry worshippers of the saint who shook the state. In the course of the interview, he played down his own legend. "Mujhe Gandhi ke saath mat jodo (Don't make me a Gandhi)," he said (see interview). It was Vivekananda who taught him that "inner happiness comes from duty". Anna Hazare (centre) with his team at a press conference in New Delhi. Gandhi was a later influence. He deployed the Gandhian weapon of satyagraha against the power of a crooked state. He set the power of hunger against the hunger for power. In many ways, his moral system, conditioned by the discipline of the barrack and wisdom of the countryside, is in some conflict with the aspirations and attitudes of the metropolitan youth who have become his fan club. In time, the contradictions will emerge. In rural Ralegan, the Hazare country, he has declared war on vices such as drinking. There is a frightening simplicity-and clarity-about Hazare's idea of a perfect state with a few lofty men as arbiters. The moral dictatorship of the wisest has no patience for debate or consensus. The so-called Team Anna, a group of self-righteous Sancho Panzas, are not exactly the ideal ambassadors of a civil society; the power of protest and primetime exposure has already given them a false sense of invincibility. Hazare is the mascot; they provide the script that sustains the aura.

35 What makes their text of redemption, personified by the Gandhian, acceptable to the hopeless majority that lives outside Lutyens' Delhi is the political context. In a year that witnessed the serial blasts of reputations, Anna alone stood tall as the inspiration for a new iconography of heroism. Sonia Gandhi took the lead in the war against Hazare, bringing out her heaviest firepower. Courtiers of 10 Janpath were mobilised to sabotage Hazare's movement. It would be their Bill or nothing else. While the much eulogised moderniser-prime minister turned out to be a shade too tolerant of colleagues, Hazare soared above the sleaze of Delhi. When the ventriloquism of Manmohan Singh failed to restore faith in the ruling class, the folksy gospel of Hazare swayed the mind of India. When the smarmy interlocutors of the Government tried their lawyerly arguments, Hazare, with the purity of his purpose and the integrity of his character, won India. Hazare brought streetfighter chic back to politics. His combatant was worthy of his wrath: a Government, frightened but vengeful, that would go a long way to silence the man who shattered its comfort zone. The midnight knocks on the door of his apartment or a stint in Tihar Jail did not silence Hazare. They only added to the legend of the rebel. {mosimage}As the year of infamy draws to a close, the rage of Hazare has already changed the politics of India-and enlarged the idealism of a generation. He frightened the political class, and thereby reduced the distance between ruler and ruled. Hazare shifted the centre of political gravity: the prime minister is now in office, not in power. Hazare's own strength derives directly from the anger and aspirations of a people let down by a regime that has made corruption its official religion. In a country that is growing demographically younger, it took the audacity of a moral warrior from the remoteness of rural India to make the urban youth stakeholders in politics. Hazare brought We the People to the vanguard of a freedom movement through the politics of conscience. Anna Hazare is INDIA TODAY'S Newsmaker of the Year because the velocity of his rage shattered the cynicism of rulers and restored hope among the ruled. The struggle of Citizen Hazare has redeemed Indian democracy, and empowered the hopeless for a generation (http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/india-today- newsmaker-2011-anna-hazare/1/165519.html)

2.4.4 New media ( social media):- Role of New Media in civil revolution (in context of Anna Hazare India Against Corruption) New media may be defined as latest tool of communication which has all the aspects of decoding message effectively through integrated platforms. ‘’The rise of new media has increased communication between people all over the world and the Internet. It has allowed people to express themselves through blogs, websites, pictures, and other user-generated media. (Donk, 2004)

2.4.4.1Anna Hazare’s “India against Corruption”: Role of New Media in Mass Movement

Mass movement is supported by large segments of a population. Many movements have been witnessed beginning from the struggle from independence to the current Anna Hazare’s anti corruption movement.

The New media refers emerged in the latter part of the 20th century referring to on-demand access to content anytime, anywhere. It is giving new dimensions being very popular among youth. In context of Hazare’s campaign; Internet & Social Media sites have been abuzz with articles/messages showing support for Anna Hazare’s fight against corruption and his plea to pass Jan Lokpal Bill. New Media can be a best tool now-a-days to increase reach of mass movements. The rise of new media has increased communication between people all over the world and the Internet. The scale of “Anna Hazare movement on Social Media” was extended to remote South, East, North, and West. Only Facebook witnessed 5.5 Lakh followers who just not only participated in the discussion but they have followed the posts daily during Hazare’s fast at Ram Lila Ground in New Delhi. Twitter and other tags have also witnessed massive response on the same issue and hence complimented each other as far as reach and access of the message from team Anna is concerned.

As compared to other aspects of social movements New Media is becoming more significant and instant way of disseminating the information globally. The virtual world is gradually finding its social relevance and people not withstanding their geographical location are able to view/ review/analyze events across the world. The Internet is set to make the globe more coherent with its ever-increasing reach out to the nook and corners of the world.

36 (http://sciencesblog.org/management/anna-hazares-india-against-corruption-role-of-new-media-in-mass- movement/)

2.4.4.2 Article on afaqs:-

How powerful is Anna Hazare on Facebook and Twitter? afaqs! decodes the strength of Hazare and his 'India Against Corruption' movement on leading social media platforms.

Social activist Anna Hazare and his movement 'India Against Corruption' (IAC) has become significantly powerful on social media, especially on Facebook and Twitter.

More than 150 Facebook pages related to 'Anna Hazare' and 'India Against Corruption' have emerged in the last few months. Surprisingly, majority of these pages seem to be created by various enthusiasts, who do not form the part of Anna's official team.

For instance, one of the page titled, 'Join Anna Hazare's Fast To Bring the Jan Lokpal Bill' (Facebook.com/joinanna), created by a Mumbai-based Facebook user named 'Mohammed Zaid Shaikh', is followed/liked by more than 38,000 users.

The official 'India Against Corruption' page (facebook.com/IndiACor) has managed to rope in more than 3.2 lakh fans, so far. More than 13,000 of these fans joined the page yesterday, and over 60,000 users joined it in the last 17 days. (The figures have been derived from Facebook Analytics tool named Buzzref.com).

The power of Anna's movement can be gauged from the fact that the official 'India Against Corruption' Facebook page (with less than one million users) has managed to garner more user engagement than many leading brands, which employ dedicated resources for social media handling.

According to Buzzref.com, the IAC Facebook page received over 71,000 'likes' and 13,000 comments for mere 170 posts updated in the month of August. However, MTV India (Facebook.com/mtvindia, 2.9 million fans) and Dominos (Facebook.com/dominospizzaindia, 0.5 million fans) received 21,000 'likes' (for 59 posts) and 11740 'likes' and 1568 comments (for 41 posts) respectively, during the same duration.

The power of Anna's movement could be well seen on Twitter too. A humungous chunk of internet users posted messages in support of Anna on Twitter. Topics related to 'Anna Hazare' and 'Jan Lokpal' became the most discussed subjects on Twitter in India, in the last two days.

For instance, hashtag - #isupportannahazare remained the most discussed topic on August 17 with over 8000 tweets mentioned or used this hashtag. More than 9000 tweets cited conversations related to hashtag(#Janlokpal) during August 16 and 17. According to Topsy.com, about 15,000 tweets with the mention of Anna Hazare have been published on Twitter in the last two days.

The influential power of official Twitter account/handle of the movement (Twitter.com/Janlokpal) has notably jumped by six points in the past two days. The Klout score of @janlokpal went up from 68 on August 15 to 74 on August 17. For the uninitiated, Klout.com determines the influential power of a Twitter handle.

37 mentions Shahrukh Khan (Twitter.com/iamsrk) and Dalai Lama (Twitter.com/DalaiLama) with Klout scores of 77 and 86 as the most influential Twitter users in India.

And it's not just the common man who is tweeting in support of Anna but also the influential people such as Anupam Kher (Twitter.com/AnupamPkher, Klout score of 78), Shekhar Kapur (Twitter.com/shekharkapur, Klout Score of 72) are also fuelling Anna's power in the social media domain.

38 (http://www.afaqs.com/news/story.html? sid=31413_How+powerful+is+Anna+Hazare+on+Facebook+and+Twitter)2.5 Impact of media in Anti - corruption movement:-

Anna Hazare at CNN IBN Indian of the year award said, “It is media which is responsible for making me a national icon. “

2.5.1 Characteristics of the movement:

Movement comprised of people who generally don’t participate in politics

People participating in the movement had little knowledge of political parlance