A Roman Funerary Inscription from Smederevo

Na koricama: Tipar kneza Lazara, nakon konzervatorskog tretmana, Drewe – Dvori{te S. Markovi}a, Rudnik. Foto: D. Radi~evi} Sur la couverture: Matrice de sceaux du prince Lazar après la conservation, Drenje – la cour du S. Markovi}, Rudnik. Photo: D. Radi~evi} ARHEOLO[KI INSTITUT BEOGRAD INSTITUT ARCHÉOLOGIQUE BELGRADE

UDK 902/904 (050) ISSN 0350-0241 ([tampano izd.) ISSN 2406-0739 (Online) STARINAR LXVI/2016, 1–219, BEOGRAD 2016. INSTITUT ARCHÉOLOGIQUE BELGRADE STARINAR

Nouvelle série volume LXVI/2016

BELGRADE 2016 ARHEOLO[KI INSTITUT BEOGRAD STARINAR

Nova serija kwiga LXVI/2016

BEOGRAD 2016. STARINAR STARINAR Nova serija kwiga LXVI/2016 Nouvelle série volume LXVI/2016

IZDAVA^ EDITEUR Arheolo{ki institut Institut archéologique Kneza Mihaila 35/IV Kneza Mihaila 35/IV 11000 Beograd, Srbija 11000 Belgrade, Serbie e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected] Tel. 381 11 2637191 Tél. 381 11 2637191

UREDNIK RÉDACTEUR Miomir Kora}, direktor Arheolo{kog instituta Miomir Kora}, directeur de l’Institut archéologique

REDAKCIONI ODBOR COMITÉ DE RÉDACTION Miloje Vasi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Miloje Vasi}, Institut archéologique, Belgrade Rastko Vasi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Rastko Vasi}, Institut archéologique, Belgrade Noel Dival, Univerzitet Sorbona, Pariz Noël Duval, Université Paris Sorbonne, Paris IV Bojan \uri}, Univerzitet u Qubqani, Bojan \uri}, Université de Ljubljana, Filozofski fakultet, Qubqana Faculté des Arts, Ljubljana Mirjana @ivojinovi}, Srpska akademija nauka Mirjana @ivojinovi}, Académie serbe des sciences i umetnosti, Beograd et des arts, Belgrade Vasil Nikolov, Nacionalni arheolo{ki institut Vasil Nikolov, Institut archéologique national et Musée, i muzej, Bugarska akademija nauka, Sofija Académie bulgare des sciences, Sofia @ivko Miki} Univerzitet u Beogradu, @ivko Miki} Université de Belgrade, Filozofski fakultet, Beograd Faculté des Arts, Belgrade Ivana Popovi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Ivana Popovi}, Institut archéologique, Belgrade Marko Popovi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Marko Popovi}, Institut archéologique, Belgrade Nikola Tasi}, Srpska akademija nauka Nikola Tasi}, Académie serbe des sciences et des arts, Belgrade i umetnosti, Beograd Arthur Bankoff, Brooklyn Collège, New York Artur Bankhof, Bruklin kolex, Wujork Natalia Goncharova, Lomonosov, Natalija Gon~arova, Univerzitet Lomonosov, Moskva L’Université d’Etat de Moscou, Moscou Haskel Grinfild, Univeritet u Manitobi, Vinipeg Haskel Greenfield, L’Université de Mantitoba, Winnipeg

SEKRETAR REDAKCIJE SECRÉTAIRE DE RÉDACTION Jelena An|elkovi} Gra{ar, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Jelena An|elkovi} Gra{ar, Institut archéologique, Belgrade

LEKTOR ZA SRPSKI JEZIK LE LECTEUR POUR LA LANGUE SERBE Mirjana Radovanovi} Mirjana Radovanovi}

PREVODILAC ZA ENGLESKI JEZIK TRADUCTEUR POUR LA LANGUE ANGLAIS Mirjana Vukmanovi} Mirjana Vukmanovi}

LEKTOR ZA ENGLESKI JEZIK LECTEUR POUR LA LANGUE ANGLAIS Dejv Kalkat Dave Calcutt

GRAFI^KA OBRADA RÉALISATION GRAPHIQUE Danijela Paracki Danijela Paracki D_SIGN, Beograd D_SIGN, Belgrade

[TAMPA IMPRIMEUR SP PRINT, Novi Sad SP PRINT, Novi Sad

TIRA@ TIRAGE 400 primeraka 400 exemplaires

SEKUNDARNA PUBLIKACIJA PUBLICATION SECONDAIRE COBISS COBISS

^asopis je objavqen uz finansijsku pomo} Ministarstva prosvete, nauke i tehnolo{kog razvoja Republike Srbije

Ce périodique est publié avec le soutien du Ministère de l’éducation, de la science et du développement technologique de la République Serbie SADR@AJ – SOMMAIRE

RASPRAVE – ETUDES

Daniela Heilmann Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates: Cultural transfer processes during Early Iron Age in the Central Balkan Area ...... 9 Daniela Hajlman Kontekstualizacija lu~nih fibula sa nogom u obliku beotskog {tita: procesi kulturnih transfera tokom ranog gvozdenog doba na centralnom Balkanu ...... 26

Aleksandar Mitkoski, Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani – Representative case Aleksandar Bulatovi}, Ilija Miki} of using sacred places during several periods in the past ...... 27 Aleksandar Mitkoski, Nekropola pod tumulom u Vepr~anima Aleksandar Bulatovi}, Ilija Miki} – Primer kori{}ewa sakralnih mesta u vi{e perioda u pro{losti . . . 53

Péter Kovács, Péter Prohászka A Roman funerary inscription from Smederevo ...... 59 Peter Kova~, Peter Prohaska Rimski nadgrobni natpis iz Smedereva ...... 63

Nata{a Miladinovi}-Radmilovi}, Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium ...... 65 Dragana Vulovi}, Ksenija \uki} Nata{a Miladinovi}-Radmilovi}, Zdravstveno stawe dece u anti~kom Sirmijumu ...... 77 Dragana Vulovi}, Ksenija \uki}

Nade`da Gavrilovi} Vitas, Gordana Stibadium B of villa with peristyle at Mediana ...... 81 Milo{evi} Jevti}, Vesna Crnoglavac Nade`da Gavrilovi} Vitas, Gordana Stibadijum B vile sa peristilom na Medijani ...... 102 Milo{evi} Jevti}, Vesna Crnoglavac

PRILOZI – APERCUS

Rada Gligori}, Vojislav Filipovi}, An AMS dated Late Bronze Age grave Aleksandar Bulatovi} from the mound necropolis Paulje ...... 103 Rada Gligori}, Vojislav Filipovi}, Grob iz razvijenog bronzanog doba sa nekropole Pauqe Aleksandar Bulatovi} datovan AMS metodom ...... 108 Mirjana D. Vojvoda, METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS – Slavoqub L. Petrovi} Prilog prou~avawu rudni~kog novca i anonimnih kvadransa . . . . . 111 Mirjana D. Vojvoda, METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS – Slavoljub L. Petrovi} Contribution to the study of mining coins and anonymous quadrantes ...... 118

Cãlin Timoc, Imola Boda Notes on the Dolichenian Monument from Pincum / Veliko Gradi{te (CIL III 14503, 1 = AE 1902, 20)...... 121 Kalin Timok, Imola Boda Bele{ke o Dolihenskom spomeniku iz Pinkuma / Veliko Gradi{te (CIL III 14503, 1 = AE 1902, 20) ...... 127

Ivana Popovi}, Sne`ana Ferjan~i} Cup-Bearer of Constantius II and Early Christian Inscriptions from the Necropolis of St Synerotes in Sirmium ...... 129 Ivana Popovi}, Sne`ana Ferjan~i} Peharnik Konstancija II i ranohri{}anski natpisi sa nekropole sv. Sinerota u Sirmijumu ...... 141

Vujadin Ivani{evi}, Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada Ivan Bugarski, – Primena savremenih metoda prospekcije i detekcije ...... 143 Aleksandar Stamenkovi} Vujadin Ivani{evi}, Ivan Bugarski, New Insights into Urban Planning of Cari~in grad Aleksandar Stamenkovi} – The Application of Modern Sensing and Detection Methods ...... 158

Dejan Radi~evi}, Ana Cicovi} Tipar kneza Lazara sa Rudnika ...... 161 Dejan Radi~evi}, Ana Cicovi} Seal-die of Prince Lazar from Rudnik ...... 171

PREGLEDNI RADOVI – ARTICLES SOMMAIRES

Aleksandar Kapuran, Dragana New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy @ivkovi}, Nada [trbac in the vicinity of Bor ...... 173 Aleksandar Kapuran, Dragana Novi dokazi o praistorijskoj metalurgiji bakra @ivkovi}, Nada [trbac u okolini Bora ...... 191

KRITI^KI OSVRTI – APERCUS CRITIQUES

Miqana Radivojevi}, ^ija je srpska arheologija? Julka Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} Slu~aj Belovode i Plo~nik ...... 193 Miljana Radivojevi}, To Whom Does Serbian Archaeology Belong? Julka Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} A case of Belovode and Plo~nik ...... 203

KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS

Miqana Radivojevi} Dragana Antonovi}, KUPFERZEITLICHEN ÄXTE UND BEILE IN SERBIEN. Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung IX, Band 27, Mainz: Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur: 2014...... 205 Mirjana Vojvoda Hrvoje Vuli}, Karmen Farac, OSTAVAANTONINIJANA IZ VINKOVACA / A HOARD OF ANTONINIANI FROM VINKOVCI, Vinkovci 2014...... 206 Milica Radi{i} Sebastian Messal, GLIENKE. EINE SLAWISCHE BURG DES 9. UND 10. JAHRHUNDERTS IM ÖSTLICHEN MECKLENBURG (mit Beiträgen von Almuth Alsleben und Ralf-Jürgen Prilloff), Frühmittelalterliche Archäologie zwischen Ostsee und Mittelmeer Band 5, Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden 2015...... 208

IN MEMORIAM

Rastko Vasi} VOJISLAV TRBUHOVI] (1930–2015) ...... 213

Dragana Antonovi} BORISLAV JOVANOVI] (1930–2015) ...... 216

DANIELA HEILMANN Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Münchner Zentrum für Antike Welten, Graduiertenschule “Distant Worlds”

CONTEXTUALISING BOW FIBULAE WITH BOEOTIAN SHIELD PLATES: CULTURAL TRANSFER PROCESSES DURING EARLY IRON AGE IN THE CENTRAL BALKAN AREA*

UDK: 904:739.2(497+497.2)"05/06" e-mail: [email protected] 903.25"638"(497) Received: January 21, 2016 DOI: 10.2298/STA1666009H Accepted: March 1, 2016 Original research article

Abstract. – Despite the fact that double-looped fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a Boeotian shield have been frequently discussed, it is worthwhile examining the type again from a supra-regional perspective. The following paper, therefore, has two aims. First, the typo-chronological development of the fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a Boeotian shield within the Central Balkan area is considered. The second part of the paper focuses on the processes of the spread of the fibula type. The question is raised as to what extent local elites – integrated in supra-regional networks – could have functioned as transmitters and agents in the processes of cultural transfer.

Key words. – Early Iron Age, double-looped bow fibulae, typo-chronology, elites, networks, cultural transfer.

ouble-looped fibulae with catch-plates in the the constructed territory of the Glasinac group.3 By form of a Boeotian shield have been frequ- discussing mainly typo-chronological issues, D. Ger- D ently discussed since their early discovery on gova addressed the connection of the fibula type with the Glasinac high plateau. In addition to typo-chrono- the Glasinac group, once again emphasising that the type logical issues, the question arose during the second was developed within the region of the north-western half of the 20th century of whether the distribution of plain of the Danube4 – a view which has been hardly the type reflects cultural and historical developments. responded to in Serbian literature.5 The following paper, S. Gabrovec supposed the origin of the type was within the Glasinac region and subsequently had a further broad diffusion from there. The diffusion of the type, 1 „Na sve to elemente so è mnogi raziskovalci vezalo ilirsko combined with the spread of inhumation rites led to the ekspanzijo oz. vsaj delno ilirizacijo doslej àrnogrob{~nih teritorij.“ idea of the dispersion of the Glasinac culture, or to an (Gabrovec 1970, 42). 2 “Illyrisation”1 of territories formerly performing incin- Gabrovec 1970, 39–43; see also Vasi} 1973, 133, following the view of an enlarged territory of the Glasinac group – originally 2 eration rites. Identified as an “Illyrian element”, the defined by ôvi} 1964 – by the end of the 7th century. diffusion of the fibulae type and the underlying rea- 3 See Petrescu-Dimbovita 1976. sons were thereupon also discussed for regions outside 4 Gergova 1987, 52–53.

* The article is the result of work on the dissertation project “Die Bestattungssitten der balkanischen Eisenzeit zwischen Glasinac, Donau und Rhodopen (8.–5. Jh. v. Chr.)“, supported by the Graduate School “Distant Worlds“ (MZAW Munich) including interdisciplinary discussions within the Focus Area “Constructions of Elites”. In particular, I would like to thank Nadiya Eberts and Dr. Jean Evans, as well as Prof. Dr. Carola Metzner-Nebelsick for the constructive discussions concerning the contents of the present text. To Dr. Rastko Vasi}, I wish to express my deepest gratitude for the continuous and fruitful discussions as well as for the possibility of publishing the paper.

9 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 1. Typo-chronological development of double-looped fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a Boeotian shield Sl. 1. Tipolo{ko-hronolo{ki razvoj lu~nih fibula s dve petqe i s nogom u obliku beotskog {tita

therefore, has two purposes. First, the typo-chronology in the territory of the former Serbian republic. Among of the fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a Boeotian other types, the fibula type distinguishes horizon 2 from shield and its variants is discussed supra-regionally, other relative horizons.12 S. Gabrovec mentions the building upon previous studies, and the question of its “Glasinac type” as type 8 in his work on double-looped region of origin is raised once again. The second part of bow fibulae.13 the paper focuses on the mechanisms for the spreading In the course of compiling the volumes Die of this fibula type. In general, the idea of a nonspecific Prähistorischen Bronzefunde, T. Bader and D. diffusion of the type prevails without attempting to Gergova dealt with double-looped bow fibulae in the identify the producers, transmitters, and recipients.6 By 1980s. T. Bader distinguished two variants of the bow analysing grave contexts, including early variants of fibulae with a Boeotian shield plate on the basis of the the type, the question is raised as to what extent local form of the bow.14 Using the ornamentation of the elites – integrated in supra-regional networks – could bow, D. Gergova distinguished, altogether, five vari- have functioned as transmitters and agents in the pro- ants of the type called B II 2 within her nomencla- cesses of cultural transfer.

5 Vasi} 1999, 65, according to the analysis of R. Vasi}, the RESEARCH HISTORY main distribution area is localised in the Central Balkan area, distributed to the Western Balkans, Slovenia, Oltenia and Transsylvania Double-looped bow fibulae with circular cuttings as well as Greece. 6 were already known by the end of the 19th century See Ulf 2009, 81–86; Ulf 2014, 478–479. 7 Truhelka 1893, 83–84. through the early excavations on the Glasinac high- 8 Fiala 1893, 127. 7 plateau. Already in 1893, F. Fiala referred to “typical 9 Benac, ôvi} 1957, 100–102. 8 Glasinac fibula”. The type is important within the rel- 10 ôvi} 1987, 608. ative chronology systems and is regarded as a leading 11 Vulpe 1965, 121, A. Vulpe first used this description for the diagnostic form for the phase of Glasinac IVc.9 After fibulae in his work about the Basarabi culture. The term is particu- several revisions of the chronology system, B. ôvi} re- larly used in the Serbian- and German-speaking literature and is maintained in this article. stricted the type to phase of Glasinac IVc-1.10 Double- 12 Vasi} 1977, 17–18. -looped fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a 13 Gabrovec 1970, 32. 11 Boeotian shield also play an important role within the 14 Bader 1983, 85, variant A includes fibulae with bows with relative chronology system of R. Vasi}, established with- a round cross section, while variant B has octogonal bow sections.

10 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016 ture.15 A general overview of the entire distribution of is discussed. For a comparison, she consults the phialae the type was provided by R. Vasi} in a 1974 article from the Glasinac high plateau, which are dated to the about the chronology of the Early Iron Age in the Bal- phase of Glasinac IVb.25 Thus, the classification of the kans,16 which was then fully elaborated upon in his context from Sofronievo in the second half of the 8th PBF volume in 1999.17 Although noting differences and century or rather the first half of the 7th century is fur- variations in the execution of the bow, he didn’t classify ther supported. However, for the dating of the ensem- individual variants.18 ble, the bronze phialae are not necessarily conclusive, Although the type of the double-looped bow fibula since they occurred in Gordion already towards the with a Boeotian shield plate is often discussed and re- end of the 8th century and are part of grave furnishings garded as significant concerning chronology or cultural in Italian graves throughout the 7th century.26 history, no sub-categorisation applicable supra-region- To understand the chronological position of the ally is presently available. For classification, it is the Sofronievo grave, consideration can also be given to construction of the bow, specifically that issued by T. the objects of local production within the context. The Bader and D. Gergova. In contrast, the form and orna- ring-shaped pendants belong to the type Ghidici, which mentation of the foot plate plays a subordinate role. The occur, according to D. Gergova, regularly together with aim of the typo-chronological analysis is to suggest a material from phases IIa and b in Bulgaria27, dating to differentiated classification of variants, using several the 8th and 7th centuries.28 In Sofronievo, the ring-sha- criteria for the distinction: total length of the fibulae,19 ped pendants were found together with an axe.29 The the index of the height and length proportions of the same combination was also found within the deposit of foot plate,20 size and form of the cuttings,21 ornamentation of the foot plate as well as the construction and ornamentation of the bow. A total of 112 fibulae have 15 Gergova 1987, 47, D. Gergova distinguishes the variants been selected because they allow for the possibility of mainly on the basis of how the bow is formed (massive, round cross analysing the above-mentioned criteria (Fig. 1). 22 section, polygonal, rhombic) as well as the ornamention (vertical scores, profiled ends or knots), including the ornanamention of the foot (longitudal ribs, grooving, concentric circles, V-shaped ornaments). TYPO-CHRONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS 16 Vasi} 1974. 17 Vasi} 1999. Variant 1 18 Vasi} 1999, 65. Fibulae of variant 1 are 7–12 cm long (median 9,1). 19 The lengths of the fibulae are mainly given in the volumes The massive bow is round in cross-section and shows of the PBF, or they are ascertainable from the literature. 20 profiling on the end of the bows, which differ in their To get objective data concerning the form of the foot plate, the size of the foot plate in relation to the width was determined. shape. Usually the bow is not decorated, with the ex- 21 To get objective data concerning the size of the cuttings, the ception of one example from Beli Izvor23 whose whole percentage of the cutting in relation to the whole foot plate was bow is ornamented with scores. The foot plate is high calculated. and rectangular with large-scale cuttings on both sides. 22 Therefore, excluded from the analysis are numerous fragments not allowing for a proper classification, as well as localised In the middle part, the foot plate is ornamented with forms which cannot be integrated into the proposed scheme. longitudinal ribs or several vertical scores. Some fibulae 23 Gergova 1987, nr. 181. are ornamented with several concentric circles. 24 Hänsel 1976, 174, for the chronological classification he used Within the grave of the warrior of Sofronievo, which the ceramic in Basarabi style. is controversial in its dating, a fibula with a Boeotian 25 Teràn 1987, 15–17, for the chronological classification she shield plate was found, which is assigned to variant 1 due also refers to graves from Brezje containing bow fibulae with a Boe- otian shield plate, traditionally known as a diagnostic form for phases to its characteristics. Originally, the grave was dated to IVc or IVc-1. A limitation of the phialae on the Glasinac high plateau the 7th century BC,24 whereas B. Teràn suggested a to phase IVb is, therefore, questionable. clearly higher date. For a chronological classification of 26 Teràn 1987, 17. the grave context, she first cites, among other objects, 27 Gergova 1987, 64. 28 ribbed borders comparable to findings from Kri`na Gergova 1987, 13–16. 29 Gora and Doroslovo, which can be dated from the second B. Nikolov interpreted the ax as the hilt of a mahaira (see Nikolov 1965, fig. 4a). The concave termination and the vertical th th half of the 8 to the first half of 7 century. Secondly, pivots on both sides have parallels for instance in Zlot (Vasi} 1977, the chronological position of the phiale with omphalos tab. 20, 14.15).

11 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 2. Distribution of double-looped fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a Boeotian shield – Variant 1 Sl. 2. [irewe lu~nih fibula s dve petqe i s nogom u obliku beotskog {tita – varijanta 1

Ruji{te, which belongs to Horizon 1, according to R. related to this variant are located on the bank of the Vasi}.30 The chronological position of the grave con- Danube in Beli Izvor and in the Thracian part of north- text and the appearance of the fibulae type in this ern Greece as well as in the Moldova region (Fig. 2). region before the middle of the 7th century are, therefore, justifiable.31 Variant 2 Also, an early dating of variant 1 is provided by a Variant 2, with lengths from 6–10 cm (median: grave from Mikro Doukato (northern part of Greece), 8.2 cm), is the most frequently occurring type. Bows which has not yet been discussed to any great extent.32 are either round or polygonal in cross section, although The inhumation grave number 7 yielded single-looped polygonal cross-sections prevail in the western parts of bow fibulae with a Boeotian shield plate as well as one the distribution area. The profiling of the bow consists double-looped bow fibula, also with a Boeotian shield of embossed rings as well as scores near the loops. plate. The foot plates are characterised by cuttings and, Characteristic is a low and broad foot plate with plain therefore, cannot be added to the type with an hourglass catch-plate.33 In the very same grave, fibulae, each with a large spherical ball on the bow, were found, 30 Vasi} 1977, tab. 11. which are characteristic of the western part of Asia 31 See also Metzner-Nebelsick 2002, 110–112. th th 34 Minor and dated to the 8 and early 7 centuries. 32 Triantafillos 1983, 200–201. Variant 1 is mainly distributed in the north-western 33 Triantafillos 1983, 200–201, nr. 1794. part of modern Bulgaria. Beyond this area, objects 34 Caner 1983, 45.

12 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 3. Distribution of double-looped fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a Boeotian shield – Variant 2 Sl. 3. [irewe lu~nih fibula s dve petqe i s nogom u obliku beotskog {tita – varijanta 2

cuttings on both sides, which are limited to the middle horizon 2, according to R. Vasi} and, therefore, are parts. The foot plate is mainly decorated with a carved absolutely dated to the second half of the 7th century ornamentation showing a double-“V”; less often the and the first half of the 6th century. D. Gergova assigns ornament is executed in a ribbed manner. Fibulae with the open-worked belts to her phase IIb, which describes concentric circles are mainly known from the eastern roughly the 7th century.40 Fibulae of variant 2 combined part of the distribution area. On examples assigned to with open-worked belts are also found in the rich grave variant 2, Tremolierstich is used for decoration mainly along the edges of the foot plates. Within the eastern distribution area, pieces of variant 35 2 are combined with massive bracelets with punched Gergova 1987, fibula nr. 210, in combination with open- worked belt nr. A37 and bracelets nr. A145–A148. ends, as well as open-worked belts, as known from 36 Srejovi} 1960, fig. 28. 35 36 Ruska Bijala–Moravica or Novo Selo–Dub. This 37 Vasi} 1977, tab. 22A. characteristic combination of bracelets with punched 38 Vasi} 1977, tab. 21. 37 ends and open-worked belts is also found in Hrtkovci, 39 Vasi} 1977, tab. 20. Vrti{te,38 and Zlot39 – contexts which are assigned to 40 Gergova 1987, 63.

13 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 4. Distribution of double-looped fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a Boeotian shield – Variant 2a Sl. 4. [irewe lu~nih fibula s dve petqe i s nogom u obliku beotskog {tita – varijanta 2a

of a female individual from Donja Dolina–Gredas41 as Boeotian shield plate, characteristic of IVc-1 contexts.45 well as in Donja Dolina–Greda Mato Petrovi} jun.42 This supports a dating of the second half of the 7th cen- There, open-worked belts are assigned to horizon 2a, tury. A similar date is supposed for the fibulae known corresponding the second half of the 7th century and the from Dedeli grave 13 (Vardar Valley), which were found beginning of the 6th century.43 together with local ceramics and typical costume.46 The At the Glasinac high-plateau, several contexts with pieces of variant 2 are known, mainly deriving from female graves. According to their additional furnishings, 41 Truhelka 1904, tab. 40. graves with this variant are comparable to one another 42 Truhelka 1904, tab. 44. and can be assigned to the same phase. In Brezje Tumu- 43 Gavranovi} 2011, 23. lus 1, Grave 2, the fibulae are combined with an iron 44 Benac, ^ovi} 1957, tab. 24. spectacle fibula and ornamental discs with protuberan- 45 Vasi} 1999, 43. ces,44 objects which are, in addition to the fibulae with a 46 Mitrevski 1991, tab. 3.

14 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 5. Distribution of double-looped fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a Boeotian shield – Variant 2b Sl. 5. [irewe lu~nih fibula s dve petqe i s nogom u obliku beotskog {tita – varijanta 2b

added jug-stoppers provide a hint for the dating, since locally made jugs with cut away necks in addition to a they are hardly known in Macedonia before the middle fibula comprised of an iron spear.52 of the 7th century.47 Variants outlined in subcategory 2b are characteri- Finally, a fibula from Chios can be assigned to sed by a long, rectangular foot plate and low cuttings variant 2. The object is known from stratified findings on both sides. Due to the elongate foot plate, the fibula of the harbour sanctuary,48 which Boardman assigns to from the Doroslovo urn grave 14153 is assigned to this his period IV49 and which is dated, according to early sub-variant. C. Metzner-Nebelsick integrates the grave Corinthian ware, to the second half of the 7th century.50 The subcategory 2a is comprised of fibulae with very low foot plates and oval-shaped cuttings on both sides. For chronological classification, two grave con- 47 So-called jug-stoppers are combined in the Varday Valley texts are significant. In Grivac,51 the fibula is combined with pendants with spherical balls, which are assigned to Macedonian with bracelets with punched ends like the already-dis- Iron Age IIB (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 63–64.) 48 Boardman 1967, fig. 138, nr. 240. cussed findings from the territories of eastern Serbia 49 Boardman 1967, 211. and Bulgaria. Therefore, a chronological position sim- 50 Boardman 1967, 62. ilar to that proposed for variant 2 seems likely. Grave 51 Vasi} 1977, tab. 23. 27 from Milci near Gevgelija, datable only generally 52 Pa{i›, Vin~i›, Georgiev 1987, 77, tab. 9. to the 7th and 6th centuries, yielded two spiral rings and 53 Trajkovi} 2008, 158, nr. 14.

15 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 6. Distribution of double- looped fibulae with catch-plates in the form of a Boeotian shield – Variant 3 Sl. 6. [irewe lu~nih fibula s dve petqe i s nogom u obliku beotskog {tita – varijanta 3

into her horizon 4,54 which is dated between 625 and rings. The endings of the bow are decorated mainly with 550 BC.55 Further contexts with fibulae of this sub- a few grooved lines or the whole bow is grooved with category derive mainly from graves also yielding lines. The foot plate is square and broad, whereas the weapons (Dedeli grave 27 and 50, Milci grave 6), cuttings are small and round. Predominant as a decora- combined with local ceramics dating roughly in the 7th tion in the middle of the foot plate is the “V” ornament. and 6th centuries.56 Concentric circles are missing completely, and the edges Variant 2 as well as the proposed subcategories are are rarely decorated using the Tremolierstich technique. widely spread within the Central Balkans and beyond. In Tumulus 13, grave 28 from Zabrinjica, fibulae of The type has been most popular from the Danube to variant 3 are combined with small spectacle fibulae.57 the north-western parts of modern Bulgaria and to Ma- S. Pabst refers to them as a Glasinac type and proposes cedonia, as well as from the Glasinac high plateau to a dating in the 7th and 6th centuries.58 Spectacle fibulae Central Serbia. Subcategory 2a is mainly known along of this type are combined at Glasinac high plateau with the Vardar river course and probably describes a local single-looped bow fibulae with a trapezoidal foot,59 variant. Subcategory 2b is also known in Macedonia and especially from the western part of the distribution area, where it is localised mainly as a single item in warrior graves (Figs. 3, 4, 5). 54 Metzner-Nebelsick 2002, 198. 55 Metzner-Nebelsick 2002, 175–177, 179. Variant 3 56 Mitrevski 1991, tab. 8, 16; Pa{i›, Vin~i›, Georgiev Clearly smaller in length are fibulae assigned to 1987, 77, tab. 4. 57 variant 3, with lengths from 3.5 to 7.5 cm (median: Vasi} 1999, Nr. 521, 522 und 171. 58 Pabst 2012, 105–106, S. Pabst assigns them roughly to 4.8 cm). The bow is, probably due to the small size and phase IVc, without seperating phases IVc-1 and 2. modified manufacturing technique, without exception 59 Gosinja Planina T25 G2 (Benac, ^ovi} 1957, tab. 11), round in cross section. Less common are embossed Hrastova~a T1 G1 (Benac, ^ovi} 1957, tab. 37).

16 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 7. Variant 1: different ornamental patterns regarding the foot plates: A: 1.5 Carevec (Gergova 1987, nr. 194.193) 2 Altimir (Gergova 1987, nr. 183) 3 Beli Izvor (Gergova 1987, nr. 185) 4 Sofronievo (Gergova 1987, nr. 192); B: 6 Kunino (Gergova 1987, nr. 186) 7, 8 Brezni{ko (Gergova 1987, nr. 191) 9 Pi{tane (Gergova 1987, nr. 196) 10 Mizija (Gergova 1987, nr. 187) Sl. 7. Varijanta 1: razli~iti ukrasni elementi na plo~i noge: A: 1.5 Carevec (Gergova 1987, nr. 194.193) 2 Altimir (Gergova 1987, nr. 183) 3 Beli Izvor (Gergova 1987, nr. 185) 4 Sofronievo (Gergova 1987, nr. 192); B: 6 Kunino (Gergova 1987, nr. 186) 7.8 Brezni{ko (Gergova 1987, nr. 191) 9 Pi{tane (Gergova 1987, nr. 196) 10 Mizija (Gergova 1987, nr. 187) both of which are dated, according to B. ^ovi}, into more, the pronounced profiling at the ends of the bow is the phase of Glasinac IVc-2, in the second half of the missing and only indicated through fine grooves. Variant 6th century.60 Six fibulae of variant 3 are known from 2 is represented most frequently and comes as close as the secondary inhumation in the princely tumulus of possible to the classical “Glasinac fibula.” The profiling Pilatovi}i. There they are also found with spectacle of the bow, regarding the variants 2, 2a und b, is similar, fibulae of the Glasinac type as well as with an astragali as are the ornamentations. Differences can be noticed belt.61 R. Vasi} dates the variant with almost comple- above all in the form of the foot plate and the size and tely closed cutting to the end of the 1st half / the middle shape of the cuttings. of the 6th century.62 Concerning the development of the double-looped The distribution area of variant 3 is clearly marked fibulae with a Boeotian shield plate, three phases are and is limited to the Glasinac region as well as to Central noticeable. Although the fibula type tends to be dated Serbia. Single finds are known from the Carpathian at the earliest from the middle of the 7th century,63 a Basin, Slovenia, Bosnia, and the Adriatic coast (Fig. 6). date before the mid-7th century is plausible for variant 1. The main distribution area of variant 1 is restricted to The Variants compared territories in the north-west of Bulgaria and southwest Comparing the variants, variant 1 is most distinct Romania and, thus, supports the development of the from variant 3. Variant 1 is comprised of noticeably type within these regions, as already proposed by D. larger examples with long, rectangular foot plates and Gergova in the 1980s.64 This does not necessarily mean, either plastic decorations in the middle of the plate or concentric circles. The delicate variant 3 is, instead, characterised by smaller examples with square, broad 60 ^ovi} 1987, 618–619. foot plates and decorated with fine grooves composed 61 Zotovi} 1985, Taf. 32. in a “V” ornament. The cuttings on both sides are small 62 Vasi} 1999, 69. and round and already point to the further developed 63 see Vasi} 1999, 65. type with two round holes in the catch-plate. Further- 64 Gergova 1987, 52.

17 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 8. Distribution of ornamental elements: stars: concentric circles on the foot plates – circles: variants with Tremolierstich ornaments on the edges of the foot plates Sl. 8. [irewe ukrasnih elemenata: Zvezde – koncentri~ni krugovi na plo~i noge; krugovi: varijanta sa Tremolierstich -om na plo~i noge

however, that variant 2 also developed in the very same Fibulae from Sofronievo, Altimir and Beli Izvor, region. Most probably, the “Glasinac fibula” with sym- therefore, show no decoration with concentric circles metric cuttings and the characteristic “V” ornamenta- and the cut foot plates resemble more the preceding tion had its beginnings in the Central Balkans region, types with the hourglass catch-plate. The middle part which is discussed in the following section. Vasi}’s of the foot plate is either decorated with vertical scores argument for the spread of the fibulae from the Central or several narrow ribs (Fig. 7, nr. 1–5). Balkans to the western Balkans, Slovenia, Oltenia, According to these differences, two spheres of Transylvania, and to the south65 is most likely applica- workshops are probably discernible within the distrib- ble to variant 2. Finally, the small variant 3 is noticeable ution area of variant 1.66 neither in Bulgaria nor in Macedonia but is, instead, As a result of mapping the “concentric circle” dec- restricted to the Central and Western Balkans and fur- oration element within the entire distribution area of ther developed within the same region into the type with the fibulae with a Boeotian shield plate, a clear focus two holes in the foot plate. is identifiable in the east (Fig. 8). Fibulae with con- To better understand the distribution processes of centric circles were originally distributed around Sofia the fibula type, a closer look both at the fibulae of vari- (variant 1) whereas variant 2 with this decoration is ant 1 as well as the early fibulae in the Central Balkans also found along the rivers Struma and Vardar.67 is necessary. The distribution of variant 1 is mainly concentrated in the region between the Danube and Stara Planina and 65 Vasi} 1999, 65. in locations further south within the lowlands around 66 Further chronological differences between fibulae within Sofia. As discussed above, the characteristics of variant variant 1 are not identifiable due to the current state of research, characterised by the lack of closed finds regarding the types found 1 are a high foot plate with large cuttings on both sides. in the lowlands around Sofia. Fibulae originating from the regions Within the variant, the more southern group stands out. between the Danube and Stara Planina mainly derive from tumuli, Pieces within this group show similarly arranged con- which are, unfortunately, often destroyed by modern agricultural centric circles as well as a profiled vertical rib in the activity (Nikolov 1965 1965, 164–172; Gergova 1987). 67 middle of the foot plate. Comparable to them is the As the standardised arrangement of the concentric circles is not repeated on the fibulae further south, the specimens along fragmented object from Beli Izvor and a younger one Struma and Vardar are most likely local productions adopting the from Mizija (Fig. 7, nr. 6–10). style of ornamentation.

18 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

It is worth noting that decoration with concentric pyre and the cremated bones. In addition to a double- circles is less typical for fibulae in the western part of looped bow fibula with a Boeotian shield plate, the the distribution area. However, the question remains: grave inventory included weapons, horse gear, and a which characteristics distinguish early specimens on bronze omphalos phiale, as well as bracelets and pen- the Glasinac high plateau and how are they related to dants.73 Furthermore, ceramic fragments in the Basa- the pieces further east? rabi style were assigned to the grave.74 Examples with relatively large cuttings on the foot Due to the sparsely known details, it is difficult to plates are fibulae from Brezje Tumulus I Grave 2,68 embed the burial custom within a local context, and Bandin Od`ak Tumulus III Grab 1–269 as well as Ru- only a few general remarks are possible. According to sanovi}i Tumulus LXXXXIV Grab 1.70 In Brezje, four B. Nikolov, the Sofronievo grave is a cremation burial. fibulae with a Boeotian shield plate found together in However, the cremated bones seem not to have been one grave are all executed differently. The foot plate of collected in an urn. As he is speaking about a layer of one example is characterised by the decoration with burnt material, however, a reconstruction as a pyre narrow vertical ribs, similar to the specimen in the grave is possible. Cremation burials dating from the north-western plain of the Danube. A direct import Early Iron Age are furthermore found in the south- from this region cannot yet be proven. Rather, an early eastern parts of the village of Sofronievo, where the local production is assumed because the bow of the cremated bones were regularly collected in urns.75 The Brezje fibula is polygonal and the foot plate is addi- custom of burying a human individual together with a tionally decorated with Tremolierstich on the edges. horse is otherwise unknown in the north-western plain Such features are not typical for early variants from the of the Danube. C. Metzner-Nebelsick pointed out that eastern regions, but recorded in the western distribu- burials with horse-gear are well known within pre- tion area (Fig. 8). Scythian groups in the Carpathian Basin as well as in the As the fibula with a Boeotian shield plate is without Ukrainian steppe. In contrast, burials of horses are un- forerunners on the Glasinac high plateau,71 it is likely usual. However, in regions of the Caucasian mountains to trace the local production back to an external impetus. and within the Koban Culture, a warrior accompanied The missing concentric circles on the early specimen in the grave by a horse is very common.76 Therefore, suggest the workshops located in the southern parts of while the ritual of cremation is a local custom in the Stara Planina did not act as a transmitter. However, region around Sofronievo, the cremated bones and the foot plates with vertical lines or ribs are characteristics burial of the individual together with a horse are, in which connect the western and eastern distribution contrast, a singular phenomena. areas, and it could be assumed that the group transmit- In addition to the exceptional burial custom, the ting the fibula type was located within this region. To combination of the grave inventory is unconventional understand better what these connections looked like and stands out from that of local custom. Within the and how the “Glasinac fibula” was established on the inventory, primary horse-gear, a horse bit, is identifi- Glasinac high plateau, two contexts with early variants able. Further decorations of laces in the form of from the eastern and western distribution areas, respectively, will be the focus of a detailed analysis.

68 Benac, ôvi} 1957, tab. 24. FIBULAE IN CONTEXT 69 Benac, ôvi} 1957, tab. 22. 70 Benac, ôvi} 1957, tab. 25. 71 Rarely known are double-looped bow fibulae with hourglass Sofronievo foot plates, as in grave Ilijak Tumulus IV grave 1 (Benac, ôvi} During agricultural activities in the region of Vraca, 1957, tab. 6) which is most likely an influence from the Danube several grave mounds were detected and partially ex- region and less likely a local production, since the decoration of the cavated in an unsystematic way in the 1960s.72 Among bow is mainly found along the Danube (see distribution Bader 1983, 81–84). the findings was the well-known grave of Sofronievo. 72 Nikolov 1965, 201. According to the descriptions of B. Nikolov, the cre- 73 Nikolov 1965, 166–170. mated remains of a human being and a horse were found 74 Hänsel 1976, 174. under a thin layer of pebbles. The inventory of the 75 Nikolov 1981. grave appears to have been among the remains of the 76 Metzner-Nebelsick 2002, 204–206.

19 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Stirnriemenbeschlag as well as knobs with protuber- Coming back to the discussion of the fibula with- ances or pendants77 can also be linked with horse-gear. in the grave context, even if the fibula with a Boeotian The horse bit from Sofronievo is, according to C. shield plate can hardly be identified as an object for the Metzner-Nebelsick, assigned to the variant “tordierte representation of status86 or prestige,87 the fact that they rundkappige Trense mit blattförmigem Zügelhaken“,78 were even used in elite contexts is worth noting. That which is part of two-part bits in general. In the Early is, it would appear significant that apparently well con- Iron Age, they were distributed mainly in the Carpathian nected elites were suitable transmitters for the exchange Basin, the northern part of the Pontic steppe, and the of ideas, lifestyle, and objects. northern part of the Caucasus.79 In the regions south of Danube, the addition of horse-gear in graves is rarely Glasinac attested and is not part of the typical grave inventory.80 Fibulae with a Boeotian shield plate known from the Also singular within the region is the addition of a Glasinac high plateau are dated, as already discussed, bronze omphalos phiale. This possibly Phrygian form usually not before the middle of the 7th century and is mainly known from Asia Minor, the Peleponnesus, their development possibly stems from eastern models. and southern Italy. In the region of the Central Balkans, To find a possible explanation for the occurrence of the the phialae are found, in addition to Sofronievo, only in fibula form on Glasinac, it is worthwhile discussing graves on the Glasinac high-plateau.81 again the grave context from Brezje tumulus 1, grave In addition to the “foreign” and exceptional fur- 2, with a set of four double-looped bow fibulae. nishings, the fragments of the vessels decorated in The tumulus called “colossal”88 by F. Fiala (dm. Basarabi style, as well as the clothing, represent local 18 m, h. 1.5 m),89 contains at least two inhumations with components, which identify the individual as part of undisturbed inventory. The burial in the north-east of the local community located in the north-western plain the mound (grave 1) contains the burial of an individ- of the Danube. The exclusive burial custom, the repre- ual, possibly identified as male on the basis of the iron sentation of the individual as a horseman as well as the sword and the spear head. In contrast, the body with addition of the bronze phiale, probably regarded as an exotic object by the local community, differentiated the individual from the rest of the group members and characterised it as socially distinct. The accompanying 77 It is possible that knobs with protuberances and ring- “horse” raises the question of the extent to which the shaped pendants have different functions in different contexts/ warrior from Sofronievo was part of the network stret- cultures. In particular, graves known from the Vardar Valley have 82 provided knowledge about the utilisation of these objects due to ching between the Caucasus and the Carpathian Basin. closed grave findings. It’s remarkable that knobs with protuberances At the same time, the “phiale” indicates an embedding are especially found in graves of children and women (see necro- in networks which do not refer to the Caucasus but, polis of Dedeli-Meleznik, Mitrevski 1991). Ring-shaped pendants instead, look to eastern Mediterranean regions. These co-occur in sets together with falerae and numerous knobs, forming complex belt suits (see Marvinci grave 15, Videski 1999, tab. 6). contacts were already discussed by B. Teràn who re- 78 Metzner-Nebelsick 2002, 273. garded the Danube as a link between the eastern Medi- 79 Metzner-Nebelsick 2002, 229. terranean, the Black Sea and the Balkans. As a further 80 See Metzner-Nebelsick 2002, 275, for Balta Verde region for communication and exchange, the Eastern Tumulus 2, which yielded, in addition to horse-gear, a mahaira. Balkans was also taken into consideration.83 Strikingly 81 Teràn 1995, Abb. 16; Ja{arevi} 2014, Abb. 3. similar regional interactions were proposed by M. Ka- 82 Metzner-Nebelsick 2002, 359. 83 {uba during a discussion about fibulae with spherical Teràn 1995, 90–91. 84 Ka{uba 2009, 231–233, Abb. 2. bowls on the bow in the 10th and 9th centuries.84 The 85 Metzner-Nebelsick 2010, 127–128. imports from the Eastern Mediterranean region proba- 86 See Schumann 2015, 23–43 for discussion of the terms bly reached the Danube plain through a network already “status” and “prestige”. in existence at the very beginning of the Iron Age. 87 Fibulae assigned to variant 1 are not necessarily always This unconventional combination of objects refer- part of prestigious graves. ring to different regions as well as local products is also 88 Fiala 1897, 13. 89 explained by the need of local elites for new concepts Fiala 1987, 15–16, additional tumuli mentioned in the vicinity of the village of Brezje have diameters between 8 and 12 m; to display their status before these modes became stan- it is not mentioned by F. Fiala how far the larger tumulus 1 is located dardised during the second half of the 8th century.85 from the other grave mounds.

20 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016 rich inventory in the south-west of the mound can be As demonstrated above, fibulae with Boeotian interpreted as a female individual. Both individuals are shield plates are also part of graves which distinguish equipped with bronze phialae (the same type as in the themselves from the norm by virtue of exclusive burial grave of Sofronievo) and, therefore, stand out from the rituals or monuments as well as imported and prestigi- common patterns of furnishings. Furthermore, grave 2 ous grave offerings. Due to these characteristics, the contains more than 600 amber beads, which underlines designation of these graves as those of local elites is the position of the individual. In addition to these suggested.96 The analysis of the entire grave contexts of imports, objects of local origin included ornamental the elites, discussed above, demonstrated the embedding disks with protuberances, disk-shaped and spectacle in social spheres or different networks, such as to the fibulae as well as pendants. Due to the predominance Caucasus or Western Mediterranean regions. Further- of objects of local production, it can be assumed that more, the graves from Sofronievo and Brezje are com- individuals who had been part of the Glasinac group, parable by the offered omphalos phialae, referring to an as opposed to foreigners, were buried there. Eastern Mediterranean communication sphere. By inte- Nevertheless, the high quantity of amber beads, the racting in the same social spheres, it is possible that cer- extraordinarily detailed and carefully executed disc- tain objects were transmitted through these local elites. shaped fibulae and the phialae, as well as the relatively large tumulus stand out from the local burial group, characterising them as part of the local elite. SUMMARY Considering the grave furnishing of the elites of the Glasinac high plateau, the regular occurrence of bronze The typo-chronological and supra-regionally exa- vessels, which mainly derive from Italian workshops, mination of double-looped bow fibulae with catch-plates is remarkable.90 In addition to the already mentioned in the form of a Boeotian shield shows a development phialae with omphalos, further imports from the Eastern of the type in three stages. Variant 1, comprehensible Mediterranean are known on Glasinac.91 Therefore, it already before the middle of the 7th century, is mainly can also be assumed for the Glasinac that local elites restricted to the area of the north-western part of mod- were involved in a sphere of communication encom- ern Bulgaria. Variant 2, in contrast, is widespread in passing the Eastern Mediterranean, at least from the the region of the Central Balkans and dates roughly 7th century onwards. In the context of contact situa- between the middle of the 7th and the first half of the tions with groups further east, fibula forms could also 6th century. The distribution area of variant 3, dating to have been transmitted. At the Glasinac high plateau, the end of the 1st half / the middle of the 6th century, is this new type of costume is first attested in graves of clearly limited to Western Balkan areas. the elites, possibly as an exclusive prestige object, which could also explain their very high popularity and widespread use in the following decades. 90 For contacts between Glasinac and Italian workshops see Elites and cultural transfer Ter`an 1995, Ja{arevi} 2014. Since the studies of M. Werner and M. Espagne,92 91 Ter`an 1995, 90, fig. 21. 92 cultural transfer has been seen as a dynamic process of Werner, Espagne 1985. 93 cross-cultural interdependencies between spatial and For further literature see Rossignol 2009, 217–221; Ulf 2009, 81–82. 93 social spheres. In archaeological records, these inter- 94 Ulf 2014, 478–479. actions are visible by observing the adoption of objects 95 Objects can be part of a gift-exchange system, to stabilise in culturally different spheres. Depending on the type diplomatic relationships (Fischer 1973). Processes of acculturation of contact, foreign elements are adopted and integrat- expand the sphere of influence of certain groups and allow the transfer of certain cultural elements. (Rossignol 2009, 228). Dislo- ed into the prevailing cultural code or transformed and cated individuals, for instance through marriage, can have an effect 94 adjusted to their own needs. Constitutive for processes on the incorporating social sphere, depending on the existence and of cultural transfer are situations of contact and ex- degree of weak ties within the involved networks (Nolde 2008). Re- change, which can differ enormously.95 Besides the gular processes of exchange, such as trade, transfer objects spatially, but the degree of cultural transfer through trade is seen as differen- identification of foreign elements in a cultural sphere, tiated from the above mentioned mechanisms (Ulf 2009, 89). the determination of the agents transmitting cultural 96 Regarding the definition of elites see Gronenborn 2009, goods and ideas is an open question. 240–242; Kleingärtner 2009, 13; Hartmann 2008.

21 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

The suggestion of an earlier date for the variants texts with early variants from the eastern and western located in the eastern parts of the distribution area raised distribution areas were the focus of a detailed contex- the question of how the type was distributed in order to tual analysis. contradict the general idea of a nonspecific diffusion The analysis revealed that fibulae with Boeotian without attempting to identify the producers, transmit- shield plates are on the Glasinac high plateau as well ters, and recipients. as in the north-western part of modern Bulgaria, stated in By examining the spatial patterns of diverse orna- graves which are distinguished from the norm by virtue mental elements on the footplates, it became clear that of exclusive burial rituals or monuments as well as im- within variant 1 at least two workshops are identifi- ported and prestigious grave offerings. Consequently, able. One workshop shows ornaments comparable to those graves can be designated as graves of local elites. western variants on the Glasinac high plateau. A con- The analysis of the imported objects in these contexts nection between these regions is, therefore, a reason- indicated an embedding of these elites in different com- able conclusion. To understand better what these con- munication spheres, which identify them as suitable nections looked like and how the “Glasinac fibula” transmitters for the exchange of ideas, lifestyles, and was established on the Glasinac high plateau, two con- objects.

22 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

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Nikolov 1965 – B. Nikolov, Trakiçski pamet- Sladi} 2012 – M. Sladi}, Praistorijski tumuli u Oti- nici vøv Vra~aisko. Bulletin de l’institutd’archéologie lovi}ima kod Pljevalja. Davine arheologija u Crnoj XXVIII 1965, 163–202. Gori I 2012, 59–101. Nikolov 1981 – B. Nikolov, Trakiçskipogrebe- Srejovi} 1960 – D. Srejovi}, Tri praistoriske niý pri s. Sofronievo, Vra~aiski okrøg. Arheologia ostave iz isto~ne Srbije. Starinar XI 1960, 47–64. 3 1981. Srejovi}, Markovi} 1980 – D. Srejovi}, C. Mar- Nolde 2008 – D. Nolde, Eléonore Desmierd’ Olbre- kovi}, A find from Lisijevo Polje near Ivangrad (Mon- use (1639–1722) am Celler Hof als diplomatische, re- tenegro). Archaeologia Iugoslavica 21 1980–1981, ligiöse und kulturelle Mittlerin, Grenzüberschreitende 70–79. Familienbeziehungen Akteure und Medien des Kultur- Starè 1954 – F. Starè, K problemu najstarej{ih ~ol- transfers in der Frühen Neuzeit, D. Nolde, C. Opitz (ed.), ni~astih fibul iz Slovenije. Arhe 5/1954, 22–33. Köln 2008, 107–118. Teràn 1987 – B. Teràn, The Early Iron Age Chro- Nopcsa 1912 – F. Nopcsa, Beiträge zur Vorgeschichte nology of the Central Balkans: A Review from the und Ethnologie Nordalbaniens. Wissenschaftliche Mit- Viewpoint of the South-eastern Alpine Hallstatt, Archa- teilungen des Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen Landes- eologia Iugoslavica 24 1987, 7–27. museums121912, 168–253. Teràn 1995 – B. Teràn, Handel und soziale Ober- Pabst 2012 – S. Pabst, Die Brillenfibeln. Unter- schichten im früheisenzeitlichen Südosteuropa, Handel, suchungen zu spätbronze- und ältereisenzeitlichen Tausch und Verkehr im bronze- und früheisenzeitlichen Frauentrachten zwischen Ostsee und Mittelmeer, Südosteuropa, B. Hänsel (ed.), München–Berlin 1995, Rahden/Westf 2012. 81–159. Pa{i›, Vin~i›, Georgiev 1987 – R. Pa{i›, @. Trajkovi} 2008 – D. Trajkovi}, \epfeld – Early Vin~i›, Z. Georgiev, Nekropolata „Milci“ kaj Iron Age Necropolis at Doroslovo, Sombor 2008. Gevgelija. Kulturno Nasledstvo X–XI 1987, 75–84. Triantafillos 1983 – D. Triantafillos, Arcaiko Payne 1940 – H. Payne, Perachora. The sanctuar- nekrotafeio sth dutikh Qrakh, Annuario della Scuola ies of Hera Akraia and Limenia. Excavations of the archeologica di Atene e delle missioni italiane in British School of Archaeology at Athens 1930–1933. Oriente 61, 1983, 179–207. Architecture, bronzes, terracottas, Oxford1940. Truhelka 1893 – ]. Truhelka, Hügelgräber und Petrescu-Dîmboviþa 1976 – M. Petrescu-Dîmbo- Ringwälle auf der Hochebene Glasinac, Wissenschaft- viþa, Éléments illyriens dans le milieu Thrace de l’Est liche Mitteilungen des Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen de la Roumanie. Iliria 4 1976, 227–235. Landesmuseums 1 1893, 61–112. Posedel 1909 – J. Posedel, Ein prähistorisches Truhelka 1904 – ]. Truhelka, Der vorgeschicht- Gräberfeld bei Stagno. Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen liche Pfahlbau im Savebette bei Donja Dolina (Bezirk des Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen Landesmuseums 11 Bosnisch–Gradi{ka). Bericht über die Ausgrabungen 1909, 101–103. bis 1904, Wien 1904. Prendi 2008 – F. Prendi, Unapercusur la civilisation Ulf 2009 – C. Ulf, Rethinking Cultural Contacts. de la première période du fer en Albanie. Archaeologi- Ancient West & East 8 2009, 81–132. cal Studies 2 2008, 168–195. Ulf 2014 – C. Ulf, Eine Typologie von kulturellen Radimsky 1894 – V. Radimsky, Gromile u Kontaktzonen („Fernverhältnisse“ – Middle Grounds – bile}komkotaru u Hercegovini. Glasnik zemaljskog mu- dichte Kontaktzonen), oder: Rethinkingculturalcontacts zeija Bosne i Hercegovine u Sarajevu 6 1894, 97–103. auf dem Prüfstand. Kulturkontakte in antiken Welten: Rossignol 2009 – S. Rossignol, Eliten und Kultur- Vom Denkmodell zum Fallbeispiel, R. Rollinger, K. transfer. Ausgangslage und Ergebnisse, Mittelalterliche Schnegg (ed.), (Proceedings des internationalen Kollo- Eliten und Kulturtransfer östlich der Elbe, A. Klammt, quiums aus Anlass des 60. Geburtstags von Christoph S. Rossignol (ed.), (Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zu Ulf, Innsbruck, 26. bis 30. Januar 2009), Leuven–Paris– Archäologie und Geschichte im mittelalterlichen Ost- Walpole 2014, 469–504. mitteleuropa), Göttingen 2009, 205–235. Vasi} 1973 – R. Vasi}, Kulturne grupe starijeg Schumann 2014 – R. Schumann, Status und gvozdenog doba u Jugoslaviji, Belgrad1973. Prestige in der Hallstattkultur. Aspekte sozialer Dis- Vasi} 1974 – R. Vasi}, Neka pitanja hronologije tinktion in ältereisenzeitlichen Fundgruppen zwischen starijeg gvozdenog doba severnog Balkana. Starinar Altmühl und Save, München 2014. XXII 1974, 35–51.

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Vasi} 1977 – R. Vasi}, The chronology of the Early kulture i balkanske ilirske kulture na slavonsko-srijem- Iron Age in the Socialist Republic of Serbia, Oxford 1977. sko Podunavlje. Arheolo{ki radovi i rasprave 2 1962, Vasi} 1999 – R. Vasi}, Die Fibeln im Zentralbalkan, 263–293. Stuttgart 1999. Vulpe 1965 – A. Vulpe, Zur mittleren Hallstattzeit Videski 1999 – Z. Videski, Lisi~in Dol – Mar- in Rumänien (Die Basarabi-Kultur). Dacia NS 9 1965, vinci. Nekropola od `eleznoto vreme (istra`uvawa 105–132. 1997). Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica 15 1999, 91–112. Zotovi} 1985 – M. Zotovi}, Arheolo{ki i etni~ki Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1962 – Z. Vinski, K. problemi bronzanog i gvozdenog doba zapadne Srbije, Vinski-Gasparini, O utjecajima isto~noalpske hal{tatske Belgrad 1985.

25 Daniela HEILMANN, Contextualising bow fibulae with Boeotian shield plates (9–26) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Rezime: DANIELA HAJLMAN, Minhenski centar za drevne svetove, Univerzitet Ludvig-Maksimilijan, Minhen

KONTEKSTUALIZACIJA LU^NIH FIBULA SA NOGOM U OBLIKU BEOTSKOG [TITA: PROCESI KULTURNIH TRANSFERA TOKOM RANOG GVOZDENOG DOBA NA CENTRALNOM BALKANU

Kqu~ne re~i. – rano gvozdeno doba, lu~ne fibule s dve petqe, tipohronologija, elite, mre`e, kulturni transfer.

Tipohronolo{ka i supraregionalna analiza lu~nih fibu- ornamenti koji su uporedivi sa sli~nim zapadnim varijan- la s dve petqe i s nogom u obliku beotskog {tita ukazuje na tama s Glasinca. Otuda se pretpostavka o postojawu veze iz- razvoj ovog tipa u tri faze. Varijanta 1, koja se javqa jo{ me|u ovih oblasti name}e kao logi~an zakqu~ak. Kako bi pre sredine 7. veka, uglavnom je ograni~ena na oblasti u se razumela priroda tih veza te na~in nastanka glasina~- dana{woj severozapadnoj Bugarskoj. Nasuprot tome, vari- kih fibula, dve grobne celine sa ranim varijantama iz is- janta 2 je {iroko rasprostrawena na centralnom Balkanu to~nih i zapadnih oblasti bile su predmet kontekstualne i okvirno se datuje u sredinu 7. i prvu polovinu 6. veka. analize. Oblasti rasprostirawa varijante 3 – datovane na kraj prve Analizom je utvr|eno da su fibule s nogom u obliku polovine, odnosno u prvu polovinu 6. veka – o~igledno je beotskog {tita na Glasincu, kao i u severozapadnoj Bugar- ograni~ena na prostore zapadnog Balkana. skoj, konstatovane u onim grobovima koji su se isticali Predlogom za ranije datovawe varijanata rasprostra- pogrebnim ritualom ili spomenicima, kao i uvoznim i pre- wenih u oblastima na istoku Poluostrva pokrenuta su pi- sti`nim prilozima. Stoga bi se moglo govoriti o grobovima tawa o na~inu prenosa ovog tipa, nasuprot uvre`enom mi- pripadnika lokalne elite. Analiza importovanih predme- {qewu zasnovanom na difuziji bez poku{aja utvr|ivawa ta u ovim kontekstima ukazuje na ukqu~enost tih elita u raz- proizvo|a~a, posrednika i korisnika. li~ite sfere komunikacije, {to ih opredequje kao priklad- Analizom prostornih obrazaca razli~itih ornamen- ne posrednike u razmeni ideja, na~ina `ivota i predmeta. talnih elemenata noge fibula, kod varijante 1 uo~ene su najmawe dve radionice. Kod jedne od tih radionica javqaju se Preveo: Vladimir Mihajlovi}

26 ALEKSANDAR MITKOSKI, N. I. Institute and Museum, Prilep ALEKSANDAR BULATOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade ILIJA MIKI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade

NECROPOLIS UNDER A TUMULUS AT VEPR^ANI Representative case of using sacred places during several periods in the past*

UDK: 904:726.821(497.7)"02/03" e-mail: [email protected] 902.2(497.7)"2010/2012" Received: December 24, 2015 DOI: 10.2298/STA1666027M Accepted: February 10, 2016 Original research article

Abstract. – Six Late Roman graves and one prehistoric burial have been discovered under a tumulus in the course of investigations. The tumulus is around 11meters in diameter and around 1 meter high and is situated at Vepr~ani, in the mountainous area of Mariovo in south Macedonia. The graves mostly contained cists of broken stones or slabs covered with stone slabs, one grave was carved into the rock and one consisted of a dislocated grave association. One prehistoric burial containing the remains of a cremated individual and grave goods was encountered under a small stone mound to the south of tumulus. Regarding the grave goods, mortuary practice and funerary rituals of the original tumulus as well as the prehistoric burials, and material from the mound have been dated to the Ha A period, while the antique graves were dated to the 3rd–4th century.

Key words. – tumulus, Mariovo, south Macedonia, Late Roman necropolis, prehistoric burials, transition period from the Bronze to the Iron Age.

he Mariovo region is situated in the south of on the north-western slopes of Mt. Sele~ka and at over Macedonia, between the mountains Sele~ka, 800 meters above sea level. It is around 20 km south- T Nid`a, Ko`uf, Kozjak and Dren. The river east of Prilep as the crow flies, or around 35 km along Crna flows through this region creating the longest the road bypassing the southern slopes of Mt. Dren. (around 100 km long) canyon in Macedonia. The dis- The site of Slamite is situated around 1 km to the tinctive relief and geographic position of the region west of the village of Vepr~ani, on the gentle rocky slope has an impact on the distinct climate characteristics of facing south. Stone building foundations and Roman the area, which are considerably different compared to pottery have been found in the north section of the site, other regions in Macedonia. The mountains Dren and while in the south section are a few relatively small Sele~ka protect the region from strong north winds, tumuli grouped in pairs and arranged in a north-south while Mediterranean currents from the south spread direction.1 Approximately 700–800 meters from the along the Crna basin, and influences of continental cli- group of tumuli is the site of Gradi{te, which could mate arrive from the Pelagonia plain. The village of Vepr~ani is situated in such a cli- matic and geographic setting, although in a hilly zone 1 Mitkoski 2010, 50.

* The article results from the project: Archaeology of Serbia: cultural identity, integration factors, technological processes and the role of the central Balkans in the development of European prehistory (No. 177020), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

27 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 1. Stone cover of tumulus 1 in Vepr~ani after cleaning Sl. 1. Kameni pla{t tumula 1 (nakon ~i{}ewa) u Vepr~anima

28 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 2. North-south section of the tumulus Sl. 2. Presek tumula po pravcu sever–jug have been the settlement of the population buried under soil, which was preserved only in some sections of the these tumuli and the nearby tumuli at the site of Rado tumulus, particularly on the periphery. Rid.2 After removing the tumulus cover, the enclosing The tumuli at the site of Slamite are devastated to wall (circle), which was made of smaller and larger a considerable extent, due to the use of heavy machin- broken stones and, in a few places, half-dressed stone ery for the construction of the local road, in 2008. blocks, was discovered resting on the mentioned layer Rescue excavations of the tumuli were carried out in of ochre packed earth. The stones were arranged in one 2010 and 2012, when the most endangered tumulus 1 or two courses, making a symmetrical, flat wall on the was explored. outside in the north and southwest section, while in the west and southeast it is poorly preserved, as a result of it having been made of smaller broken stones (fig. 3). ARCHITECTURE OF TUMULI The thickness of that wall is 0.6–0.9 m and its height AND FUNERARY STRUCTURES varies between 0.25 and 0.70 m. A small portion of the wall is preserved at about 0.4–0.7 m to the north of the Tumulus 1 is situated around 15–20 meters to the circle. It is made of small broken stones and pebbles in south of the local road and suffered the greatest dam- one or two courses, 0.30–0.55 m thick and up to age in its north-western section. The outline of a rather 0.1–0.3 m high. Remains of the wall (the circle of the large structure made of stone slabs was encountered to earlier tumulus) are preserved in the northeast and the north of tumulus, while to the south, there was a west segment of the tumulus, and the area between the fairly small earthen mound of broken stones, with a circle of the tumulus and these ‘walls’ is paved with smaller stone structure buried in its southeast section. stone slabs at approximately the same level. The tumulus was of a symmetrical circular shape, 11.4 Investigations revealed nine funerary structures, metres in diameter and approximately 0.9 metres high. eight of which were within the tumulus (graves 2–9), It is probable that, judging by the stone recorded around while one was out of the tumulus, around 3–4 meters the tumulus, it was originally slightly higher and the to the southeast of the stone circle (grave 1). stones shifted due to erosion. It is particularly conspi- It has been concluded, based on the discovered grave cuous where the enclosing wall or circle is concerned, goods, i.e. grave offerings, that graves 1 and 4 are pre- where stone remained in its original position (fig. 1, 13). historic burials, graves 2, 5, 7, 8 and 9 are antique graves The base of the tumulus rests on rock where around and graves 3 and 6 are antique graves but they also a 0.25 m thick layer of hard ochre coloured earth had contained prehistoric artefacts.3 been deposited (fig. 2). In the central zone of the tumulus were encountered large stone blocks, while the remaining mound consisted of amorphous stone or some- 2 Mitkoski 2010, 50. T. XV what smaller stone slabs with small broken stones and 3 There will be more information regarding the chronological pebbles. The tumulus was then covered with loose brown determination of the graves in the section concerning portable finds.

29 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 3. Ground plan of tumulus after removing the cover Sl. 3. Osnova tumula nakon skidawa nasipa

30 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

The graves were of diverse structure and rituals, and protected from the north and east with thin stone slabs the methods of interment were also different. Graves 2, inserted vertically in the ground. An antique wheel-made 3, 7 and 8 are inhumation burials in cists made of stone jug was protected from the southeast with a vertically slabs, two have structures of broken stones (graves 4, 5), placed thin stone slab, placed at around 0.25 m to the grave 9 is carved into the rock, grave 6 consists of a northeast of the skull. A prehistoric hand-made two- dislocated grave association enclosed within stones and handled beaker was found on the pile of bones, and to grave 1 contained the remains of a cremated individual. the southwest were discovered an antique bronze bra- The common feature of all the graves within the celet with open ends shaped like a serpent’s head and tumulus was the inhumation of the dead in an extended a small bronze object. position and oriented in an east-west direction with a The last grave, which is distinguished totally from slight deviation. the previous finds by its position (out of the tumulus) The graves of the cist type had lateral sides made and funerary ritual (cremation) is grave 1, which was of one or more stone slabs and on the slabs from grave situated around 3 meters to the southeast of the tumu- 7 were noticed traces of clay used as a bonding agent. lus (fig. 3). Above the grave, of whose structure two All the cist graves had a covering slab or a few slabs, partially dressed stones remained, an agglomeration of except grave 8 (figs. 5, 6, 9). The length of these stone small stones in an approximately circular shape (the cists varied between 1.7 and 2 meters and the width remains of a tumulus mound?) were encountered which was 0.63 to 0.83 m, while the depth was 0.2 to 0.5 m. had been enclosed in the northwest with an almost 3 The inhumed remains of the deceased in the cists were meter long wall made of vertically arranged thin stone not completely preserved and they were laid on the slabs (figs. 1–3). The remains of the cremated individ- ground (graves 3 and 8), on rock (grave 7) or on a large ual, intensive soot and ash, one complete prehistoric stone slab, as in grave 2 (fig. 5). The deceased were double vessel, a fragment of a cylindrical pottery stand buried in a supine position and, according to the posi- and a fragment of a hemispherical bowl were encounte- tion of the preserved arm bones, it could be concluded red to the east of the stone blocks (fig. 4). The vessels that the arms were placed on the chest or on the abdomen were not subsequently burned, indicating that they (graves 2, 7) (figs. 5, 9). were placed in the grave after the cremation of the de- Funerary structures made of broken stone and par- ceased on the pyre. A large number of fragments of pre- tially dressed stone slabs were encountered in graves 4 historic hand-made pottery, as well as stone tools have and 5 and are partially damaged on the east and north- been found beneath and within a stone mound, 5 x 4 west side (fig. 3). The remains of the deceased in grave meters in size, which covered grave 1. 4 were somewhat better preserved, and in both graves Stone structures of unknown purpose were encoun- the deceased were laid in a supine position with the tered next to and around the tumulus. Around 0.9 m to head towards the west or northwest (grave 5). the north of the tumulus was a rectangular stone struc- Only one grave (9) had been buried in a layer of hard ture 2.65 x 2.50 m in size and its greatest depth was ochre-coloured soil and then in the rock. The southeast 0.35 m (figs. 12, 15). It was made of stone slabs and segment of the grave was covered with a stone slab, oriented in an east-west direction. The structure was while the other segment was filled with small pebbles. filled with one layer of densely packed stone slabs and The deceased was inhumed in a supine position with small and large stones, mostly pebbles, which also spread the head towards the northwest. The dimensions of the outside the structure walls in an area between the grave are 1.7 x 0.4 x 0.2 m. structure and the north tumulus circle/ring. Under that Possibly the most interesting discovery in the tu- layer of stone was a layer of hard brown soil with small mulus is grave 6, i.e. the grave association placed on stones, within which were discovered fragments of a the south longitudinal slab and on the covering slab of hemispherical prehistoric bowl made of baked clay with grave 7 (fig. 8.16). This dislocated grave assemblage two handles highly surmounting the rim (fig, 12/1). was enclosed from the south within two rows of bro- Under that layer was the bedrock. ken stone, from the east were a few quite large stone A structure of arranged stone slabs of approxi- blocks and from the north just one stone. The skull of mately rectangular form, 2.75 x 1.65 m in size and ori- the deceased was placed in the east section of the struc- ented in a west-east direction was encountered around ture and to the west of the skull were the long bones of 2.5 m to the south of the tumulus and around 2 meters the deceased, gathered in a pile. The skull had been west of the grave 1 (fig. 11). In the course of removing

31 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016 the single layer of stone slabs of the structure, many Graves with structures made of broken stone, like fragments of a prehistoric cooking vessel of coarse graves 4 and 5 in Vepr~ani, are very frequent finds in material, along with miniature vessels of fine material tumuli in the immediate vicinity16 and in Pelagonia17, were found in the layer of hard brown soil (fig. 11/1–4). but also in the central Vardar basin and the Bregalnica A rectangular stone structure, 3 x 2.85 m in size, valley.18 which is adjacent to the enclosing wall (ring) of the Rectangular structures around the tumuli are not tumulus, is situated to the east-southeast of the tumulus common in tumulus architecture in the given period in (fig. 14). The walls of the structure, around 0.5 meters Macedonia. In the course of exploring tumulus 1 at the thick, were made of stones (pebble and broken stone) site of Dolinac in Strnovac, one small stone paved plat- and mud, and the whole structure was resting on the form was recorded in the south section, beyond the stone bedrock (figs. 2, 14). The greatest preserved height of circle. Fragments of pottery vessels, animal bones and the structure wall is around 0.6 meters. The entrance to charcoal were discovered there, leading the author to the structure is 0.5 meters wide and is in the south- assume that the platform was used for certain funerary eastern corner of the building, while the floor is paved rituals.19 with stone slabs, which are preserved only in the north- A similar structure of circular shape, surrounded western section of the structure. There is, in the north- by a ring/circle of large pebbles and filled with small- western corner, a rather thick layer of reddish clay er pebbles was encountered at the site of Klu~ka near which partially covers the west wall as well as some of Skopje, and is dated to the beginning of the transition floor stone slabs. In front of the southeast wall of the period.20 A large amount of objects, including mostly structure another wall was erected, 1.55 meters long, fragments of pottery vessels, animal bones and river 0.7 meters thick and around 0.4 m high. The space shells, were discovered within that structure. A stone between the two walls is filled with brown soil. structure of approximately rectangular shape was dis- The structure of tumulus 1 at the site of Slamite is covered in the western section of necropolis II at Gornja unique in the Mariovo region. Tumulus 2 at the site of Straàva that was the burial place of the bearers of the Dolinac in Strnovac, near Kumanovo had, however, been Brnjica culture21and dated to the period Br D–Ha A1.22 made in a similar way, and is dated to the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the transition period.4 The double walls, i.e. the tumulus circles/rings, were 4 Stankovski 2008, 135, figs 1 and 2, drawings 1 and 2. 5 also encountered in tumulus 12 at Beloti} , as well as 5 Gara{anin 1973, 256, fig. 7. in tumulus 3 at the site of Tri Dabici in Kru{evica 6 Mitkoski A., 2010, 55–56, Plan 2. (Macedonia), which are also dated to the Bronze Age.6 7 Dmitrovi} 2009, 67–68, T. 22–24. Similar tumulus structures dating from the Bronze 8 Prendi, Bunguri 2008, 210–221, Fig. 14–19. Age7 have been registered in western Serbia and also 9 Mitrevski 2003, 50–52. 10 in Albania.8 Mitrevski 1997, 103–104. 11 Mitkoski A, 1999, 40, T. II, photo p. 53, 55, 57, 59– 61; Nevertheless, burial under tumuli is not character- Mitkoski A, 2002, 8, T. I–VI, T. X; Mikul~i} 1966, 14, T. III/6; istic of the Bronze Age in Macedonia and it does not Vasileva 1993, 75, figs. 3–6, 8, 9. appear before the transition period, approximately at 12 Pa{i}, Vin~i} 1972, 131, fig.3; Mikul~i› 1961, 49–50, the same time as the custom of cremating the dead.9 It Pl., 4/3, T. I/6, T. II/3. is considered that the earliest tumuli in Macedonia are 13 Prendi, Bunguri 2008, Fig. 16. 14 those from the necropolis of Visoi at Beranci, which Dmitrovi} 2009, T. 25–28. 15 Sanev 1978, 9, Pl. 2, 3; Mitrevski 1990, 68, drawing 3. also contain inhumed individuals in stone cists and are 16 Mitkoski 1999, 38, T. I, plan 2, photo p. 51; Mitkoski approximately contemporary with the tumuli in the 2002, 9, T. IV. 10 south, in Vergina. 17 Mikul~i} 1966, 15 Graves with cists under tumuli were also recorded 18 Mikul~i› 1961, 49–51, pl. 3, 4; Gara{anin M. i D. 1959, in the closer vicinity (âni{te, Kru{evica, Rape{),11 as 24–27, Pl. VIII; Mitrevski 1997, 92–96; Nacev, Jovanov 1996, well as in north-eastern Macedonia (Orlova ûka, 46–48, fig. 2, drawing 1. 19 Stankovski 2008, 139–140. Gorno pole, Babite)12, Albania13 and western Serbia,14 20 Mitrevski 1995, 64, 70, figs. 2, 3, Plan 1. while in the village of Orizari large Roman tumuli have 21 Krsti} 1992, 236, T. II. been investigated and smaller Iron Age tumuli with 22 Lazi} 1996, 145–153; Stoji} 2001, 45–46; Bulatovi}, graves in stone cists were discovered in their bases.15 Stankovski 2012, 133, 305–312.

32 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

It is worth mentioning that at that very necropolis a pin was in a crouched position on the right side. A similar with a nail-shaped head, identical to the one found next manner of interment (stone cists with crouched skele- to grave 1 at Vepr~ani, was also found, and this will be tons) was also recorded in Prilep (Varo{).28 Burying in discussed in the following pages. Similar structures stone cists within the tumuli had also been practiced in made of river pebbles or dressed stone slabs were recor- northern Greece29 and western Serbia30 and a similar ded in the village of Ore{ane, near Skopje as well as at situation was encountered in neighbouring Albania, the necropolis with cremation burials at Donja Brnjica.23 where it was practiced since the Early Bronze Age.31 The phenomenon of using tumuli during several Stone cists were also used in Macedonia in the Roman periods is common practice in neighbouring Albania, period, but without tumuli (Demir Kapija)32 where burying in tumuli could have been carried out Stone cists and stone in general as the material for during four, or even more, different periods. Thus, the funerary structures are not, however, essential indica- earliest horizon of interment in the tumulus in Burrel tors of ethnic origin, spiritual heritage or so called (Burrelit), in central Albania dates from the transition chronological indicators, but they should, rather, be period from the Bronze to the Iron Age (11th–9th cen- understood as functional material resulting from the tury BC) and relates to a smaller central burial barrow, natural characteristics of the terrain where the necro- while in the three ensuing periods the barrow expands poleis were located.33 Hence, establishing wider ana- and the latest period of interment dates from the Late logies or cultural relationships on the basis of funerary Roman period (3rd–4th century), as is also the case with structures is highly unreliable. the tumulus at Vepr~ani.24 A similar situation was recorded in the tumuli in Barca, in south-eastern Albania where the earliest small PORTABLE FINDS WITHIN central tumulus (tumulus I) was enlarged over the course GRAVE ASSOCIATIONS AND DATING34 of time and was finally surrounded by a new stone circle in the Late Bronze Age and in the transition period.25 In grave 1, many fragments of a hemispherical Additionally, the tumuli from the Dukat necropolis vessel with thin burnished walls, a strap handle with a in south-western Albania consisted of a central grave saddle-shaped top and highly surmounting the rim with a barrow (in the first barrow, from the Early Bronze have been found with the remains of a cremated indi- Age, in the second, the transition period), around which vidual (fig. 4/2). In the same grave was found a double a necropolis under a large tumulus was subsequently vessel with a burnished surface, two globular bodies established, while the latest interment horizon dates from the Roman period (tumulus I), and the medieval 26 period. 23 Ristov 1997, 155; Srejovi} 1959–60, 102. However, in those tumuli in Albania dating from 24 Kurti 1977–78, 172. approximately the same time as the tumulus in Vepr~ani, 25 Andrea 1985, 218–229. the deceased had been mostly buried in grave pits sur- 26 Bodinaku 2001–2002, 9–24, 77–100. rounded by stones and rarely in cists, while the most 27 Zotovi} 1985, 27, fig. 3. Tumulus with graves from Late frequent position of the dead was a crouched position Bronze Age and Iron Age was also encountered at Delimedje at Pe{ter (Lazi} 1996, 9–11). on one side. Also, these tumuli do not have a stone 28 Mitrevski 1997, 21–23. structure surrounding the barrow like the tumulus in 29 Maniatis, Ziota 2011, 461, figs. 3, 4. Vepr~ani, and they mostly have a central grave, so 30 Dmitrovi} 2009, T. 25–28; Zotovi} 1985, 30–37. direct parallels regarding the structure of the tumuli 31 Prendi, Bunguri 2008, 208–216. could not be established. 32 Jovanovi} 1984, 136. The successive use of tumuli during several periods 33 In Novo Selo near Trgovi{te that is even today known for stone slabs used as building material at the site Crkvene Njive was has also been recorded in south-western Serbia (Ra- recorded grave from the Bronze Age, with urn encircled by stone doinja), where three horizons of interment have been slabs. In the immediate vicinity are Hellenistic and Antique necro- confirmed in one tumulus – Eneolithic, Late Roman poleis with graves also made of identical slabs (Bulatovi} 2007, and medieval burials.27 242–243), while on other side of the village at the site Kupene Njive was encountered Late Antique grave with structure made of very Funerary structures shaped like stone cists have been same slabs (Bulatovi} 2008, 205), which speaks in favor of this thesis. encountered in Macedonia since the advanced Bronze 34 For detailed description of funerary structures see the first Age (Markova Su{ica), but the skeleton in that grave part of this work.

33 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 4. Grave 1, with grave goods (1–5), finds immediately next to the grave (6–8) Sl. 4. Grob 1, sa prilozima (1–5), nalazi neposredno pored groba (6–8)

34 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016 with a slight S profilation and joined the by bellies and Grave 4 was a structure of broken stone, and a rims; the upper part of the handle is missing. The ves- hand-made globular vessel with a low body, a rather sel is decorated with engraved horizontal and wavy short conical neck and four vertically perforated lines and the root of the handle was decorated on the tongue-shaped handles on the shoulder was found next outside with engraved ornaments (fig. 4/1, T. IV/1). A to the head of the deceased in the grave (fig. 6a/1). The cylindrical vessel with thin walls and a burnished sur- vessel was made of refined clay, well fired and with a face of ochre colour with traces of matt red paint was burnished surface of ochre colour. It is a local variant also found in grave 1 (fig. 4/3, T. IV/2). It is customary of alabastron, a vessel shape originating from the south Late Mycenaean painted decoration consisting of hor- and is a copy of Late Mycenaean shapes.47 They are izontal lines.35 Inside the grave were also discovered very frequent in Macedonia in the Late Bronze Age two strap handles decorated with engraved wavy lines, and the transition period (Manastir, Ulanci, Vodovrati with one of them having its top shaped like two small etc.)48, and this type of vessel was discovered in horizon horns resembling handles with a fan-shaped top char- 14b in Kastanas, as well as at Kamenska ^uka in the acteristic of the Brnjica culture in the south Morava Strumica valley, with both sites dating from the Late valley (figs. 4/4, 5). Bronze Age.49 Arched handles with a saddle-shaped top on hemi- The structure of grave 5 was made of broken sto- spherical vessels are known from the Morava valley nes and the concave base of a wheel-made vessel was (phases Ib and Ic by M. Stoji}),36 but also from Albania found by the side of the deceased, while in the left hand (Maliq IIId1)37, and the double vessel shape has been area there was a fragmented silver earring (fig. 7/1, 2). recorded in the lower Vardar valley,38 Albania39, but The earring was made of thin silver wire of circular also in the Morava valley40 and the Danube basin41 and section, shaped into a hoop and decorated with shallow is generally dated to the Late Bronze Age and the transition period. The cylindrical vessel was most probably used as 35 a stand for a vessel (perhaps a hemispherical bowl) and Mitrevski 1997, 55. 36 such stands are known from the graves of the @uto Stoji} 1986, T. 8/12, 14/13. 37 Prendi 1982, Abb. 7/3. Brdo–Girla Mare and Vatin cultures.42 38 Kastanas, layers 14b, 12 (Hochstetter 1984, Taf. 44/1, 82/8. Grave 2, the cist of stone slabs under the tumulus, It is interesting that engraved motif on the handle of double vessel contained just one wheel-made jug with a trefoil mouth almost entirely identical to the motif on a vessel handle from layer (oinochoe) and a concave base that was placed next to 14b at Kastanas (Hochstetter 1984, Taf. 52/7). 39 the legs of the deceased (fig. 5/1). This jug type with a Petrova 1996, 70, 71–72, 75, 83, 91, 94, T. XXIX g. 90, T. th XXVI g.10, T. XXVII g. 22; Bodinaku 2001–2002, T. IX/1; Andrea very pronounced lower body has been found in the 4 1985, T. II/4 (grave 10), IV/4 (grave 22), X/1 (grave 90). All those 43 century tomb in Jagodin Mala, in Ni{, while M. To- graves where have been found double vessels of almost identical dorovska identifies this jug type as type 5, which was shape as vessel from Vepr~ani come from tumulus 1 at Barca and th th used for a long time in the Roman culture.44 are dated to the periods from 12 –8 centuries BC. 40 Stoji} 1986, T. IV/7, 8; Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, T. A similar jug type with a concave base and pro- VII/26; XXXV/1. nounced lower body, but with the upper part of the neck 41 Bronzano doba Srbije, kat. br. 178/7; Krsti} 2003, T. and the rim shaped like a glass (fig. 6/1), was found by XXIII/1. the legs of the deceased in grave 3, which was made of 42 Bronzano doba Srbije, kat. br. 53/15, 75, 76, 185, 186/2; stone slabs in a cist shape. These jugs are classified as Lazi} 1997, sl. 16. 43 type 7 by M. Todorovska and they appeared in Macedo- Gordana Jeremi} from the Institute of Archaeology in Bel- th 45 grade, director of investigations at that site (personal communica- nia until the late 6 century. Such a jug type with a tion). taller body was found in the tumulus in Burrel in Alba- 44 On~evska-Todorovska 2010 a, 76; Janakievski 2001, 232, nia, where Late Roman interments were also encoun- T. LXVIII. tered besides prehistoric burials.46 45 On~evska-Todorovska 2010 a, 76. 46 Also in grave 3, in the chest area, a fragment of Kurti 1977–78, T. XV/1 (grave 72). 47 bronze spring wire was found (saltaleon) (fig. 6/2). Mitrevski 1997, 55, fig. 14. 48 Jov~evska 2008, 91, T. HHII; Videski 2006, 66, fig.3, T. III, These were frequently used in the Bronze and Iron Age 1, 2, 3, T. IV, 2, 3; Mitrevski 1997, 55, fig. 14, 2. and are chronologically irrelevant finds but undoubt- 49 Hochstetter 1984, Taf. 43/5; Stefanovich, Bankoff, 1998, edly date from prehistoric times. 279–282, fig. 27.

35 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 5. Grave 2, before and after removing covering slabs and grave good (1) Sl. 5. Grob 2 (s pokrovnim plo~ama i bez wih) i grobni prilog (1) engraved parallel lines in two places. Similar earrings a bronze bracelet with open ends finishing in a serpent’s (type 1, variant I2, by I. Popovi}) with one end finishing heads depicted in profile and with perforated eyes (fig. in a hook and ornamented with two engraved lines had 8/4, T. IV/6). The body of the bracelet is of square sec- been in use from the 1st to the 4th century, and hoop- tion and the neck of circular section. Next to the brace- shaped earrings also continued into the 5th century.50 let was a hand-made beaker standing on the bottom, Grave 6 is a dislocated grave association surroun- with two handles with fan-shaped tops, an obliquely ded by broken stones that contained the remains of one person. A bronze object made of wire of square section and with twisted ends finishing in a knot was found to 50 Popovi} 1996, 16, cat. no. 9; Ananiev 1994, cat. nos. 277, the west of the skull (fig. 8/2). On the forearm was found 278, 279.

36 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 6. Grave 3, before and after removing covering slabs and finds from the grave (1, 2); grave 4 and grave good (1a) Sl. 6. Grob 3 (s pokrovnim plo~ama i bez wih) i nalazi iz groba (1, 2); grob 4 i grobni prilog (1a)

37 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 7. Grave 5, before and after removing covering slabs and finds from the grave (1, 2) Sl. 7. Grob 5 (s pokrovnim plo~ama i bez wih) i nalazi iz groba (1, 2)

38 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 8. Grave 6 (dislocated grave association) and finds from the grave (1–4) Sl. 8. Grob 6 (dislocirana grobna sadr`ina) i nalazi iz groba (1–4)

39 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 9. Grave 7, before and after removing covering slabs and finds from the grave (1–7) Sl. 9. Grob 7 (s pokrovnim plo~ama i bez wih) i nalazi iz groba (1–7)

40 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016 channelled body and a burnished surface (fig. 8/3, T. In grave 7 where, according to the position of other IV/4). A wheel-made jug with a concave base, lying on bones, the head should have been, four fragmented the side, was found next to the skull, to the northeast small beads made of blue and red glass paste were dis- (fig. 8/1). The jug resembles other jugs from the covered. Such beads are actually frequent finds in necropolis and a bracelet with a similar stylised repre- Roman graves (fig. 9/4–7, T. IV/5). sentation of a serpent’s head was found at a 3rd to 4th Grave 8 is identified as a disturbed stone structure century cremation necropolis in the vicinity of Bosile- probably destroyed by the burial in grave 7. The remains grad, however the heads are not perforated.51 Never- of the deceased in grave 8 are most probably grave 6, theless, serpents’ heads as ends of bracelets are known because grave 8 actually consists of the remains of the already from the Iron Age but are mostly depicted en funerary structure from which the deceased was dislo- face and continued until the Middle Ages.52 In the time cated (grave 6), most probably as a result of the con- of the Roman domination of these regions, bracelets struction of grave 7. with ends shaped as a serpent’s head appear in the 2nd In the north-western section of grave 9, which was century as a Hellenistic component inherited from the carved into the rock, an illegible, damaged bronze coin Iron Age, and are also very frequent finds in the Late was discovered, while two jugs were encountered by Roman period.53 the legs of the deceased in the eastern section of the Pyriform beakers as well as arched handles with grave. Both have a low spherical body and a concave fan-shaped tops are characteristic of the Brnjica culture base and one of them has the upper section of the neck in the south Morava basin54, as is obliquely channelled and rim shaped like a glass, while the neck and rim of ornaments on the body of the vessels.55 The stylistic the other are missing (fig. 10/1, 2). This jug type was and typological characteristics of the beaker are typi- discussed in the previous section of this article when it cal of the Morava basin in the Late Bronze Age, i.e. in was concluded that they most probably date from the the period of transition from the Bronze to the Iron Late Roman period. Age, as is the cremation of the dead as a ritual, which The largest amount of finds outside the tumulus previously had not been practiced in Macedonia. It is was discovered to the southeast of the tumulus, in the interesting that an almost identical vessel was found in stone cover above grave 1. Besides pottery fragments, grave 133 in tumulus 1 at Barca that has been dated stone tools were found, along with many fragments of between the 12th and 8th centuries BC.56 small pottery tiles of a rectangular shape and a few A bronze object with the representation of a ser- bronze objects. The bronze objects were found together pent’s head, similar to that in the previous grave, was in the furthest south-eastern section of this cover next also found in grave 7. In this case it is an earring with to one pebble, so it is assumed that they came from the open-ends, made of bronze wire of rectangular section, destroyed grave. with one end modelled in such a way (fig. 9/2, T. IV/8). The bronze finds include a pin with a nail-shaped The earring was found in the west section of the cist head (Nagelkopfnadeln), 15.9 cm long and with a head grave, next to the stone slab above the head of the diameter of around 2.5 cm (fig. 4/7), fragments of a deceased. Similar pendants shaped as the letter S, with ends shaped as serpents’ heads have been encountered in the area of Roman Dardania, and dated to the Late 51 Mitrovi} 2010, cat. no. 67. Roman times.57 52 Lahtov, Kastelic 1957, 62/3, T. II/9, T. IV/36, T. VII/68; A fragment of an appliqué made of sheet bronze Babi› 1986, 282, drawing 61/2, 33, 62/ 9, 63/1; Maneva E., 1990, 173, T. I, 3, cat. no. 3. and decorated by embossing was recorded next to the 53 Jovanovi} 1978, 23–25, figs. 23–32. left forearm (fig. 9/1). A finger ring made of sheet sil- 54 Stoji} 2001, T. IX/1, 8, XIX/15; Bulatovi}, Stankovski ver with the head shaped as a rectangular plate and the 2012, T. XL/3, T. LXIII/53. shoulder decorated with engraved motifs was discov- 55 Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, T. XIX/6; XXVII/43, 51, 53, ered next to the right forearm, in the south section of T. XXVIII/64, 67, T. LVIII/74. 56 the grave (fig. 9/3, T. IV/7). This type of finger ring was Andrea 1985, 230, T. XIV/1. 57 common in the first half of the 4th century58 and was Jovanovi} 1978, figs. 154–156. 58 Popovi} 1999, 110,111, fig. 58/12. distributed throughout the Balkans. It has also been 59 Jankovi} 1986., fig. 738; Dautova-Ru{evqan 1995, recorded in Sucidava, Be{ka, Scupi, Drezga and, at all 246–247, T. II/9; On~evska-Todorovska 2010, 285/6, fig. 6; Niko- these sites, was dated to the 3rd–4th centuries.59 lovski 2001, 62, fig. on p. 61.

41 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 10. Grave 9, before and after removing covering slabs and finds from the grave (1, 2) Sl. 10. Grob 9 (s pokrovnom plo~om i bez we) i nalazi iz groba (1, 2)

42 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016 necklace (?) of thin sheet bronze decorated by embossed by incised dots. Those ornaments are recorded at the ing, 7.1 cm long, around 0.9 cm wide and 0.1 cm thick Late Bronze Age sites in the southern part of the south (fig. 4/8) and an object (hairpin?) made of bronze wire Morava valley and in northern Macedonia (Brnjica of circular section with a flat head shaped like a wide culture).68 ring (fig. 4/6). The upper segment of the pin’s neck, next Also, large vessels with funnel-shaped or conical to the head, is reinforced using a deltoid enlargement. necks were decorated with such motifs, as well as with The head and neck are of a strap section, the length is moulded bands with finger impressions or with finger 10.6 cm and the head diameter is around 2.5 cm. impressions on the rim (T.III/14). A pin with a nail-shaped head is one of the most Rather interesting is the short cylindrical foot of the widely distributed pin types in the Late Bronze Age in vessel, as this is not characteristic of this area. Similar central Europe the Balkans. The specimen from Vepr- feet have, however, been sporadically recorded at Kas- ~ani, according to the typology by R. Vasi}, was, how- tanas69, from the Early Bronze Age and rather frequently, ever, of the type with a small head (mit kleinem kopf), at the same site, from the Late Bronze Age.70 Similar which was distributed throughout the Balkans and dates narrow and oversized bases, which imitate a foot, are from the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning common features on Late Bronze vessels in western of the transition period.60 Serbia and are also sporadically recorded in the Mora- There are no direct analogies for the pin with its head va basin.71 Narrow elongated bases are known from shaped as a broad ring of strap section. A similar pin layers 14b and 12 (Late Bronze Age and transition pe- with a somewhat smaller ring-like head was recorded at riod) at Kastanas.72 the Middle Bronze Age necropolis in Dunaújváros, and Worth mentioning are fragments of two small slabs a pin with its head shaped into concentric circles, also of baked clay, decorated with engraved lines or grooves discovered in Hungary, dates from the same period.61 (T. I/14, 16, IV/3). Similar slabs, although made of stone, The fragment of a strap-shaped necklace (diadem) were discovered in the necropoleis of the advanced and resembles a specimen from the Brgula hoard, which Late Bronze Age in the vicinity of Zaje~ar, in eastern was dated to the transition period,62 and a similar find Serbia.73 was encountered in the hoard from Donji Petrovci, da- An arched handle with a moulded cylindrical top ted to the Ha A1 period.63 is characteristic of the Late Bronze Age cultures in the The most frequent pottery shapes from the stone south Morava basin, in particular in the Para}in cul- mound above grave 1 are hemispherical bowls with a ture,74 but it also appears in Albania and the lower slanting, everted rim and a burnished surface (T. I/1, 3, III/3–7), and large vessels with a smoothed surface, thick walls and a long conical or cylindrical neck (T. I/2, 4, 60 5, 8, III/10–14). There were also sporadic finds of ves- Vasi} 2003, 43, Taf. 55. 61 Bóna 1975, Abb. 12/11, Taf. 80/8. sels with a long funnel-shaped neck and a smoothed 62 ^ovi} 1980, 45, T. IV/ 3. surface, hemispherical vessels with a burnished surface, 63 Popovi} 1994, 25–35, T. XXIII/1. a hollow cylindrical foot of a vessel with a smoothed 64 Prendi, Bunguri 2008, T. VIII/2, 4, 8, IX, X/6, 7. surface (T. I/10, III/ 8, 9, 15) and the narrow pointed base 65 Aslanis 1985, Taf. 65/1, 69/2, 94/1. of a vessel decorated with engravings (T.I/15). Besides 66 Hochstetter 1984, Taf. 3/2, 3, 66/ the pottery, a small ground stone axe was also found 67 Bodinaku 2001–2002, T. III/10, 12, 13, V/5; Andrea 1985, (chisel) (T.I/17). T. XVII/3, T. XXI; XXII/9. 68 Hemispherical and spherical bowls with a short or Mitrevski 1997, 112; Papazovska–Sanev 2012, 25; Bula- tovi}, Stankovski 2012, T. XV/1–5; XXXVIII/22–27; LXIII/ long neck and a slanting everted neck are known from 46–50, 53, LXIV/62, 63. 64 the Early Bronze Age in Albania (Maliq IIIa), and are 69 Aslanis 1985, Taf. 80/5 also known in earlier times in the lower Vardar valley65, 70 Hochtetter 1984, Taf. 24/10, 33/9, 10, 48/1, 4, 5. where they last until the Iron Age (Kastanas)66 or to the 71 Dmitrovi} 2009, T. 40/6, 41/1, 2, 5, 6, 42/1–5, 43/2, 3–5; transition from the Bronze to the Iron Age (Albania).67 Filipovi} 2008, sl. 20–22, 27, 37, 46 etc.; Stoji} 2001, T. VII/7, XV/12. The difference is, however, the fact that the above men- 72 Hochtetter 1984, Taf. 44/9, 86/1. tioned vessels are not decorated, while specimens from 73 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, fig. 36–38. Vepr~ani are decorated with engraved motifs including 74 Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, T. III/21, VI/8, 11, VII/28, inscribed triangles, horizontal or zigzag lines surround- 30, XXII/7.

43 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 11. South stone structure, with finds (1–4) Sl. 11. Ju`na kamena konstrukcija, sa nalazima (1–4)

44 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 12. North stone structure, with find (1) Sl. 12. Severna kamena konstrukcija, sa nalazom (1)

Vardar basin from the transition from the Bronze to the rated spindle whorl were also found (T. II/12, 13). The Iron Age.75 vessels were decorated using various techniques; red A large quantity of pottery fragments was discov- matt painting on the spherical vessel (T. III/17), oblique ered in the tumulus cover and in the area between the grooves on the cup body (T. II/8, III/18), engraved graves as well as in the south segment of the tumulus, lines depicting hanging triangles and spirals (T. II/1–6) next to the stone circle/ring. A few fragments of diver- and a series of cord impressions (T. II/7, III/21). se vessels were gathered together next to the stone cir- The two-handled beaker with strap handles (T. cle including mostly hemispherical bowls with a bur- III/20) is characteristic in this area and more to the south, nished surface, large bowls with a cylindrical neck, from the Early Bronze Age, i.e. the Armenochori cul- large vessels with a long funnel-shaped or conical ture, and the spherical vessel with a slanting everted neck and a fragment of the pyraunos (T. II/9, 11, 12, rim (T. II/2, 3) could also be related to the earlier tra- III/22, 24). ditions in this region. The same could be concluded for Similar vessels including hemispherical bowls, matt painting and engraved spirals,76 while cord vessels with long a funnel-shaped neck, spherical vessels with a slanting everted rim, pyriform beakers with two handles slightly above the rim, cups with a short 75 Hochtetter 1984, Taf. 71/3, 102/3; Andrea 1985, T. XXV/2. cylindrical neck etc., were found in the tumulus cover 76 Hochtetter 1984, Taf. 1/5, 6, 12, 5/7, 52/6. In Kastanas as (T. II/1–8, 10, 13, III/16–21, 23). Besides the pottery, well as in Kilindir, the motif of the spiral appears from the Middle ground stone tools and one conical, vertically perfo- Bronze Age (Heurtley 1939, 205, cat. 374).

45 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016 impression ornaments are originally from the north but ween graves 4 and 7 (fig. 3), it is, by all appearances, had been present in Pelagonia since the Eneolithic and a Roman grave destroyed when grave 7 was construct- into the Bronze Age,77 so it is possible that such an ed and the bones were gathered and placed on the stone ornament became an element of an autochthonous tra- structure of grave 7.81 dition. On the other hand, the corded ornament could Antique interventions on the tumulus could be also have come to this area from the west, from Albania, noticed in the various densities of the stone cover. Thus, where it was confirmed at the end of the Eneolithic and burials in Roman graves (grave 7) in the prehistoric in the Bronze Age,78 while there is a negligible possi- tumulus resulted in the north segment of the cover bility that it arrived from the central Balkans, i.e. the remaining considerably ‘loose’, while the east half of Morava basin, given that such ornamentation was the tumulus, containing the remaining Roman graves, unknown in that area in the Bronze Age.79 was covered with rather small stones. The west half of the tumulus, where there were no graves, was covered with larger stones and this might have been the origi- CONCLUDING REMARKS nal segment of the former prehistoric tumulus. The stone structures around the tumulus certainly Analysis of the tumulus structure and the graves belong to the original tumulus, as exclusively prehisto- within it as well as the grave goods confirms, with cer- ric pottery was discovered in them and, as has already tainty, that tumulus 1 in Vepr~ani was made in the Late been mentioned, similar structures next to the tumuli Roman period, but at the location where a prehistoric or close to the graves are known from the Late Bronze tumulus previously existed. It is, however, not quite Age and transition period in the Vardar basin, the clear what the prehistoric tumulus looked like and Morava basin and in northern Macedonia. Their pur- what its size was and, by all appearances, grave 4 was pose is not completely clear but, according to certain within the tumulus. The only trace, which could help analogies, they served a ritual purpose in the process of in defining the size of the prehistoric tumulus, is the the interment of the dead. above mentioned layer of hard packed ochre soil of The rather small circular structure made of small even thickness deposited on the bedrock, which was stones to the south-southeast of the tumulus is proba- probably some kind of tumulus foundation. This, so to bly a smaller low tumulus (fig. 2) which lost its circu- say, foundation covered an area slightly wider than the lar shape in the north section (fig. 1). In the cremation present-day tumulus, so it could be assumed to have burial under the stone cover there were a few grave been the original perimeter of the prehistoric tumulus.80 Grave 4 is the only preserved prehistoric grave, although it is not possible, considering the time span, 77 Bulatovi} 2014, 106, 122–124, Map. 1, 3, Fig. 2–8, 24; to say with any certainty whether it was the only pre- Mitkoski 2010, 10, 1, T. XI; Temelkoski 1999, 42–44, T. III/1, 2. historic grave or there were more within the tumulus, 78 Bulatovi} 2014, 126–127, Map 3. because other prehistoric artefacts in other graves (a 79 Cord decoration (so-called litzen pottery) was characteristic fragment of saltaleon and a beaker with a channelled of the Middle Bronze Age in the area of the Drava–Sava–Danube body) could have come from the partially damaged and in the Serbian Danube basin in the Late Bronze Age (Belegi{– Cruceni culture), while such decoration has not been recorded on grave 4. The structure and orientation of grave 4 is the pottery from the Morava and the upper Vardar valley in that almost identical to the Roman graves (graves 5 and 9) period. and differs only in the position of the grave offering 80 It covers the area between the south periphery of the stone (vessel), which was next to the head of the deceased circle and the south wall of the north stone structure, i.e., an area from the east stone structure to the external western circle. and not by the legs, as is usual for all Roman graves in 81 During the deposition of the dislocated bones, care was the tumulus. taken to ensure the bracelet remained on the arm bone and for the The two-handled beaker with a channelled body, jug to be in the eastern section of the grave, as in all Roman graves discovered on top of the dislocated grave association in the tumulus. 82 (grave 6), did not, perhaps, belong to another prehis- We must not disregard the possibility that the metal finds also belonged to grave 1 but were dislocated over the course of time. toric grave but came from the damaged east section of The same could be true of the stone structure around the grave. grave 4, which had probably been destroyed by the 83 Bodinaku 2001–2002, 97; Andrea 1985, 219. interment in grave 9 (fig. 3). Concerning grave 8, which 84 See footnote 56. is represented by the segment of a stone structure bet- 85 Mitrevski 1997, 106.

46 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016 goods which, according to their stylistic and typologi- Barca),83 so this parallel could explain the bi-ritual cal characteristics, could be dated to the Late Bronze method of interment in Vepr~ani. The tumuli in Vepr- Age or the beginning of the transition period. The metal ~ani and in Barca are also connected by the beaker finds, although discovered outside grave 1, are certain- found in grave 6 that is almost identical to the speci- ly grave goods, and could be dated to approximately men from grave 113 in Barca, with both being dated to the same period, indicating the existence of more graves the transition period.84 at that location.82 It is considered that the first tumuli appeared in However, the question could be raised regarding the Macedonia, in particular in Pelagonia, at the beginning relationship between the cremation burial and the pre- of the transition period as an influence from southeast historic inhumation burial within tumulus 1. Judging Albania where tumuli as funerary structures are known by the grave goods, they are almost contemporary, but from the earlier periods.85 It seems that this method of tumuli or necropolises with bi-ritual interments have interment spread quickly to the north, as a tumulus dat- not been recorded so far in Macedonia. Such cases ing from approximately the same period as the earliest where, within one tumulus, cremation and inhumation tumuli in Pelagonia was discovered in Strnovac, near burials were recorded are known from Albania (Dukat, Kumanovo. Additionally, a somewhat later tumulus from

Fig. 13. Tumulus 1 (in the background) Fig. 14. East stone structure and cover of grave 1 (tumulus?) Sl. 14. Isto~na kamena konstrukcija Sl. 13. Tumul 1 (u drugom planu) i nasip groba 1 (tumul?)

Fig. 15. North stone structure Fig. 16. Grave 6 Sl. 15. Severna kamena konstrukcija Sl. 16. Grob 6

47 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

th th Vojnik, also near Kumanovo in northern Macedonia, to the 4 , possibly even the 5 century, in other words was discovered earlier.86 to the Late Roman period. The situation whereby the prehistoric tumulus at Something that is rather conspicuous is the attitude Vepr~ani had been re-used by the population in the of the Late Roman population of Mariovo towards the Roman times is not isolated in Macedonia (necropolis prehistoric tumulus. The very idea of burying the dead in Orizari), while in neighbouring Albania such cases at a location considered sacred by some ancient popu- are more frequent (Barca, Dukat, Burrel etc.). Therefore, lation with whom they could not have had any con- it could be assumed, as it at least seems so at this stage nections due to the large time gap is a phenomenon of investigations, that these rituals reached Macedonia which is exceptionally interesting and which should be from the southwest and spread northward and eastward, studied from many different aspects. Unfortunately it is avoiding the main natural communication routes.87 impossible to do so within the scope of this work. They The appearance of tumuli in Macedonia, in terms of certainly regarded that place as an ancient sacred area, the chronological aspect, corresponds with the appear- considering the size and shape of the tumulus, which was ance of cremation as a funerary ritual. The earliest cre- easily noticeable, as well as the stone stelae which, by mation burials in Macedonia also date from the begin- all appearances, were erected above the graves, i.e. on ning of the transition period. They were not found under the tumuli.89 However, the question arises as to why the tumuli; however, inhumation burials have been this area was used again for sacred purposes after such exclusively recorded under the barrows. Cremation as a long interval and why, at that time, the earlier grave a funerary ritual seems to be more widely spread in associations and objects from the graves were treated Macedonia than burials under tumuli and it has also with the utmost care. been recorded in the Vardar valley and eastern The inheritance of sacred places was an exclusive- Macedonia (Stobi, Krivi Dol, Klu~ka). It seems, judg- ly spiritual choice of certain communities and had no ing by the distribution of cremation burials, that this practical background, and similar examples have been practice spread along the Vardar valley from the north, recorded among many populations in different periods from Kosovo and the south Morava valley where, in in the past.90 In such situations there is a certain degree the Late Bronze Age, the local population cremated of awe of sacred objects or places from the past, some- their dead and deposited the remains in urns, often thing that was inherited from the pre-Christian religi- enclosed within a stone structure. The structure of ons whose elements were obviously still present de- grave 1 in Vepr~ani actually resembles the mentioned spite the fact that Christianity has already become the graves from the Brnjica culture and portable finds in official legal religion. It is assumed that they regarded the grave (handles with horn-like tops, an urn stand, the dead buried in the original prehistoric tumuli as and pins) have parallels in the Late Bronze cultures in some kind of ancient ancestors, founding fathers of the Danube basin and in the south Morava valley. their clan or tribe as, in spite of all the Roman funerary So, the tumulus in Vepr~ani reveals diverse cultural influences and connections in the Balkan territory, indicating a very complex social structure in that penin- sula, also including this part of Macedonia, at the end 86 Stankovski 2008, 135–152; Mitrevski 1997, 286. of Bronze Age. 87 Mitrevski 1997, 106. 88 From a chronological point of view, the original Mitrevski dates the earliest tumuli in Macedonia to the sub- Mycenaean period according to numerous finds and, in particular, the tumulus, i.e. graves 1 and 4 could be dated to the Br fibula of Liburnian or Dalmatian type (Mitrevski 1997, 103–105). D/Ha A period, based on numerous analogies with pot- Dating of fibula to 11th–10th century BC also supports R, Vasi} (Vasi} tery and metal finds. However, considering that the 1999, Taf. 70). earliest tumuli in Pelagonia and its surroundings, as 89 Around 150–200 m to the southeast of tumulus in Vepr~ani was recorded dislocated stone stela 1.55 x 0.47 x 0.11 m in size and well as the appearance of cremations, have been dated similar stela of smaller size was earlier recorded in NW cover of 88 to the transition period , there is the possibility that tumulus 2. Similar stelae are known from the Late Bronze Age ne- the tumulus from Vepr~ani also dates from the Ha A cropolis at Ulanci (Mitrevski 1997, 39–40, fig. 7). period, according to central European chronology. 90 Similar customs have been recorded even in other continents, Where Roman graves are concerned, they could be for example among the natives of North America (Mann 2005, 1–10 and cited literature), and perhaps the closest parallel for re-using of dated according to the grave goods and orientation, as sacred areas is the use of necropoleis in several different periods in well as by the funerary ritual, to the end of the 3rd and the past that is very common practice throughout the world.

48 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016 rituals, they continued their prehistoric manner of inter- used one burial under the tumulus. Nevertheless, it has ment under the tumuli. The devoted attitude toward the been recorded that antique tumuli are rare in compari- dead from prehistory can be noticed in the carefully son to Roman graves in earlier tumuli that are much placed prehistoric beaker on top of the dislocated re- more frequent and they were recorded only in the mains of the dead from the Late Roman period, as in regions where the tumuli had been used in prehistory. grave 4 and the stone structures around the tumulus It is also indicative that such funerary rituals date that were devastated in the course of the construction mostly from the Late Roman times, a fact that could be of the Roman graves and making the tumulus cover. It explained as a consequence of the general crisis in that is indicative that soil used for the tumulus cover was period when autochthonous populations turned to their taken from the local area and was not brought from traditional values.92 It seems, on the basis of every- afar.91 This also points to the strong wish of the Roman thing said above, that the tumuli in those regions in population to violate the entire sacred complex as lit- prehistory had a social connotation, i.e., they were tle as possible and to keep it spiritually clean in order characteristics of clan-tribal or family status, while in to establish a strong as possible connection with the the Late Roman period and in the Middle Ages, buri- ‘ancestors’. Such continuity should, by no means, be als under the tumuli had sacred meaning, with tumuli understood as ethnic (in most instances there are rather functioning as sacred places guarding ancestral spiri- large time gaps between each period of use of the tu- tual tradition. mulus), but rather as a functional continuity of the The tumuli in Macedonia had fallen into disuse by sacred place. The tradition of burying under and in the the end of the Iron Age, except among populations in tumuli in Roman times cannot be ascribed to any eth- the isolated regions of Pelagonia and eastern Macedonia nic group, it has been recorded in many diverse regions who, by using tumulus burials for some time more, re- in the Balkans (Bosnia, Albania, western Serbia, Ma- mained the guardians of tradition and spiritual heritage cedonia etc), not even to the Thracians as they mostly of the past.

Author of drawings, plans and photographs: Aleksandar MITKOSKI

91 Material from the tumulus cover was exclusively of the prehistoric date. 92 Srejovi} 2002, 44 sqq; Bulatovi} 2008, 212.

49 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

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51 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016 za{tita na spomenicite na kulturata, Skopje, zofskog fakulteta u Beogradu, Beograd, Zavi~ajni mu- 153–164. zej, Svetozarevo. Sanev 1978 – V. Sanev, Mogilite od Kunovo-~uki Stoji} 2001 – M. Stoji} Brwi~ka kulturna gru- kaj s. Orizari, ko~ansko, Zbornik na Arheolo{ki pa u basenu Ju`ne Morave: geneza, razvoj i hronolo- Muzej na Makedonija kn. VIII–IX (1975–1978), gija, Leskova~ki zbornik XLI, Leskovac, 15–94. Skopje, 7–20. Temelkoski 1999 – D. Temelkoski, Eneolitska Srejovi} 1959/60 – D. Srejovi}, Praistorijska ne- naselba Kru{eanska ~uka, Macedoniae acta archaeo- kropola u Donjoj Brnjici, Glasnik Muzeja Kosova i logica 15, Skopje, 33–46. Metohije IV–V, Pri{tina 1960, 83–135. Vasi} 1999 – R. Vasi}, Die Fibeln im Zentralbalkan, Srejovi} 2002 – D. Srejovi}, Iliri i Tra~ani, Prähistorische Bronzefunde, XIV/12, Stutgart. prir. V. Jovi}, Srpska kwièvna zadruga, Beograd. Vasi} 2003 – R. Vasi}, Die Nadeln im Zentralbalkan, Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997 – D. Srejovi}, M. Lazi}, Prähistorische Bronzefunde Abt. XIII, 11. Band, Naseqa i nekropole bronzanog doba u Timo~koj kra- Stuttgart. jini, Arheologija isto~ne Srbije, ur. M. Lazi}, Videski 2006 – Z. Videski, Mat slikana kera- Beograd, 225–247. mika od docnobronzenodopskata nekropola Dimov Stankovski 2008 – J. Stankovski, Tumulot I od Grob s. Ulanci – Gradsko, Folia arhaeologica Balka- tumularnata nekropola kaj seloto Strnovac, op- nica I, Filozovski Fakultet, Institut za Istorija {tina Staro Nagori~ane, Macedoniae acta archaeo- na umetnost i arheologija, Skopje, 63–74. logica 18, Skopje, 135–152. Vasileva 1993 – M. Vasileva, Nekropolata od Stefanovich, Bankoff 1998 – M. Stefanovich, A. èlezno vreme kaj s. Rape{, Macedoniae acta araeo- Bankoff, Kamenska ~uka 1993–1995, u: J. Harvey Gaul logica 13 (1992 ), Skopje, 69–80. in Memoriam, eds. M. Stefanovich, H. Todorova, H. Zotovi} 1985 – M. Zotovi}, Arheolo{ki i etni~ki Hauptmann, Sofia 1998, 255–338. problemi bronzanog i gvozdenog doba zapadne Srbije, Stoji} 1986 – M. Stoji}, Gvozdeno doba u basenu Zavi~ajni muzej, Titovo Uìce, Savez arheolo{kih dru- Velike Morave, Centar za arheolo{ka istraìvanja Filo- {tava Jugoslavije, Beograd.

52 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Rezime: ALEKSANDAR MITKOSKI, N. U. Zavod i muzej, Prilep ALEKSANDAR BULATOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd ILIJA MIKI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd

NEKROPOLA POD TUMULOM U VEPR^ANIMA Primer kori{}ewa sakralnih mesta u vi{e perioda u pro{losti

Kqu~ne re~i. – tumul, Mariovo, ju`na Makedonija, kasnoanti~ka nekropola, praistorijski grobovi, prelazni period iz bronzanog u gvozdeno doba.

U selu Vepr~ani, koje se nalazi u oblasti Mariovo na jugu tar tumula na|ena posuda koja se tako|e moè opredeliti u Makedonije, oko 35 km jugoisto~no od Prilepa, istraèn je pribli`no isti period. tokom 2010. i 2012. godine anti~ki tumul pre~nika oko 11 m Prema pokretnim nalazima u rimskim grobovima, ne- i visine oko 1 m. Ceo tumul je po~ivao na sloju tvrde oker kropola se moè opredeliti u kraj III i u IV vek, eventualno zemqe, debqine oko 0,25 m, koja je, dodu{e, zauzimala ne- u V, odnosno u kasnoanti~ki period. Mnogobrojni konstruk- znatno ve}u povr{inu od tumula i prakti~no se podudarala tivni elementi ({iri kameni prsten, kamene konstrukcije sa {irim kamenim prstenom, verovatno ostatkom starijeg oko tumula, praistorijski grobovi unutar tumulai van we- tumula. Ispod nasipa, koji se sastojao uglavnom od kamena ga, podloga u vidu tvrde oker zemqe ~ija povr{ina odgova- i malo zemqe, konstatovani su pet rimskih grobova sa inhu- ra {irem prstenu, razli~ita gustina nasipa) ukazuju da je miranim pokojnicima (grobovi 2, 3, 5, 7 i 9), jedan praisto- postojao i stariji tumul, pod kojim se nalazio grob 4. We- rijski grob (grob 4), ostaci kamene konstrukcije jednog mu su, verovatno, pripadale i kamene konstrukcije koje se groba bez pokojnika (grob 8) i jedna dislocirana grobna sa- sada nalaze oko tumula 1, a on datira sa po~etka prelaznog drìna ogra|ena kamenom (grob 6). Svi pokojnici su bili perioda iz bronzanog u gvozdeno doba (Ha A, prema sredwo- poloèni na le|a, u opruènom stavu, orijentacije – glava evropskoj periodizaciji). na zapadu, noge na jugu. Grobovi 4 i 5 su imali konstrukcije Nakon analize konstrukcije tumula i grobova unutar od lomqenog kamena, dok su ostali grobovi bili formira- wega kao i wihovog odnosa, zatim distribucije pokretnih ni od kamenih plo~a (ciste). Oko tumula, sa ju`ne, isto~ne nalaza te analogija u okruèwu, moè se zakqu~iti da je u i severne strane, nalazile su se pravougaone kamene kon- kasnoanti~kom periodu tumul bio prepoznat kao sakralno strukcije, nepoznate namene, sa malobrojnim nalazima pra- mesto, pa je na tom mestu, iako to nije bio rimski obi~aj, istorijske keramike. bila formirana nekropola pod tumulom, verovatno u znak Izvan tumula, oko 3 m ju`no, ispod niskog nasipa od po{tovawa prema precima. sitnog kamena i zemqe, uz dva kamena bloka su konstatova- Iz svega navedenog u tekstu, ~ini se da su tumuli na ni ostaci spaqenog pokojnika, sa nekoliko praistorijskih ovim prostorima u praistoriji imali socijalnu konotaci- posuda, a nedaleko od wih je evidentirano i nekoliko bron- ju – bili su obele`ja klanovsko-rodovskog ili porodi~nog zanih predmeta (igla sa ekserastom glavom, deo dijademe i statusa, dok je u kasnoanti~kom periodu i u sredwem veku predmet nalik ukosnici). sahrawivawe pod tumulima imalo sakralnu funkciju – tu- Svi nalazi se mogu opredeliti u kraj bronzanog doba i muli su se koristili kao sveta mesta sa preda~kom duhov- po~etak prelaznog perioda. U praistorijskom grobu 4 je unu- nom tradicijom.

Autor crte`a, planova i fotografija: Aleksandar MITKOSKI

53 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Plate I – Finds from the cover of grave 1 (1–17) Tabla I – Nalazi iz nasipa groba 1 (1–17)

54 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Plate II – Finds from the cover of tumulus 1 (1–13) Tabla II – Nalazi iz nasipa tumula 1 (1–13)

55 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Plate III – Finds from the cover of grave 1 (1–15) and from cover of tumulus 1 (16–24) Tabla III – Nalazi iz nasipa groba 1 (1–15) i iz nasipa tumula 1 (16–24)

56 MITKOSKI, BULATOVI], MIKI], Necropolis under a tumulus at Vepr~ani (27–57) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Plate IV – 1–2 finds from grave 1; 3 find from cover of grave 1; 4, 6 finds from grave 6; 5, 7, 8 finds from grave 7 Tabla IV – 1–2: nalazi iz groba 1; 3: nalaz iz nasipa groba 1; 4 i 6: nalazi iz groba 6; 5, 7 i 8: nalazi iz groba 7

PÉTER KOVÁCS, Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Piliscsaba PÉTER PROHÁSZKA, Archaeological Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, Nitra

A ROMAN FUNERARY INSCRIPTION FROM SMEDEREVO

UDK: 930.2:003.071=124(497.11)"02" e-mail: [email protected] 904(497.11)"02" Received: September 14, 2015 DOI: 10.2298/STA1666059K Accepted: February 10, 2016 Original research article

Abstract. – In this short paper the authors publish a Hungarian wartime postcard from Smederevo (Serbia), from 1916. It is reported that a Roman gravestone was found on the banks of the Danube and the text of the lost stone monument was also added. The authors intend to interpret the funerary text that was incorrectly transcribed.

Key words. – Roman epigraphy, archival, First World War, grave stone, Smederevo, Serbia.

uring research in the Archives of the Hungarian The postcard was written by Romulusz Bartos, who National Museum, a wartime postcard written was a volunteer of the K. u. K. Baukompagnie Nro. D in the spring of 1916 to the Directory of the 2/29, and, in his civilian life, a teacher in Budapest. In Hungarian National Museum has recently emerged.1 the postcard he reported that the soldiers of his unit The postcard was transferred to material collected by occupying Serbia in 1916 found a Roman tombstone. István Paulovics, and later became a part of the Archa- The translation of his report is as follows: eological Archive.2 Thanks to this transfer, the postcard survived, since during the Hungarian Revolution To the Honourable Directory of 1956 the material of the Directory (including many of the National Museum important reports on archaeological finds) was destro- Budapest yed by the Russian siege of the building of the National Archives of Hungary, while the Archaeological Archive Szemendria, 23th March 1916 remained untouched. One of the members of the Depart- ment of Coins and Antiquities most probably received Honourable Directory, the document in 1916 in order to reply and later he/she Our soldiers have found a 6 span long and 3.5 span did not send it back to the Directory. It remains uncer- wide Roman tombstone during (field) work on the tain how the document became a part of the material of banks of the Danube. The monument has the following István Paulovics, who was the assistant of the museum inscription: from 1914.3 He could have been the person responsi- ble for replying, but it seems more plausible that he found the document later in the Archive. Paulovics specialised in Roman provincial archaeology and he, 1 We wish to thank Dr. László Szende (Hungarian National thus, collected all kinds of documents concerning this Museum) for his help. 2 Hungarian National Museum, No. 91, Sz. I. The postcard was subject. After his death his material was returned to the originally registered with Nr. Rlev. 165–1917 in the directory of the Archive, including all his notes, photos and documents, museum. as well as the discussed postcard (Figs. 1–2). 3 On István Járdányi-Paulovics see: Nagy 1994, 121–128.

59 KOVÁCS, PROHÁSZKA, A Roman funerary inscription from Smederevo (59–63) STARINAR LXVI/2016

the region. For this reason, all reconstructions must be based on Bartos’ report: The upper part of the tombstone is missing (with at least one or two lines of the inscription. Material: sandstone. Height: 6 span, i.e. approx. 84 cm, width: 3.5 span, i.e. approx. 49 cm, this fits well with the dimensions of an average Roman tombstone from the Danubian provinces. Nothing is known about its decoration but the epigraphic field was most probably framed. Provenance: at a distance of 4 km from Szemendria, Smederevo (Szendro in Hungarian), on the bank of the Danube (it The tombstone can be found in a distance of 4 km is unfortunately unknown whether to the east or the from Semendria. It is carved from sandstone. Besides west). The presence of three jugs indicates that the the monument, three clay jugs were found, too. One of gravestone came to light in a late Roman grave in sec- them exists until now. ondary use. The missing part of the tombstone also con- The tombstone can easily be transported by ship.4 firms this possibility. The stone monument cannot be identified using the inscriptions found in Smederevo Sincerely yours, (IMS II 3–4, 9, 17, 21, 26–27, 29–30, 45, 54, 57–58, Romulusz Bartos 60, 63, 75, 82, 93–95, 97, 103, 108, 115, 122, 124, Teacher 151–152, 162, 165, 174, 177, 179, 188, 190–191, 193, 199, 204, 206, 238, 248, 255, 288, 310–314 and 324) We do not know what the reply was, but it is very as they were found in the famous Medieval castle built likely that the stone monument was not transported to between 1429–1431 and almost all of them were trans- Budapest because of the war circumstances. Most pro- ported there as building material from the territory of bably it remained in Smederevo and during the war or the neighbouring Margum and Viminacium. Based on later must have been destroyed (or re-used), as it can- the find-location determined from the discussed post- not be identified by any published Latin inscriptions of card, however, the gravestone should rather be connect-

Fig. 1 and 2. The postcard written by Romulusz Bartos (Hungarian National Museum) Sl. 1 i 2. Dopisnica koju je poslao Romulus Barto{ (Ma|arski narodni muzej)

60 KOVÁCS, PROHÁSZKA, A Roman funerary inscription from Smederevo (59–63) STARINAR LXVI/2016 ed to the Roman settlement in Smederevo, identified by The beginning of the last (POSTI) can probably be re- the road-station of Vinceia, along the limes road. The stored to the verb pos uit¬ ¬. If this is correct, Rufilla finds of several stamped tiles of the legio VII Claudia alone erected the stone monument (probably as a wife). from the neighbourhoods of Smederevo suggest that Several cases can be observed (even in Moesia Supe- Vinceia belonged to the territory of Viminacium. As all rior: CIL III 8242, AÉp 1972, 511, IMS VI 101) where the inscribed Roman stone monuments from Smederevo a funerary text has two predicates. were found in the Medieval castle, this tombstone could Another possibility cannot be excluded either, as be the first one that certainly originated from the Roman the letters of the last line can also be interpreted with settlement near Smederevo.5 the formula libertis libertabusque poste(risque) eoru(m). The first part of the inscription was correctly tran- In this case the beginning of line 4 must be emended as scribed by the Hungarian teacher and it can be exactly pat¡ro¿ no¬ ¬ , but the letters ACEATONI in line 5 can reconstructed, but the last three lines are so problemat- hardly be emended as libertis libertabusque. Based on ical that only approximations can be made and several the EDCS (Clauss-Slaby), the formula coniugi poste- letters must be emended. risque eorum cannot be excluded either, but it is very The first half of the inscription can be reconstructed rare (7 occurrences: CIL VI 14664, 18034, 20142, as follows: 23794, 29266, RAC 1926, 103 and EDCS 51000147, all in Rome). ------Based on this argumentation, the entire text can ¡- - -¿ vix(it) an(nos) XL probably be reconstructed as follows: h(ic) s(itus or -ita) e(st) Antonia Ruf¡i¿lla ¡.¿ITL¡.¿A¡.¿ ------PA+¡..¿RP CVR ¡- - -¿ vix(it) an(nos) XL 5 ACEATONI¡.¿L h(ic) s(itus or ita) e(st) Antonia POSTI+ORO Ruf¡i¿lla ¡t¿it(u)l¡u¿ m¬ ¬ (?) f¬¬¬a ciend¬(um) (?) cur(avit) Interpunction can be seen only in line 4, but based 5 ACEATONI¡.¿L on this, the last three letters CVR can be expanded as POSTI+ORO cur(avit). With this verb, a verbal noun (participium instans) must stand because of the causative construc- Antonia Rufilla has not been known so far, but sev- tion; the most plausible one being faciendum. The par- eral Antonii lived in the territory of Viminacium, most ticiple can probably be seen in the next line but with of them being the descendants of former legionaries.7 heavy corrections: f¬¬¬¬a ciend¬(um). The last letters of line 3 can most probably be interpreted as ¡t¿it(u)l¡u¿ ¬ ¬ m , given that the formula titulum faciendum curavit 4 A Nemzeti Muzeum occurs several times in Moesia Superior (e. g. IMS VI, Tekintetes Igazgatóságának 57, 109, 1234), Another possibility is the vulgar Latin Budapest. form titlum (with a syncope) attested to several times Szemendria 1916. márc.23án in the Danubian provinces.6 On the other hand, the ex- Tekintetes Igazgatóság! pression patri curavit cannot be excluded either, but in A Dunaparton, munka közben a mi katonáink egy 6 arasznyi hosszu és 3 ½ széles romai eredetu emlékkövet találtak. A kövön ez this case no letters are missing. The meaningless letters a felirat van: ACEATONI in line 5 must definitely be emended. In Ako 4 Kméternyire van Szemendriától. Homokkobol van the case of the 2nd possibility, they should be emended faragva. A ko mellett még 3 agyag korsó is volt. Az egyik most is meg van. to faciendum. In this part of a funerary monument one Hajóval könnyen ellehetne szállítani. should rather look for a noun referring to the affinity Kiváló tisztelettel with Antonia Rufilla (coniugi, patri, fratri etc.), an Bartos Romulusz adjective in the superlative or the name of another per- tanító 5 son who erected the monument together with Rufilla. IMS I, 38–39, TIR L-34, 119. 6 Mihãescu 1978, 197, 126; Fehér 2007, 373–374 (without the The letters ATONI could, perhaps, belong to the gen- Pannonian occurrences of the form titlus: RIU 690, 1007, 1164, 1461, tilicium Antonius, but the second half of the line can Tit. Aq. 571). also be emended to the expected noun c¬ ¬oni¡u¿g i¬ ¬. 7 Mócsy 1970, 138, 155.

61 KOVÁCS, PROHÁSZKA, A Roman funerary inscription from Smederevo (59–63) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Earlier, the cognomen Rufilla was not attested to in the e.g. based on the lack of tria nomina or/and the gentile province and it occurs only rarely in the Danubian pro- name Aurelius: IMS I 39, II 113, 199, VI 38, 50, 94, vinces (Pannonia: CIL III 10783, ILS 9137, RIU 955), AÉp 1981, 731–732. but the cognomen Ruf(in)us (from which Rufilla is Based on the analogical formulas and the name, the derived8) is frequent in Moesia Superior.9 It is sug- tombstone can probably be dated to the 3rd century A.D. gested that in Moesia Superior the formula hic situs/a The material (sandstone), as well as the poor quality of est does not occur after the end of the 2nd century,10 but writing may suggest that the tombstone was carved in there are several later occurences from the 3rd century: a local workshop.

8 Kajanto 1965, 27, 229. 9 Lorincz 2001, 33–34. 10 Petrovi} 1975, 82.

62 KOVÁCS, PROHÁSZKA, A Roman funerary inscription from Smederevo (59–63) STARINAR LXVI/2016

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Fehér 2007 – Fehér B., Pannonia latin nyelvtörté- Nagy 1994 – Nagy M., Bibliography of the archae- nete, Budapest 2007. ological activity of István Járdányi-Paulovics, Acta Kajanto 1965 – Kajanto I., The Latin cognomina, Classica 30, 1994, 121–128. Comm. Hum. Litt. Soc. Scient. Fenn. 36/2, Helsinki 1965. Petrovi} 1975 – Petrovi} P., Paleografija rimskih Lorincz 2001 – Lorincz B., Onomasticon provinci- natpisa u Gornjoj Meziji, Beograd 1975. arum Europae Latinarum IV, Wien 2001. TIR L-34 – Tabula Imperii Romani: Aquincum– Mihãescu 1978 – Mihãescu H., La langue latine Sarmizegetusa–Sirmium L-34, Zusammengestellt von dans le sud-est de l’Europe, Bucureºti – Paris 1978. Soproni S. Budapest 1968. Mócsy 1970 – Mócsy A., Gesellschaft und Roma- nisation in der römischen Provinz Moesia Superior, Budapest 1970.

Rezime: PETER KOVA^, Katoli~ki univerzitet Pazmaw Peter, Pili{~aba PETER PROHASKA, Arheolo{ki institut Slova~ke akademije nauka, Nitra

RIMSKI NADGROBNI NATPIS IZ SMEDEREVA

Kqu~ne re~i. – rimska epigrafika, arhivalije, Prvi svetski rat, nadgrobni spomenik, Smederevo, Srbija.

Tokom nedavnih istraìvawa u Arhivu Ma|arskog narod- provincijama; mesto nalaza – na udaqenosti od 4 km od nog muzeja otkrivena je ratna dopisnica koja je u prole}e Szemendria, Smedereva (Szendro na ma|arskom) na obali Du- 1916. godine napisana direktoru Ma|arskog narodnog mu- nava (ali nije, naàlost, precizirano da li prema istoku zeja. Dopisnicu je poslao Romulus Barto{, u civilnom ì- ili prema zapadu). Prvi deo natpisa u~iteq je ta~no pre- votu u~iteq u Budimpe{ti, koji je bio dobrovoqac u kom- pisao pa se on moè ta~no i rekonstruisati, ali tri posled- paniji K. u. K. Baukompagnie Nro. 2/29. On u dopisnici wa reda su toliko problemati~na da se za wih moè ponudi- javqa da su vojnici iz wegove jedinice, koja je okupirala ti nekoliko tuma~ewa, a i nekoliko slova se mora dodati. Srbiju 1916. godine, prona{li rimski nadgrobni spomenik. Na osnovu ponu|ene argumentacije autora, ceo tekst se mo- Ne zna se kakav je bio odgovor, ali se s velikom verovatno- è rekonstruisati ovako: }om moè pretpostaviti da prona|en kameni spomenik, ------usled ratnih okolnosti, nije bio transportovan u Budim- ¡- - -¿ vix(it) an(nos) XL pe{tu i da je, najverovatnije, ostao u Smederevu i tokom h(ic) s(itus or ita) e(st) Antonia rata, te da je posle wega uni{ten (ili sekundarno upotre- Ruf¡i¿lla ¡t¿it(u)l¡u¿ m¬ ¬ (?) bqen) – jer ga nije bilo mogu}e identifikovati me|u dru- f¬¬¬a ciend¬(um) (?) cur(avit) gim publikovanim latinskim natpisima iz ove oblasti. 5 ACEATONI¡.¿L Zbog toga celokupnu rekonstrukciju moramo bazirati POSTI+ORO samo na Barto{evom opisu: nadgrobni spomenik kom nedostaje gorwi deo (sa najmawe jednim ili dva reda natpisa); Na osnovu analognih formulacija i imena, nadgrobni materijal – pe{~ar; visina – 6 pedqa (oko 84 cm) a {iri- spomenik se najverovatnije moè datovati u III vek na{e na – 3,5 pedqa (oko 49 cm), {to sasvim odgovara dimenzija- ere, a materijal (pe{~ar) i nizak kvalitet natpisa mo`da ma prose~nog rimskog nadgrobnog spomenika u podunavskim nagove{tavaju da je isklesan u nekoj lokalnoj radionici.

NATA[A MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade DRAGANA VULOVI], Belgrade KSENIJA \UKI], Laboratory for Anthropology, Institute of Anatomy, Belgrade

HEALTH STATUS OF CHILDREN IN ANCIENT SIRMIUM*

UDK: 904:572.71/.781(497.11)"00/04" e-mail: [email protected] 904:613.95(497.11)"00/04" ; 902.2(497.11)"1957/2002" Received: December 29, 2015 DOI: 10.2298/STA1666065M Accepted: February 10, 2016 Original research article

Abstract. – This paper presents diseases which directly leave traces on osteological material (enamel hypoplasia, caries, traumatic conditions, haematological disorders, metabolic diseases and middle ear inflammation) and diseases that leave no visible marks on bones, and may indeed be the direct cause of death of children in ancient Sirmium. In paleodemographic research, child mortality rate is an important element of a population’s progress. Child mortality is considered an adequate criterion for the social and sanitation conditions of a community and a sensitive indicator of inadequate nutrition.

Key words. – Roman necropoles, 1st–4th century AD, 4th and 5th century AD, children, health status.

n the period from 1957 to 2015, ca one hundred material originating from the period between the 1st sites have been explored in the territory of the city and 16th centuries. Anthropological research was con- I of Sremska Mitrovica (Sirmium) and the close ducted between 2004 and 2015 at the Museum of Srem surroundings (Fig. 1).1 Human osteological material in Sremska Mitrovica, the Faculty of Philosophy at the was found on 70 sites during archaeological excava- University of Belgrade and in the Institute of Archae- tions. However, the osteological material from only 35 ology in Belgrade. sites from Sremska Mitrovica and one site in its surroundings were available for anthropological analysis. In other words, only half of the skeletal remains found MATERIALS AND METHODS were preserved for anthropological analysis. There are a number of reasons for this, starting with the fact that The anthropological analysis comprised a total of the material from several sites was sent to the USA for 332 interred and two incinerated individuals from the anthropological analysis during the 1970s, and the fact ancient period (Fig. 1), of which 257 were adults and that part of the material was buried in 1985 in Palanka 77 were children, discovered during archaeological (a street in Sremska Mitrovica) so as to free space in the museum depot for other artefacts, without any analysis having been performed. 1 We express our gratitude to Mr M. Radmilovi} for the map Sremska Mitrovica (Sirmium) represents a multi- of the site (Fig. 1) and for post-production of all illustrations (Fig. 1; layered archaeological site, with human osteological Plates I and II).

* This paper is a result of the projects: Romanization, urbanization and transformation of urban centers of civil, military and residential character in Roman provinces on the territory of Serbia (No. 177007), Urbanization processes and development of medieval society (No. 177021) and Functional, functionalized and advanced nano materials (No III 45005) funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

65 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 1. Location of Sirmium on the map, with the position of the Republic of Serbia in Europe; Sirmium during the 4th century, ideal reconstruction (Jeremi} 2004, 11, fig. 12) Sl. 1. Lokacija Sirmijuma na karti, sa polo`ajem Republike Srbije u Evropi; Sirmijum u IV veku, idealna rekonstrukcija (Jeremi} 2004, 11, fig. 12) excavations in the period between 1957 and 2002 investigation of the probable cause of death and epige- (Tables 1 and 2). The observed degree of skeletal netic characteristics.8 preservation falls into category II (well preserved, incomplete skeleton). This preservation degree is a direct consequence of: erosion (graves in the shape of RESULTS a well, on the banks of the river Sava); construction works (Sremska Mitrovica) and agricultural works (sites Roman necropoles from 1st–4th century AD found in the surroundings of Sremska Mitrovica); rob- Anthropological analysis showed that on sites dating bing and the destruction of graves and grave construc- from 1st–4th century, in Sremska Mitrovica (Sirmium) tions by illegal diggers; a high degree of humidity and notable changes of temperature in the rooms where the human osteological material was deposited, a lack of 2 Extrinsic factors include the geological environment of a site, mechanical cleaning after the excavations, as well as the the nature of the local flora and fauna and other human activities placement of the material into inadequate “temporary” (Gordon, Buikstra 1981; Lambert et al. 1985; Henderson 1987; packing. Apart from this, other extrinsic factors should Garland, Janaway 1989; Klein 1989; Haglund, Sorg 1997, 2002; also be taken into consideration,2 as well as intrinsic Karkanas et al. 1999; Nielsen-Marsh, Hedges 2000; Stiner et al. 2001; Tuler, Duric 2006; Smith et al. 2007; Lee-Thorp, Sealy 2008). 3 factors (the character of the bone), and the already 3 Intrinsic factors are small size, high porosity, lower minera- mentioned facts that the entire human osteological ma- lisation and high organic content of children’s bones (Buckberry terial from certain sites was sent to the USA for anthro- 2000; Bello, Andrews 2006; Lewis 2007). pological analysis, as well as that part of the material 4 According to Schutkowski 1993. 5 was buried in 1985, in Palanka Street. According to Ferembach et al. 1980, Brothwell 1981, Bass 1995, Scheuer, Black 2000. The anthropological analysis of children included: 6 According to Walker, Pérez-Pérez. finding conditions, the degree of skeletal preservation, 7 According to Ortner, Putschar 1985, Hillson 1990; idem., 4 the minimum number of individuals, sex, individual 1996, Aufderheide et al. 1998, etc. age,5 stature,6 dental and paleopathological analyses,7 8 Hauser, De Stefano 1989; \uri}-Sreji} 1995.

66 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Undetermined Age Male Female Total sex Foetus ---- NB – 0.5 year - 2 1 3 0.5 – 1 year 2 - 1 3 1.5 – 2 years 1 - 1 2 2.5 – 3 years 1 1 - 2 3.5 – 4 years 1 1 - 2 Infans I 4.5 – 5 years - - 1 1 5.5 – 6 years 1225 6.5 – 7 years - - 1 1 7.5 – 8 years 1 - 1 2 8.5 – 9 years 1 - 2 3 9.5 – 10 years 2 - - 2 10.5 – 11 years 1 - 2 3 11.5 – 12 years ---- Infans II 12.5 – 13 years 1113 13.5 – 14.5 years - 1 1 2 Unknown age 1 - 9 10 Total number of children 1382344

Table 1. Paleodemographic structure of children in the 1st–4th century A. D. in Sirmium Tabela 1. Paleodemografska struktura de~jih individua u periodu I–IV veka u Sirmijumu and its surrounding area, skeletal remains of 188 indivi- Roman necropoles from 4th and 5th century AD duals were discovered, comprising 144 adults (76.6 %) Anthropological analysis showed that on sites dat- and 44 children (23.4%) (Table 1). ing from the 4th and 5th century, in Sremska Mitrovica Dental analysis showed the presence of enamel (Sirmium) and its surrounding area, skeletal remains of hypoplasia in six children (one female, four males and 146 individuals were discovered, comprising 113 adults one child of indeterminate sex) and caries in three chil- (77.4 %) and 33 children (22.6%) (Table 2). dren (one female, one male and one child of indeter- Dental analysis showed only the presence of caries minate sex) (Tables 3 and 5). in one male child (Tables 4 and 5). Paleopathological analyses revealed several diseases Paleopathological analyses revealed several disea- affecting children’s skeletons: bone injuries, changes ses affecting children’s skeletons: changes in bones in bones caused by blood disorders, metabolic bone caused by blood disorders and metabolic bone diseases. diseases and middle ear inflammation (Plates I and II). Bone changes caused by blood disorders, such as cribra Skeletal material displayed an injury on an occipital orbitalia, cribra femora and porotic hyperostosis could bone in one female individual. Bone changes caused by be ascertained in five individuals (one female, one blood disorders, such as cribra orbitalia (Plate I/1, 2), male and three children of indeterminate sex). Deep cribra palatina, cribra humera (Plate II/1, 2) or cribra lesions at the ends of long bones could be noticed in femora (Plate II/3, 4) et fibula were visible in 16 indi- six individuals (five males and one child of indetermi- viduals (four females, nine males and three children of nate sex). Active periostitis (scurvy?) was identified in indeterminate sex). Deep lesions at the ends of long two individuals (one female and one child of indeter- bones were noticed in eight individuals (seven males minate sex) (Tables 4 and 5). and one child of indeterminate sex). Scurvy was determined in five individuals (one female, three males and one child of indeterminate sex) (Plate I/3, 4), and rick- DISCUSSION ets in one female individual. Middle ear inflammation was determined in two individuals (one female and one The study of children’s skeletal remains in necropo- male) (Tables 3 and 5). les is of particular importance because the data related

67 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Undetermined Age Male Female Total sex Foetus ---- NB – 0.5 year - 2 5 7 0.5 – 1 year - - 2 2 1.5 – 2 years 1 - 3 4 2.5 – 3 years 1 - 3 4 3.5 – 4 years - - 2 2 Infans I 4.5 – 5 years ---- 5.5 – 6 years 1 - 2 3 6.5 – 7 years - - 2 2 7.5 – 8 years - - 1 1 8.5 – 9 years ---- 9.5 – 10 years ---- 10.5 – 11 years ---- 11.5 – 12 years 1 - 1 2 Infans II 12.5 – 13 years 1 - - 1 13.5 – 14.5 years - - 1 1 Unknown age 1 - 3 4 Total number of children 6 2 25 33

Table 2. Paleodemographic structure of children in the 4th and 5th century A. D. in Sirmium Tabela 2. Paleodemografska struktura de~jih individua u IV i V veku u Sirmijumu to children’s health influences the overall health status them to evaluate the general health of a population, that of the whole investigated population. However, one of is to say, the effects of the environment and lifestyle on the most common limitations in the anthropological the health of groups of people. Most diseases and causes analyses of children’s skeletal remains is their gener- of death remain undetermined, as they do not leave ally poor preservation. Lack of preservation of skele- marks on bones and partly because of the usually poor tal remains mainly affects the visibility of children in a preservation of osteological material from archaeolog- community, even perhaps lessening the interest of ical sites.11 However, even if pathological changes are anthropologists in their study.9 This is why anthropol- visible on skeletal material (with the help of diagnostic ogists have to be very careful in their analysis and techniques such as inspection, radiography and micro- interpretation. scopic bone analysis), in some cases it is impossible to The highest mortality rate in children in ancient establish a differential diagnosis. The reason for this is Sirmium was during the interval NB–7 years of age that it is impossible to track the stages of disease devel- (infans I), specifically: 1st–4th century 43.2%, and 4th opment, given that different diseases have the same and 5th century 48.5% (Tables 1 and 2). The mortality effect on bone tissue as a final outcome (such as tissue rate in adult females was highest in age range 23–40 production or destruction) and because it is impossible (adultus I and II), specifically: 1st–4th century 24.4% to establish pathognomonic changes that are not relat- (age 23–30, adultus I), or 42.2% (age 23–40, adultus I ed to bone tissue.12 and II), and 4th and 5th century 18.9% (age 23–30, The diseases which left direct traces on children’s adultus I), or 32.4% (age 23–40, adultus I and II). It is dental and skeletal material in ancient Sirmium were interesting to note that mortality in children was lower enamel hypoplasia and caries, bone injuries, changes during periods when females lived longer, and vice versa, the mortality in children was higher during pe- 10 riods when females lived shorter. 9 Kamp 2001; Shea 2006; Lewis 2007. In recent decades, using advances in medicine, 10 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011, 559, 574. modern anthropologists have been able to identify a 11 \uri}-Sreji} 1995, 310. number of diseases that leave marks on bones, and use 12 ibid., 310.

68 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Grave SCUR- RICK- Bone Ear Deep Sex Age EH C CO CFe CH CF CP number VY ETS injuries infam. lesion

SITE No. 12 Grave BB (II) unknown unknown –––––––––––– SITE No. 24 No. 69 (III) unknown 6 y –––––––––––– No. 74, G-3 (II) unknown unknown –––––––––––– SITE No. 26 Burial / #3 (II) unknown NB –––––––––––– SITE No. 76 Grave 2 (I) male 9 y + – + + – – – ––––+ Grave 2 (II) male 3 y ± 12 m–+–––––+–––+ Grave 3 male 13 y – – – + + + – – – – – + Grave 4 female 14 y + + + – + –+–+––– Grave 5 (III) unknown 7 y ± 24 m+––––––––––– Grave 7 male 18 m – – – – + – – + – – – + Grave 8 female (?) NB–6 m – – – – + – – – – + + – Grave 9 male (?) 1 y + – – – – – – + – – + + Grave 11 (II) unknown unknown –––––––––––– SITE No. 77 Grave 1 (I) male (?) 10y + – + + + – – – – – – – Grave 2 (V) unknown unknown –––––––––––– Grave 4 male about 10 y + – – + – – – ––––+ Grave 5 (I) male (?) about 1 y – – – + – – – ––––+ Grave 6 (I) female NB–6 m –––––––+–––– Grave 6 (II) male unknown –––––––––––– Grave 6 (III) unknown unknown –––––––––––– Grave 7 (I) male (?) 8 y – – – – + – – – – – – – Grave 8 (II) unknown 24–30 m – – – + – – – + – – – + Grave 8 (III) unknown 8 y –––––––––––– Grave 12 (I) female 4 y – – – + – – – ––––– Grave 13 (II) female 3 y –––––––––––– Grave 14 (II) male 11 y –––––––––––– Grave 16 unknown 11 y –––––––––––– Grave 17 (I) female 6 y –––––––––––– Grave 19 (II) unknown unknown – – + – – – –––––– Grave 23 (I) unknown 9 y ± 24 m–+–––––––––– Grave 24 (I) male 4 y – – + – – – –––––– Grave 24 (II) unknown 13y –––––––––––– Grave 26 (I) female 13 y – – – + – – – ––––– Grave 26 (III) unknown 9 y ± 24 m–––––––––––– Grave 27 (II) unknown unknown –––––––––––– Grave 29 female 6 y –––––––––––– Grave 30 (I) male 6 y – – – + – – – ––––– Site No. 80 Grave 17 (II) unknown unknown –––––––––––– Disl. bones III unknown 14 y –––––––––––– Site Trasa toplovoda – naselje Matija Hu|i/Orao 16/95 (III) unknown about 6 y –––––––––––– Site Trasa toplovoda – naselje Matija Hu|i G-9 (6/95) (III) unknown unknown –––––––––––– G-13 (13/95) (II) unknown 11 y –––––––––––– G-13 (13/95) (III) unknown 6 m –––––––––––– G-14 (14/95) unknown 5 y – – – + – – – ––––– EH – enamel hypoplasia; C – caries; CO – cribra orbitalia; CFe – cribra femora; CH – cribra humera; CF – cribra fibula; CP – cribra palatina

Table 3. Paleopathological finds on children's skeletal remains from the 1st–4th century A. D. in Sirmium Tabela 3. Paleopatolo{ki nalazi na de~jim skeletnim ostacima iz perioda I–IV veka u Sirmijumu

69 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016 in bones caused by blood disorders (anemia, cribra porotic hyperostosis are good indicator of subadult orbitalia, cribra humera, cribra femora, cribra fibula stress and the health and nutritional status of past po- and porotic hyperostosis), metabolic diseases (scurvy pulations. It can also provide evidence for a valid esti- and rickets), periostitis, deep lesions at the ends of mate of the living conditions of archaeological popula- long bones and middle ear inflammations (Tables 3–5; tions. Most authors associate the appearance of cribrae Plates I and II). orbitaliae with anaemia caused by iron deficiency.18 Macroscopically, cribra orbitalia appear as small pit- Diseases on children’s dental material ted lesions on the superior vaults of the orbits, with a Enamel hypoplasia is a developmental disorder in diameter varying from less than 1 mm to wide gaps the production of enamel matrix, which is recorded as that partially unite.19 These changes are usually the defects on the enamel surface in the form of one or result of hypertrophy of the medial porous part of the more grooves or pits on the tooth crown. This disorder bone of the skull, which causes the extenuation and may be caused by localised traumas and diseases or porosity of the external cortex of the bone, and may be systemic causes, such as hereditary anomalies, infecti- in an active or healed state.20 The factors conducive to ous diseases, endocrine disorders, nephropathy, entero- this type of anaemia are poor and inadequate nourish- pathy, neurological disorders, and nutritional deficien- ment, unhygienic living conditions, chronic gastroin- cies.13 Numerous studies have shown, however, that testinal and parasitic diseases,21 lead poisoning,22 genetic factors and localised traumas are rarely respon- changes in nutritional habits23, and food rich in phy- sible for the development of hypoplasia in humans.14 tates, which hinder the absorption of iron.24 Some The vast majority of hypoplastic defects in modern and authors noticed a connection between lesions on the archaeological populations are associated with systemic femoral and humeral neck (femoral cribra and humer- physiological stress, including starvation, infectious al cribra) and cribra orbitalia i.e. these lesions are diseases, metabolic disorders and physical and psycho- morphologically identical to those on the orbital roof logical traumas. Enamel hypoplasias have attracted a lot in cribra orbitalia. They suggested the term cribrous of attention in the literature because the nature of enamel syndrome, which consists of cribra orbitalia, symme- means that defects cannot be remodelled and, there- trical femoral cribra and symmetrical humeral cribra fore, they provide a nearly permanent record of stresses (variable).25 The mortality of children at Sirmium was occurring during the process of tooth germ development highest in the infant age group (0–7 years) – 55.8%. In (from the foetal period up to the age of c. 7 years), and the one to four years age group, where the incidence of may provide a general index of infant/childhood cribrae orbitaliae is at its peak, the mortality rate was health.15 Dental analysis showed the presence of ena- 27.3%.26 The very high incidence of cribrae orbitali- mel hypoplasia with six children in ancient Sirmium during the 1st–4th century (Tables 3 and 5). Dental caries develops when pH levels in the plaque are low enough to demineralise the enamel, cement and 13 Pindborg 1982; Goodman, Rose 1991. dentin. Dental caries manifests itself in a variety of ways. 14 Pindborg 1970; Goodman et al. 1991; Hillson 1996. 15 Lesions may be either opaque spots in the enamel, or Goodman, Rose 1990. 16 Hillson 1990. large cavities. Carious lesions may start on the crown 17 16 Hillson 1990; \uri}-Sreji} 1995; Papathanasiou 2005; of the tooth or on the surface of the roots. The exam- [laus 2008; Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011. ination of stress indicators in skeletal populations is a 18 Oxenham, Cavill 2010, 199–200. significant area of research in biological anthropology 19 Facchini et al. 2004, 126. and dental caries is an important indicator of oral and 20 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2012, 233. general health in relation to diet.17 Our dental analysis 21 Walker 1986; Mensforth 1990; Mays 1998. showed the presence of caries with three children dur- 22 Stuart-Macadam 1991. 23 ing the 1st–4th century and one child during the 4th and Roberst, Manchester 1995. 24 5th centuries (Tables 3–5). Carlson et al. 1974. 25 Miquel-Feucht et al. 1999a, b, c; Polo-Cerdá et al. 1999a, b, 2000. Diseases on children’s skeletal material 26 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2012, 233. Bone changes caused by blood disorders, such as 27 Bernat 1983. cribra orbitalia, cribrae humera, femora et fibula and 28 [laus 2006, 162.

70 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016 ae in individuals aged one to four is a consequence of diarrhoea. Diarrhoea has two very negative effects on the depletion of the reserves of iron and the cessation the health of a child: it diminishes appetite and increas- of suckling.27 The discontinuation of suckling and the es considerably the loss of magnesium and iron. The introduction of solid food exposes the child to a broad result is anaemia, which is morphologically manifested spectrum of gastrointestinal pathogens which cause as cribra orbitalia.28

Perio- Deep Grave number Sex Age EH C CO CFe PH Scurvy Rickets stitis Lesion

Site No. 3 Disl. bones unknown 6 m ––––––––+ Site No. 49 Disl. bones I (III) unknown 4 y ––––––––– Site No. 55 Grave 1 (III) unknown unknown ––––––––– Grave 9 (III) unknown 12 y ± 36m––––––––– Grave 12 (I) female NB–6 m – – – – + – – + – Grave 12 (II) unknown unknown ––––––––– Grave 15 (III) female NB–6 m ––––––––– Grave 32 (II) unknown NB–6 m ––––––––– Grave 46 (III) unknown 7 y ––––––––– Grave 52 (III) unknown 8 y ––––––––– Grave 55 (III) unknown 2.5 y ––––––––– Grave 56 (II) unknown 18 m –––––––++ Grave 86 (IV) male 13 y – – – + – – – – – Site No. 59 Sector IV (3) (II) male 12 y – + – – – – – – – Sector IV (3) (III) unknown 12 m ––––––––– Sector IV (4) (II) unknown NB–6 m ––––––––– Site No. 75 Grave 3 (I) unknown 18 m ––––––––– Disl. bones III unknown 12 m – – + + – – – – + Oslikana grobnica iz ulice Mike Anti}a Oslikana grob. (I) unknown NB ––––––––– Site No. Ma~vanska Mitrovica MG 166 (IX) unknown 24 m ––––––––– MG 166 (X) unknown 4 y ––––––––– MG 166 (XI) unknown 6 y ––––––––– MG 166 (XII) unknown 6 y ––––––––– MG 166 (XIII) unknown 7 y ––––––––– MG 167 (VI) male 24 m ––––––––– MG 167 (VII) unknown 30 m ––––––––– Site No. Trasa toplovoda – Pivarska ulica Grave 1 (IV) male unknown ––––––––– Site No. Trasa toplovoda – naselje Dekanske ba{te Grave 3 (III) unknown 14 y – – – + – – – – – Grave 3 (IV) male 6 y ± 24 m––––––––– Grave 5 (I) unknown NB–6 m ––––––––+ Grave 7 (III) unknown 3 y – – + – – – – – + Grave 7 (IV) unknown unknown ––––––––– Grave 8 (III) male 2.5–3.3 y ––––––––+

EH – enamel hypoplasia; C – caries; CO – cribra orbitalia; CFe – cribra femora; CH – cribra humera; CF – cribra fibula; CP – cribra palatina

Table 4. Paleopathological finds on children's skeletal remains from the 4th and 5th centuries A. D. in Sirmium Tabela 4. Paleopatolo{ki nalazi na de~jim skeletnim ostacima iz IV i V veka u Sirmijumu

71 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016

CHILDREN’S 1st–4th 4th and 5th centuries could also lie in specific, culturally conditioned taboos DISEASES century A. D. A. D. against the consumption of certain foods or in a long- Enamel 6 – hypoplasia (13.63%) – standing diet reduced in the number of foods, as was, 3 1 Caries for example, the diet on transoceanic sailing ships or in (6.81%) (3.03%) prisons.31 Porotic lesions on some parts of cranial bones 5 2 Cribra orbitalia (11.36%) (6.06%) and postcranial skeletal remains are determined as con- 10 3 32 Cribra femora sequences of scurvy by numerous eminent experts. (22.72%) (9.09%) 6 – On the other hand, rickets is the softening and weak- Cribra humera (13.63%) – ening of bones in children, usually because of an extre- 1 – 33 Cribra fibula me and prolonged vitamin D deficiency. Vitamin D (2.27%) – 1 – promotes the absorption of calcium and phosphorus Cribra palatina (2.27%) – from the gastrointestinal tract. A deficiency of vitamin Porotic – 1 hyperostosis – (3.03%) D makes it difficult to maintain proper calcium and 34 5 – phosphorus levels in bones, which can cause rickets. Scurvy (11.36%) – Lack of adequate calcium in the diet may also lead to 1 – Rickets (2.27%) – rickets (cases of severe diarrhoea and vomiting may be 1 – the cause of the deficiency). Once the child starts to Bone injuries (2.27%) – walk, the long bones bend under its weight, resulting Inflammation 2 – of the middle ear (4.54%) – in the bowed legs characteristic of this disease. If the – 2 Periostitis child is crawling rather than walking, the bones of – (6.06%) the upper limbs can also be affected. Archaeologically, 8 6 Deep lesions (18.18%) (18.18%) rickets is evident in most time periods, but it was especially prevalent during the industrial revolution, par- Table 5. Paleopathological finds on children's ticularly in lower class populations where the combi- skeletal remains from the 1st–4th century nation of poor diet and severe overcrowding in cities and from the 4th and 5th centuries A. D. in Sirmium led to its increase.35 Tabela 5. Paleopatolo{ki nalazi Looking at Tables 3–5, one can notice that most na de~jim skeletnim ostacima iz perioda I–IV children had changes in bones caused by haematologi- i iz IV i V veka u Sirmijumu cal disorders and metabolic diseases, mostly scurvy. However, most of these diseases could not have been the direct cause of death of the children. Metabolic bone diseases in the individuals studied In paleodemographic research, as previously men- here are presented as scurvy, rickets, possibly with tioned, the child mortality rate is an important element deep lesions at the ends of long bones, and periostitis. of a population’s progress. Child mortality is consid- Scurvy is a disease that is caused by an insufficient in- ered an adequate criterion for the social and sanitation take of vitamin C (ascorbic acid), which is essential for conditions of a community and a sensitive indicator of the production of collagen in connective tissue, osteoid inadequate nutrition. In order to properly interpret data and the cement substance binding the endothelial cells collected by anthropological analysis, it is necessary to of the blood vessels.29 It is a disease that is almost unique to the human species because most animals that require vitamin C synthesise their own. The disease 29 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi}, Vulovi} 2015. manifests as occasional haemorrhages (bleeding) oc- 30 \uri}-Sreji} 1995, 336. curing in the skin, mucous membrane, gums, muscles 31 [laus 2006 165, 166. 30 and bones, all of which can cause anaemia. The body 32 \uri}-Sreji} 1995, 336, 337; Ortner, Ericksen 1997; can obtain the required amount of vitamin C from Aufderheide et al. 1998, 310–314; Ortner et al. 1999; Ortner et al. almost all types of diets and if these diets are not 2001; Ortner 2003, 383–393; [laus 2006, 165–169; Brickley, Ives 2008, 41–74; Mahoney-Swales, Nystrom 2009; Brown, Ortner 2011. ingested in adequate amounts, humans of any age can 33 Mankin 1974. develop scurvy. Vitamin deficiency and the appearance 34 Atanackovi} 1990. of scurvy usually follow natural or social disasters, such 35 Aufderheide et al. 1998; Ortner, Mays 1998; Stirland 2003; as long-term droughts or sieges. However, the cause Mays et al. 2006.

72 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016 determine additional causes of child mortality, i.e. ill- Historical records contain fragmentary data of a nesses that do not leave visible marks on osteological “catastrophic plague” that afflicted Sirmium in the material.36 Due to different causes of death, infant spring of 270 A. D. This was when Claudius entered mortality (children aged up to one year) should be the city, after spectacularly defeating the Goths at viewed separately from that of older children. Naisus, earning himself the nickname “Goth”. Hoards Neonatal mortality (the first four weeks after birth) of German prisoners were brought with him, some of is most often caused by an infant’s physiological and whom were probably carriers of “plague germs.” The organic weaknesses,37 genetics and other developmen- military triumph quickly turned into a disaster. It is tal anomalies. On the other hand, post neonatal mortality unclear how many inhabitants of Sirmium succumbed (aged one month to one year) almost entirely depends to the disease, but the number must have been huge. on exogenic conditions. High post neonatal mortality The scale of the disaster is best illustrated by the fact that indicates poor sanitary conditions, malnutrition and Claudius himself died in the city as a result of the plague. increased exposure to infections, especially gastroin- The news echoed around the empire and became the testinal and respiratory.38 Infant nutrition is particularly first piece of evidence of plague in this area.42 important. Breastfeeding, i.e. mother’s milk, satisfies Although the situation was much better during the nutritious requirements, enables proper growth and 4th and 5th centuries, mortality in children could also development, maintains immune protection and stops have been the consequence of numerous diseases. A exposure to bad sanitary conditions associated with well-planned utility system, the use of clear drinking artificial feeding, reducing instances of diarrhoea, acute water from the wells of Fru{ka Gora and other benefits, urinary and respiratory infections, parasitosis, nutrition such as public baths and local thermal wells, created disorders, anaemia and many other diseases, thus low- hygienically favourable living conditions for the settlers. ering mortality. The number of mortalities in children However, it is evident that the use of thermal wells did less than one year old at sites in ancient Sirmium and not reduce osteoarthritis and other joint diseases in the surrounding area were as follows: 1st–4th century – adults.43 Likewise, it should be added that respiratory 6 (13.6%), and 4th and 5th centuries – 9 (27.3%).39 and gastrointestinal infections and poisonings, as well Without doubt, there are other significant causes as malaria could also have been the main causes of death of death, some of which are: sudden infant death syn- for the settlers. drome (usually occurs before the fourth month), infan- ticide, miscarriage, etc. Where the mortality of children older than one year is concerned, it can be concluded that although the nutritional needs of children decreased, especially after the age of three, diet still plays an important role. Like- wise, diarrhoea, respiratory and gastrointestinal infections are the leading causes of death, together with accidents.40Mortality rates of children over one year old at sites in ancient Sirmium and the surrounding area were as follows: 1st–4th century – 38 (86.4%), and 4th and 5th centuries – 24 (72.7%).41

CONCLUSION 36 Miladinovi} 2005; Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2008. 37 Saunders, Katzenberg 1992. Mortality in children during the 1st–4th century 38 Gastrointestinal infections are more frequent during summer, could have been caused by a number of diseases. There and respiratory during winter months (Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2008). are many diseases that leave no visible marks on bones, 39 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011, 566, 576. and may indeed be the direct cause of death. By all 40 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2008. accounts, swamps were a constant source of epidemics 41 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011, 566, 576. (e.g. malaria). Food and lead poisoning were also fre- 42 Mirkovi} 1971, 35. quent during the Roman period. 43 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011.

73 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016

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76 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Rezime: NATA[A MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd DRAGANA VULOVI], Beograd KSENIJA \UKI], Laboratorija za antropologiju, Institut za anatomiju, Beograd

ZDRAVSTVENO STAWE DECE U ANTI^KOM SIRMIJUMU

Kqu~ne re~i. – rimske nekropole, I–IV vek, IV i V vek, deca, zdravstveno stawe

Antropolo{ka analiza je obuhvatila ukupno 332 inhumi- jedne nepoznatog pola). Skorbut je konstatovan kod pet in- rane i dve spaqene individue iz anti~kog perioda (sl. 1), dividua (jedne ènske, tri mu{ke i jedne nepoznatog pola – odnosno 257 odraslih i 77 de~jih individua otkrivenih tabla I/3, 4), a rahitis kod jedne ènske individue. Zapa- tokom arheolo{kih iskopavawa u periodu 1957–2002. go- qewe sredweg uha je uo~eno kod dve individue (jedne ènske dine (tabele 1 i 2). Stepen o~uvanosti skeletnog materija- i jedne mu{ke – tabele 3 i 5). la odgovarao je II kategoriji (dobro o~uvan, nekompletan Smrtnost dece tokom I–IV veka mogla je da bude uzroko- skelet). Ovakav stepen o~uvanosti bio je direktna posle- vana ve}im brojem bolesti. Postoji mnogo bolesti koje ne dica erozije (grobovi u obliku bunara, na obali reke Save), ostavqaju vidqiv trag na kostima, a koje mogu biti direk- gra|evinskih (Sremska Mitrovica) i poqoprivrednih ra- tan uzrok smrti. Po svemu sude}i, mo~vare su mogle bile dova (lokaliteti prona|eni u okolini Sremske Mitrovice), konstantan izvor epidemija (npr. malarije). Tako|e, trova- pqa~kawa i uni{tavawa grobnica i grobnih konstrukcija we hranom i olovom tokom rimskog perioda nije bila retka od strane divqih kopa~a, zatim visokog stepena vla`nosti pojava. i zna~ajnih temperaturnih promena u prostorijama gde se Istorijski izvori sadrè fragmentarne podatke o ~uva qudski osteolo{ki materijal a da prethodno, nakon „katastrofalnoj kugi“ koja je pogodila Sirmijum u prole- iskopavawa, nije mehani~ki o~i{}en i opran, kao i polaga- }e 270. godine. To je bilo u vreme kada je Klaudije, nakon wa materijala u neadekvatno „privremeno“ pakovawe. Pored spektakularne pobede nad Gotima kod Naisus-a, u{ao u grad toga, trebalo bi tako|e uzeti u obzir i druge spoqa{we i i tom prilikom nadenuo sebi nadimak „Got“. Sa wim su do- unutra{we faktore (sama priroda kosti) kao i ~iwenice vedene i horde germanskih zatvorenika, od kojih su neki da je qudski osteolo{ki materijal sa nekoliko lokaliteta verovatno doneli „klice kuge“. Vojni trijumf se ubrzo pre- poslat u SAD na antropolo{ku analizu i da je deo materi- tvorio u katastrofu. Nejasno je koliko je stanovnika Sir- jala pokopan 1985. godine na Palanci. mijuma podleglo bolesti, ali broj je verovatno bio velik. Antropolo{kom analizom dece obuhva}eni su uslovi Razmera katastrofe je najboqe islustrovana ~iwenicom da nalaza, stepen o~uvanosti skeletnog materijala, najmawi je i sam Klaudije umro u Sirmijumu od posledica kuge. broj individua, pol, starost, telesna visina, dentalne i pa- Vest se pro{irila celim carstvom i postala je prvi dokaz leopatolo{ke analize, ispitivawe mogu}eg uzroka smrti i kuge na ovom prostoru. epigenetske karakteristike. Rimske nekropole iz IV i V veka Rimske nekropole iz I–IV veka Antropolo{ka analiza je pokazala da su na lokalite- Antropolo{ka analiza je pokazala da su na lokalitetima iz IV i V veka u Sremskoj Mitrovici (Sirmium) i we- tima iz I–IV veka u Sremskoj Mitrovici (Sirmium) i wenom nom okruèwu otkriveni skeletni ostaci 146 individua, okruèwu otkriveni skeletni ostaci 188 individua, tj. tj. 113 odraslih (77,4%) i 33 de~je (22,6%) individue (ta- 144 odrasle (76,6%) i 44 de~je (23,4%) individue (tabela 1). bela 2). Dentalna analiza je pokazala prisustvo hipoplazije Dentalna analiza je pokazala samo karijes kod jedne kod {est de~jih individua (jedne ènske, ~etiri mu{ke i mu{ke de~je individue (tabele 4 i 5). jedne nepoznatog pola) i karijesa kod tri de~je individue Paleopatolo{kom analizom je na de~jim skeletima ot- (jedne ènske, jedne mu{ke i jedne nepoznatog pola) (tabe- kriveno nekoliko bolesti: promene na kostima uzrokovane le 3 i 5). krvnim poreme}ajima i metaboli~ke bolesti kostiju. Pro- Paleopatolo{ka analiza je na de~jim skeletima ot- mene na kostima uzrokovane krvnim poreme}ajima, kao {to krila nekoliko bolesti: povrede, promene na kostima uzro- su cribra orbitalia, cribra femora i porozna hiperostoza su kovane krvnim poreme}ajima, metaboli~ke bolesti kostiju konstantovane kod pet individua (jedne ènske, jedne mu{ke i zapaqewe sredweg uha (table I i II). Kod jedne ènske in- i tri nepoznatog pola). Duboke lezije na krajevima dugih dividue je uo~ena povreda na okcipitalnoj kosti. Promene kostiju mogle su se uo~iti kod {est individua (pet mu{kih na kostima uzrokovane krvnim poreme}ajima, kao {to su i jedne nepoznatog pola). Aktivni periostitis (skorbut?) cribra orbitalia (tabla I/1, 2), cribra palatina, cribra humera identifikovan je kod dve individue (jedne ènske i jedne (tabla II/1, 2), cribra femora (tabla II/3, 4) et fibula, bile su nepoznatog pola) (tabele 4 i 5). uo~ene kod 16 individua (~etiri ènske, devet mu{kih i Iako je situacija u samom Sirmijumu i wegovoj okoli- tri nepoznatog pola). Duboke lezije na krajevima dugih koni tokom IV i V veka bila mnogo boqa, smrtnost dece je i stiju su prime}ene kod osam individua (sedam mu{kih i tada mogla da bude posledica mnogih bolesti. Dobro izveden

77 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016 kanalizacioni sistem, kori{}ewe ~iste pija}e vode dopre- da upotreba termalnih izvora nije smawila osteoartritis mane akveduktom sa izvora na Fru{koj gori i druge bene- i druge bolesti zglobova kod odraslih individua. Tako|e, ficije, kao {to su kori{}ewe javnih kupatila i lokalnih treba napomenuti i to da su respiratorne i gastrointer- termalnih izvora, stvorili su u higijenskom pogledu znat- stinalne infekcije, trovawe, kao i malarija mogli biti no povoqnije uslove za `ivot stanovnika. Me|utim, jasno je glavni uzroci smrti stanovnika.

78 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Plate I – 1) cribra orbitalia on the right orbital roof (Sirmium, site No. 76, Grave 2, I individual, male, 9 years old); 2) cribra orbitalia on the left orbital roof (Sirmium, site No. 76, Grave 2, I individual, male, 9 years old); 3) traces of scurvy on the left orbital roof (Sirmium, site No. 76, Grave 7, male, 18 months); 4) traces of scurvy on lamina interna (Sirmium, site No. 76, Grave 7, male, 18 months) Tabla I – 1) cribra orbitalia na krovu desne orbite (Sirmijum, lokalitet 76, Grob 2, I individua, individua mu{kog pola, stara 9 godina); 2) cribra orbitalia na krovu leve orbite (Sirmijum, lokalitet 76, Grob 2, I individua, individua mu{kog pola, stara 9 godina); 3) tragovi skorbuta na levom krovu orbite (Sirmijum, lokalitet 76, Grob 7, individua mu{kog pola, stara 18 meseci); 4) tragovi skorbuta na lamina interna-i (Sirmijum, lokalitet 76, Grob 7, individua mu{kog pola, stara 18 meseci)

79 MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], VULOVI], \UKI], Health Status of Children in Ancient Sirmium (65–80) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Plate II – 1) appearance of active periostitis (scurvy) on the humeri (Sirmium, site No. 77, Grave 6, I individual, female, NB – 6 months); 2) cribra humera (Sirmium, site No. 76, Grave 4, female, 14 years old); 3) cribra femora (Sirmium, site No. 77, Grave 26, I individual, female, 13 years old); 4) cribra femora (Sirmium, site No. 77, Grave 1, I individual, male, 10 years old) Tabla II – 1) pojava aktivnog periostitisa (skorbuta) na humerusima (Sirmijum, lokalitet 77, Grob 6, I individua, individua ènskog pola, NB – 6 meseci); 2) cribra humera (Sirmijum, lokalitet 76, Grob 4, individua ènskog pola, stara 14 godina); 3) cribra femora (Sirmijum, lokalitet 77, Grob 26, I individua, individua ènskog pola, stara 13 godina); 4) cribra femora (Sirmijum, lokalitet 77, Grob 1, I individua, individua mu{kog pola, stara 10 godina)

80 NADE@DA GAVRILOVI] VITAS, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade GORDANA MILO[EVI] JEVTI], Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade VESNA CRNOGLAVAC, National Museum, Ni{

STIBADIUM B OF VILLA WITH PERISTYLE AT MEDIANA*

UDK: 904:738.5"652"(497.11) e-mail: [email protected] 902.2(497.11)"2015" Received: January 14, 2016 DOI: 10.2298/STA1666081G Accepted: February 10, 2016 Original research article

Abstract. – In the course of archaeological investigations of the villa with peristyle in 2010 and 2011, a room of circular plan in the north-western segment of the villa and to the north of room w-24, was discovered. The room had annexes in the east and west and is analogous to the stibadium A discovered in the north-eastern section of the villa. Further investigations of the room called stibadium B revealed that the stibadium walls were decorated with a facing of marble slabs and the floor was covered with exceptionally well preserved high quality mosaic. Archaeological excavations in 2015 defined completely the system of floor and wall heating. The mosaic floors in stibadium B are conserved. The area to the west of the stibadium has also been explored and a channel with the remains of a lead water pipe was discovered there. The terrain to the north of the northern wall of the villa with peristyle was also levelled.

Key words. – Mediana, villa with peristyle, stibadium, mosaic, Late Antiquity.

rchaeological investigation of the villa with distinguished.2 The representative character of the villa peristyle at Mediana, particularly excavations with peristyle has been unambiguously confirmed and A in 2010 and 2011, confirmed some earlier the direction of proceeding along the ceremonial way assumptions and raised new questions concerning the through the peristyle to the great audience hall was also architecture, decoration and function of the residential clearly distinguished. Two smaller stibadia, A and B, complex. Three main periods covering the time span were constructed east and west of the audience hall from the end of 3rd to the mid 4th century have been distinguished as well as sporadic settling and use of that area in the Middle Ages.1 Besides the definition of three 1 First period is dated from the origin of complex at Mediana, main periods of villa life, areas between the thermae from the end of 3rd century to the beginning of the 4th century, sec- and the great audience hall, the area to the south and east ond period is dated between around AD 330 and AD 337 and third of the museum building and the south-western corner of period around AD 383–441, Vasi}, Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014, 231–263. For literature concerning the problem of investigation and the structure have been investigated. The chronology interpretation of Late Roman complex at Mediana see in: Vasi} i of construction and remodelling of certain parts of the dr. 2016. structure during the second building horizon have been 2 Milo{evi} 2011, 174; Milo{evi} 2013, 118–125.

* This article is a result of the work within the project Romanization, urbanization and transformation of urban centers of civilian and military character in the Roman provinces in the territory of Serbia (No. 177007), financed by Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of Republic of Serbia.

81 GAVRILOVI] VITAS, MILO[EVI] JEVTI], CRNOGLAVAC, Stibadium B of villa… (81–102) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 1. Mediana, plan of the villa with peristyle: 1) stibadium B; 2) stibadium A (Vasi}, Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014, 232) Sl. 1. Medijana, plan vile sa peristilom: 1) stibadijum B; 2) stibadijum A (Vasi}, Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014, 232)

82 GAVRILOVI] VITAS, MILO[EVI] JEVTI], CRNOGLAVAC, Stibadium B of villa… (81–102) STARINAR LXVI/2016 and they, as well as some rooms in the north section and clusions concerning the archaeological stratigraphy of the thermae in the northwest, emphasise the privacy stibadium B. and representativeness of the imperial villa (fig. 1).3 The latest stratigraphic layer, denoted as layer A, is Numerous finds of marble and porphyritic sculptures the result of removing walls of the villa with peristyle.9 of Roman gods and demigods, bronze railings with In other trenches in the north-western part of the villa herms of Asclepius and Luna, decoration of floors with with peristyle (trenches 42, 89, partially 90 and possi- mosaics and walls with marble facing, and mosaics of bly trenches 86 and 87) that layer is mixed with humus glass tesserae represent a segment of the architectural and it is around 30 cm thick. The mixing of recent and program of Constantine I where he was aiming to create antique material as well as the sporadic occurrence of a dynastic ideology in art and architecture of his native brick and stone fragments has been noticed.10 Naissus and Mediana.4 The earlier layer, layer B, is the horizon of demoli- Stibadia Aand B are two representative formal areas shing of stibadium B’s walls and consists of loose grey of a central position, added on to the north part of the soil with building rubble, including stones, whitish villa during the second building phase, between AD mortar, pebbles, bricks and fragments of marble facing 330 and AD 378.5 Stibadium A is of a complex ground slabs. A large amount of mosaic cubes and dislocated plan with an octagonal central area with three indepen- segments of mosaic floor were discovered in the south- dent smaller rooms leading onto it. The two lateral ones -east section of the stibadium. In the lower segments of are of a square plan and one to the north is of a semi- layer B, a concentration of many fragments of flat win- circular plan. The museum building was built on top of dow glass was also encountered.11 The average thick- the investigated segment of stibadium A in 1936, and, ness of layer B is around 25 cm.12 thus, the connection between the north part of the villa Layer C consists of lighter brown soil mixed with and this structure has been negated.6 fragments of stone and roof debris (imbrices and tegu- Stibadium B is a smaller independent structure of lae), a substantial amount of pottery and animal bones a complex ground plan. It was built in the open area was also recorded, as well as the traces of burning. between the great audience hall and the thermae and A large quantity of mosaic and glass cubes and was leaning against the north-western part of the villa fragments of mortar foundation with traces of wall with peristyle.7 The central room is of an almost circu- mosaic were also found. The thickness of layer C is lar shape, around 7 meters in diameter. The two small- around 25 cm.13 er side rooms (annexes) are in the east and west. The size of the east annex is 2.10 x 2.9 m, while the west annex is 2.15 x 3.2 m. To the south and toward the villa 3 Milo{evi} 2013, 118–125. room w-24a was discovered a corridor 1.65 m wide 4 Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2013, 907–922 and 2.60 m long, along with a rather small added room, 5 Milo{evi} 2013, 118–125. 2.20 x 2.80 m in size. 6 Bratani}1938, 199–202. In 2013, The Office for the Pro- The floor of this room is paved with tiles 0.5 x 0.5 tection of Cultural Monuments, in Ni{, organised archaeological m in size and is at the same level as the floor mosaic in investigations in the zone of the museum building and its immediate vicinity. The results of the investigations have not yet been pub- the central area. Traces of frescoes in white, blue and lished. red are preserved on the lower sections of the walls. In 7 The ground plan of stibadium B was investigated in trench- the northern zone of stibadium B was a praefurnium, es 86, 88 and 90, during archaeological campaigns in 2010 and 1.05 m long and 0.5 m wide. The ceremonial character 2011, Vasi}, Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014, 231–263. of stibadium B is confirmed by the discovery of glass 8 Vasi}, Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014, 231–263. 9 tesserae with golden foils and marble facing that em- Above this layer were the remains of brown, tightly packed, compact soil; the substruction of the surface of the recently built road bellished the ceiling and walls of the room, while the to the village Donja Vre`ina and to the premises of the Documenta- floor was covered with high quality mosaic with geo- tion Centre of The National Museum in Ni{. metric and floral patterns. 10 Median value is between ¯200.10 m and ¯199.80 m, Vasi}, Investigation activities in 2010 and 2011 defined Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014, 239. 11 completely the size and shape of stibadium B and the At 199,03 m. 12 Between points ¯199.51 m and ¯199.25 m. The final arbi- archaeological stratigraphy has been published in de- trary layer in horizon B (before layer C) is brown in colour. Vasi}, 8 tail. Before presenting archaeological results from the Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014, 239. year 2015 we will deal briefly with the available con- 13 Altitude of layer C is from 199.24 m to 199.00 m.

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ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS preservation of floor decoration in stibadium B. Spe- OF STIBADIUM B IN 2015 cial attention was paid to the completion of works in the area between the western annex of stibadium B and Despite significant results obtained in the course the eastern wall of the thermae, where numerous pieces of earlier investigations of stibadium B (in 2010 and and fragments of porphyritic and marble sculptures 2011), some important segments could not be explored had been found in 2011.15 Work was also undertaken on due to the necessity of coordinating works on the recla- the restoration and denivelation of the archaeological mation and conservation of the mosaics on the stibadium layers in the immediate surroundings of stibadium B floor. Thus, in the course of earlier archaeological cam- (to the north of stibadium B), damaged in the process paigns, the external zone of the praefurnium was par- of the construction of the protective structure above tially cleaned, but not thoroughly explored. Significant the villa with peristyle. damage (0.6 m wide) in the north-south direction within After removing the protective structure and layers of the central area of the circular room was encountered, sand and also after the preliminary conservation works resulting in a decision being reached to stop archaeo- on the mosaic, investigation started on the damage in logical investigations because of possible damage and the central area of circular room (figs. 2, 3). Large quan- destabilisation of the substructure and the hypocaust tities of stone and glass cubes, fragments of bricks, system.14 mortar and stone mixed with dark brown soil were Archaeological works in 2015 were aimed towards encountered in the debris filling the damaged space. It investigations of the heating system and the degree of was concluded after cleaning was completed that there was a slightly curved masonry channel, 0.5 m wide and 0.65 m deep (from the level of the mosaic). The channel, of a north-south orientation (with a slight deviation towards the south-east), was running from the praefurnium in the north to the eastern edge of the entrance to stibadium B. The lower channel level was at the virgin soil level, i.e. at 198.32 m above sea level (fig. 4). In the north section and near the praefurnium, a bifurcation of two channels running east and west was discovered. The channels run along the circular wall of the central room and finish at the point where the northern wall of central room joins the northern walls of the west and east annex (fig. 5). While cleaning the western channel, similar kind of debris as in the central channel was recorded: a considerable amount of crumbled mortar from the walls and floors but also fragments of the marble facing slabs which had covered the walls. Also found were larger and smaller pieces if bricks used as a cover for the western channel. Also discovered was a rather large quantity of stone and glass tesserae with golden foil, a few pottery fragments as well as two fragments of quartz stone (rock crystal?) similar in structure to the finds from pit A, investigated in the extension of trench 72/2010, to the west of stibadium B. Fig. 2. Stibadium B, damage of floor in central zone of circular room (Photo documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) 14 During archaeological investigations in 2010 and 2011, the Sl. 2. Stibadijum B, o{te}ewe poda u sredi{wem mosaic was protected by geocloth and sacks with sand and a tempo- delu kru`ne prostorije (foto-dokumentacija rary timber protective structure was constructed above stibadium B. Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu) 15 Vasi}, Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014, 254.

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The infill of the eastern channel of stibadium B has ments of window glass were found while cleaning the identical characteristics and contents as the rubble praefurnium opening of stibadium B. It is recorded from the central and western channels in the room – that the praefurnium floor was slightly sloping from darker brown soil with fragments of mortar, marble the south to the north, i.e. toward the outside. The floor facing, pottery, stone and gilded glass tesserae. Of par- of the praefurnium in stibadium B was made of hydro- ticular interest was a small leaf-like marble plate, which static mortar with pebbles sporadically impressed into is assumed to have been used for decoration of the fur- the mortar. niture or as fragment of a wall decoration motif in the Because of the instability of one mosaic segment opus sectile technique. in the south-eastern section of the mosaic floor in the Also, numerous fragments of marble wall facing, central room of stibadium B, the conservators made the a smaller amount of pottery fragments and a few frag- decision to remove that segment (1.5 x 2.36 m) which,

Fig. 3. Stibadium B, archaeological investigations in 2015: 1) mosaic; 2) heating channels; 3) praefurnium; 4) control unit (segment of dislocated and conserved mosaic); 5) room 25a (Field documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Sl. 3 Stibadijum B, arheolo{ka istra`ivawa 2015: 1) mozaik; 2) kanali za grejawe; 3) prefurnijum; 4) kontrolna sonda (deo izme{tenog i konzerviranog mozaika); 5) prostorija 25a (Terenska dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu)

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Fig. 4. System of heating channels in the central zone of stibadium B: 1) central channel running north-south 2) west channel 3)east channel 4) praefurnium in the north stibadium wall, view from the north (Photo documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Fig. 5. Detail of central heating channel after reclamation and conservation works, view from the south (Photo documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Sl. 4. Sistem kanala za grejawe u centralnom delu stibadijuma B: 1) centralni kanal pravca sever–jug; 2) zapadni kanal; 3) isto~ni kanal; 4) lo`i{te u severnom zidu stibadijuma, snimak sa severa (foto-dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu) Sl. 5. Detaq centralnog kanala za grejawe, posle izvedenih sanacionih i konzervatorskih radova, snimak sa juga (foto-dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu) thus, made possible the archaeological exploration of wear, fragments of black and yellow glass bracelets, a that area (figs. 3, 6).16 The removed segment of the small two-piece glass bead of a dark blue colour, pin- mosaic floor in stibadium B was lying on top of dark cers and a bronze handle shaped as a bust of a female brown, compacted soil, which contained no archaeolo- deity (most probably the goddess Minerva) with an gical finds. Excavations continued until 198.32 meters inserted iron spatula. Archaeological material discov- above sea level, i.e. to the floor level of the central praefurnium channel in stibadium B. We would recollect briefly that archaeological material discovered in the area of stibadium B during 16 In order to prevent any possible cracking of the mosaic left excavations in 2010 and 2011consisted mostly of iron in situ in the process of lifting of the south east segment of the wedges and glass, but there were also found two frag- mosaic floor of the central room in stibadium B, the mortar base of mented flat iron arrowheads of triangular shape, a frag- the mosaic was cut with a grinding machine. After lifting, there followed the retrieval of mortar fragments from that section, during mented bronze scraper, a bone antler with traces of red which time a large quantity of brick and stone fragments used as the colour, an iron ring, a bronze buckle, probably for foot- foundation for the mosaic floor were recovered.

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Fig. 6. Excavations in south eastern zone of central room after removing the segment of mosaic, view from the southeast (Photo documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Fig. 7. South wall of the west annex, detail of preserved marble facing slabs (Photo Vesna Crnoglavac, National Museum Ni{) Sl. 6. Iskop u jugoisto~nom delu kru`ne prostorije, posle skidawa dela mozaika, snimak sa jugoistoka (foto-dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu) Sl. 7. Ju`ni zid zapadnog aneksa, detaq sa~uvanih oblo`nih mermernih plo~a (foto: Vesna Crnoglavac, Narodni muzej Ni{)

ered during excavations in 2015 mainly consisted of a the villa with peristyle. It was possible to supplement the rather large amount of floor mosaic tesserae of stone, architectural analyses by taking into account the pre- and glass tesserae with gold foil, fragments of window served segments of the architecture of the south porch glass, fragments of marble wall facing, a few pottery and the remains of the architectural decoration in the fragments and a small amount of animal bones. Also, peristyle.17 Unfortunately, the state of preservation of it is important to mention the discovery of an iron ring the architecture of stibadium A and stibadium B does found together with a large quantity of window glass, not currently offer sufficient data for detailed architec- gathered in a small area near the praefurnium opening, tural analysis.18 Only after a complete examination that might indicate the existence of windows in the wall and study of the preserved building material, in partic- of the room immediately above the praefurnium (the ular the wall facing marble slabs and the frescoes, will ring could have been part of the device for opening the a detailed interpretation of the architecture be possible. outer window pane). We will present at this time evidence related to the building techniques materials used for the construction of stibadium B. MATERIAL AND CONSTRUCTION The central circular room with two annexes in the west and east and the approaching corridor in the south The degree of preservation of the architecture of the represent the integral interior of stibadium B. All the villa with peristyle is negligible in comparison with the walls had been built continually in the same way and floor mosaic decoration. Above ground sections of the building are sporadically preserved up to a height of 0.8 m, particularly underneath the mentioned modern road, which was overlaying the western rooms of the 17 Vasi} i dr. 2016., cf. Milo{evi} 2011; Milo{evi} 2013. villa. The lower level of the first course of bricks in the 18 Results of the investigation of stibadium A in 1938 are pub- opus mixtum technique was preserved in the north-west- lished, although not extensively, in the comprehensive text of R. Bratani}, 1938, 199–204,and results from rescue excavations in ern rooms toward the thermae which made possible the 2013 have not been published so they are still not available to the analysis of the construction and the total appearance of academic audience.

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Fig. 8. Central channel of the heating system, west and east wall (Field documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Sl. 8. Centralni kanal sistema za grejawe, izgled zapadnog i isto~nog zida (terenska dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu)

Fig. 9 and 10. East and west channel of the heating system (Photo documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Sl. 9 i 10. Isto~ni i zapadni kanal sistema za grejawe (foto-dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu)

88 GAVRILOVI] VITAS, MILO[EVI] JEVTI], CRNOGLAVAC, Stibadium B of villa… (81–102) STARINAR LXVI/2016 had foundations dug to the same depth.19 The walls are preserved at the foundation level or at the level of the floor mosaics, except in the north-western corner of the access corridor, where the average preserved height of the walls is 0.5 m. Also preserved at the same level are the north and west walls of the smaller room marked in the field documentation as w 26. Walls of the accessing corridor of stibadium B are leaning against the north wall of room w 24a. The foundation wall, 0.75 to 0.85 m thick and 0.90 m high, was made of stone rubble, river pebbles and fragments of bricks laid in lime mortar with an admixture of sand and river gravel. The average thickness of the above ground section of the wall is between 0.68 and 0.70 m. It has been established, judging by the impressions of bricks in the mortar at the socle level and finds of bricks in the layers of destruction in this part of structure, that bricks 0.40 x 0.30 m and 0.40 x 0.20 m in size and between 4 and 5 cm thick had been used. The lime mortar with an admixture of sand and broken bricks that had been used was of relatively good quality. Traces of plastering are visible on the external sections of the wall. The interior of stibadium B was Fig. 11. Reconstruction of the cross-section of central and lavishly decorated. The walls were decorated on their east channel of the heating system (drawing I. Bjeli}) lower zones with white marble facing slabs with shades Sl. 11. Rekonstrukcija preseka centralnog i isto~nog 20 of light yellow ochre (fig. 7). It could be assumed with kanala sistema za grejawe (crte`: I. Bjeli}) some certainty, judging by the remains of the frescoes on the walls of room w 26, that the upper zones of the walls were decorated using the fresco technique. The The position, construction and arrangement of the dominant element in the internal and external appear- central (1) and lateral channels (2 and 3) for heating ance of stibadium B was, according to the general con- suggest a partial heating of the area and a rational use cept of organisation, a semi-dome covered with gilded of fuel (fig. 3). A central channel (1) of gently rounded mosaic executed with glass tesserae. The representa- shape was built, judging by the preserved remains, of tiveness of the central area was also emphasised by the bricks of diverse shape and size or broken bricks. The specially modelled circular motifs connected with spi- thickness of the wall was 0.20 m, and the greatest pre- rals, depicted on the floor mosaic. How interior deco- served height of the western channel wall (five rows of ration of circular room looked is open to hypothesis. It bricks) is 0.45 m. The channel was completely covered could be assumed that wooden benches, klinai, were with bricks of a larger size (0.60 x 0.60 x 0.06 m), at a placed in the side annexes. A similar organisation of level of 198.73 m, with the substructure of mosaics the space could also be expected in stibadium A. The arrangement of use and furnishing of the representative rooms for receptions and banquets, where places for the highest officials and guests were directly oppo- 19 Bottom level of foundations is at 198.92 m. Foundations of site the entrance, had been established very early in the stibadium B were dug into layer D whose median value of altitude Roman residential complexes and was particularly ob- was ¯198.7 m, Vasi}, Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014, 254–257. served and repeated in the time of tetrarchy. The sys- 20 Detailed analysis of marble and other building material tem for heating the central circular area of stibadium from the layers of destruction of stibadium B and room w 26 will indicate possible appearance and execution of walls and calotte in B, in particular its north section, raises the question of opus sectile and opus tessellatum techniques. the possible interior concept and the arrangement of 21 Dunbabin 2003; Dunbabin 1991, 121–148; Lavin 1962, the furnishing.21 1–27; Vasi} 2006, 69–75.

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Fig. 12. Detail of channel and praefurnium, view from the east (Photo documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Sl. 12. Detaq kanala i prefurnijuma, snimak sa istoka (foto-dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu)

Fig. 13. Praefurnium, view from the nord, elevation and section of praefurnium, investigations in 2011 (Photo documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Sl. 13. Prefurnijum, severni izgled, istra`ivawa 2011. godine (Foto dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu)

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Fig. 14. Detail of the structure of mosaic floor in stibadium B (Photo documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Fig. 15. Stibadium B, east annex, marble wall facing and detail of impression of marble slabs (photo G. Milo{evi}) Sl. 14. Detaq konstrukcije poda mozaika u stibadijumu B (foto-dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu) Sl. 15. Stibadijum B, isto~ni aneks, mermerna zidna oplata i detaq otiska mermernih plo~a (foto: G. Milo{evi}) resting on them (fig. 8). In the south section of the cen- preserved parts of the vertical wall (30 cm) and the tral channel there is no trace of a vertical vent for hot air. beginning of the vault. The channel vault was built of The width of the east (2) and west channel (3) is bricks 30 x 30 x 4 cm in size (figs. 12, 13). also 0.50 m (figs. 9, 10). The south wall of both chan- The archaeological investigations of stibadium B nels is around 0.20 m thick and was built of bricks 0.40 completed the previous knowledge regarding the use of x 0.19 x 0.05 m in size. The north perimeter wall of the a heating system in the complex of the villa with peri- circular room was also the north wall of both channels. style, and a few different approaches were encountered: On the inside of the room’s perimeter wall, in the west classic heating of the whole room using a hypocaust and east channel, were arranged small pillars of brick system (thermae), a selective hypocaust system (rooms at around 0.25 m from each other. The lower segment w 22, e 24) and heating using channels (stibadium B, of the pillars is 30 x 15 x 44–45 cm. The upper segment room e 24).22 of the pillars is 5 cm narrower and is preserved to a The floor in stibadium B was made of an excep- height of two to three bricks (around 15 cm in total). tionally fine mosaic. The difference in the mosaic level The hypocaust system was constructed in such a way in the circular room is around 5 cm and was due to a that made possible the laying of bipedal bricks on the variety of instances of damage. The floor level in the lower segment of the pillars and the south wall of the side rooms is around 5 cm higher and the floor in the channel (around 45 cm high), but also the placing of whole of stibadium B was consistently laid. First the area vertical marble facing slabs between the mosaic and was levelled using pieces of stone and broken bricks the upper, narrower section of the hypocaust. The (rudus), whose thickness is10 to 20 cm. On top of that hypocaust was used to heat the floor and walls of the layer was laid a mortar layer (nucleus), 6 to 8 cm thick. northern area of circular room (fig. 11). Mosaic cubes, 1–1.2 x 1–1.2 cm are inlaid in a layer of The praefurnium opening in the north wall of the fine mortar based on a previously marked design and central room tapers slightly, from 46 to 42 cm. Two drafted motifs (fig. 14). At the junction of the floor in parallel walls 50 cm long and 30 cm thick were lean- central room with the floors in the side rooms, a deni- ing on the outside and the distance between them was velation of mosaics was achieved by placing vertical 42–43 cm. In such a way, the channel of praefurnium was increased in length by up to 1.20 meters. The praefurnium was barrel vaulted. The total height of the 22 Kretzschmer 1953, 8–41; Brödner 1983; Adam 1992; Yegül channel (50 cm) can be reconstructed on the basis of the 1992.

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Fig. 16. Foundation of mosaic in stibadium B, drawing G. Jerinki} and I. Bjeli} (Documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Sl. 16. Osnova mozaika stibadijuma B, crte` sa ozna~enim medaqonima (crte`: G. Jerinki} i I. Bjeli}, dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) bands of white marble and white with nuances of light with many details which appear at Mediana for the gray and white with nuances of light yellow ochre, first time. In the entrance area of the stibadium and in along with one horizontal row of rounded slabs, whose west and east annex, the mosaic floors are destroyed to impressions are preserved in the mortar foundation a considerable extent. Holes for wooden poles are visi- (fig. 15). ble on their surface. Those holes are damaged, particularly in the central and south segment of the floor in east annex of the stibadium’s central area. Many smaller DESCRIPTION OF MOSAICS holes of around 8 cm in diameter were recorded, some IN STIBADIUM B of which were arranged at intervals of around 0.3 to 0.4 m, making a straight line running approximately in The floor mosaic decoration is, despite central da- a north-south direction. Those holes for wooden poles mage, well preserved and of exceptional aesthetic value date probable from the Middle Ages and possibly sup-

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Fig. 17. Entrance room, detail of mosaic (Photo V. Crnoglavac, National Museum Ni{) Fig. 18. Central room, view from the south (Photo V. Crnoglavac, National Museum Ni{) Sl. 17. Ulazna prostorija, detaq mozaika (foto: V. Crnoglavac, Narodni muzej Ni{) Sl. 18. Centralna prostorija, snimak sa juga (foto: V. Crnoglavac, Narodni muzej Ni{) ported some light wall structure. Additional evidence border in the west side (dim. 115 x 15 cm) and fragments of human activity could be the finds of animal bones of marble tiles discovered in the course of investiga- and fragments of pottery vessels recorded on the floor tion of the central zone of that room (fig. 17). The outer of the east annex of stibadium B. border was a rather wide white zone with the inner bor- As in the central room of stibadium B, the mosaic der made of thinner bands of grey, red, white and black floor in the annexes was framed by vertically placed (DÉCOR 1i).23 pieces of white marble facing and an admixture of light yellow ochre, and was sporadically preserved in its Central Room original position, with around a 4–5 cm thick layer of The mosaic composition in the central room con- mortar between the wall and the marble facing. It was sisted of a circular and border zone (figs. 16, 18). The important to carry out conservation of the mosaic floors circular zone is shaped like a wreath made of plait with in stibadium B as quickly as possible and at the same set apart strands, within which are eight medallions, time it was possible to complete archaeological inves- creating a central panel shaped like a concave octagon tigations of that area. (DÉCOR 307). The plait consists of bands with different The floor of stibadium B was decorated with four motives: wave-crest (DÉCOR 101b), isosceles triangles mosaic carpets covering a total area of 45 square meters in a row (DÉCOR 11d), double plait (DÉCOR 70d) and that were entirely subordinated to the circular ground a symmetrically nuanced band (DÉCOR 6b). plan with two side annexes, in the east and west (fig. 16). The mosaics were executed in the opus tessella- Medallion 1 tum technique, using stone cubes of various nuances of The medallion consists of eight sectors of a circle white, red, black, gray and ochre and their size was alternately coloured red and white and with their tips 1–1.2 x 1–1.2 cm. The opus sectile technique was inscribed in a smaller inner circle (fig. 19). The framing employed only for decorating a portion of the floor in border consists of alternately arranged two white and the entrance room. one red band (DÉCOR 1i) and a band with a wolf tooth motif (DÉCOR 10c). Entrance Room The entrance to stibadium B was in the south side and was decorated with a mosaic executed in a combination of the opus tessellatum and opus sectile techni- 23 The mosaics were studied in accordance with the referent ques, as indicated by the preserved part of the framing catalogues: DÉCOR I 1985 and DÉCOR II 2002.

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Fig. 19 and 20. Medallions 1 and 2 (Photo V. Crnoglavac, National Museum Ni{) Sl. 19 i 20. Medaqoni 1 i 2 (foto: V. Crnoglavac, Narodni muzej Ni{)

Medallion 2 inscribed in a smaller inner circle (fig. 24). The border is Within the medallion are a Solomon’s knot and executed as a band with a laurel wreath (DÉCOR 87c). four small crosses in the field (fig. 20). The border consists of a band with a motif of horizontally placed Medallion 7 spindles in a row (DÉCOR 21g), a denticulated band The medallion contains a Solomon’s knot and four (DÉCOR 3b) and a thin grey band (DÉCOR 1i) denticulated small squares in the field (fig. 25). The border consists of a band with motif of vertically arran- Medallion 3 ged spindles in a row (DÉCOR 21e), a denticulated Medallion 3 is a quatrefoil within a concave octa- band (DÉCOR 3b) and a thin grey band (DÉCOR 1i). gon (fig. 21). The framing border consists of alternating Medallion 8 two white and one red band (DÉCOR 1i) and a band The medallion is mostly destroyed and only a bor- with a laurel wreath (DÉCOR 87c). der fragment shaped like a band with a laurel wreath is preserved (DÉCOR 87c). Considering the rhythm of Medallions 4 and 6 the repeating ornaments on other medallions, it is pos- Medallion 4 (fig. 22) is partially preserved and sible to assume that medallion 8 repeats the motifs of medallion 6 is complete (fig. 23). The medallions are medallion 2 (fig. 21, 26). shaped like a quatrefoil rosette (DÉCOR 255e). The border consists of a band with a chessboard motif Central octagonal field (DÉCOR 1n), an alternately arranged two white and The central field of the octagonal shape with con- one red band (DÉCOR 1i) and a band with a wolf tooth cave sides is damaged to a considerable extent (fig. 16, motif (DÉCOR 10c). 27). Sections of the border consisting of a band with a wolf tooth motif (DÉCOR 10c), a denticulated band Medallion 5 (DÉCOR 3b) and alternating two white and red and The medallion consists of eight sectors of a circle one grey band (DÉCOR 1t) are preserved. The trian- alternately coloured red and white and with their tips gular fields are filled with denticulated triangles.

Fig. 21–26. Medallions 3 and 4; 6 and 5; 7 and 8 (Photo V. Crnoglavac, National Museum Ni{) Sl. 21–26. Medaqoni 3 i 4; 6 i 5; 7 i 8 (foto: V. Crnoglavac, Narodni muzej Ni{)

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21, 22

23, 24

25, 26

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Fig. 27. Central panel (Photo V. Crnoglavac, National Museum Ni{) Sl. 27. Sredi{we poqe (foto: V. Crnoglavac, Narodni muzej Ni{)

Fig. 28 and 29. Trefoil (above), hexafoil with one flower (left) and with two flowers (right) (Photo V. Crnoglavac, National Museum Ni{) Sl. 28 i 29. Trolist (gore), {estolist sa jednim cvetom (levo) i sa dva cveta (desno) (foto: V. Crnoglavac, Narodni muzej Ni{)

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Fig. 30 and 31. East and west room (Photo V. Crnoglavac, National Museum Ni{) Sl. 30 i 31. Isto~na i zapadna prostorija (foto: V. Crnoglavac, Narodni muzej Ni{)

Fields of triangular shape with two concave sides holes are also visible (fig. 31). The rectangular compo- Within the eight fields of triangular shape with two sition is decorated with the motif of multiple plaits concave sides that were situated between the medal- (DÉCOR 140e), which is surrounded by a band with a lions are depicted motifs of branches with three or motif of a wave-crest (DÉCOR 101b), a white band more leaves, with and without flowers (fig, 28, 29). (DÉCOR 1t), a grey band (DÉCOR 1i) and a wide external white band. Investigations of the complex of East room the villa with peristyle have so far confirmed that the The mosaic in the east room is mostly destroyed, area, covering around 1000 square meters, was deco- probably due to the subsequent insertion of poles for a rated with mosaics executed using variegated stone, light roof structure, as is suggested by ten holes (fig. pottery and glass cubes. The complexity of the com- 30). It is interesting that we encountered the imprints position and the selection of motifs are in accordance of human feet in the mortar in the southeast section of with the function of each room, so the most sophisti- the room (perhaps of the artisan who laid the mosaic?). cated and most expensive mosaics were reserved for It is possible to conclude, on the basis of the preserved the decoration of those rooms which had a ceremonial mosaic fragments, that the rectangular composition con- character (audience hall, stibadium A and B).24 sisted of a network of octagons interlinked by squares Without doubt stibadium B totally surprised inves- (DÉCOR 163b). The octagonal fields are decorated tigators because of the fact that entirely new motifs with motifs of a Solomon’s knot and circles consisting unknown in the corpus of Mediana mosaics had been of four sickle-like or eight triangular sectors, filled chosen for the central compositions. Certainly, the most alternately with red and white. The square fields were interesting is the composition in the central room that decorated with quatrefoil motifs. The framing border belongs to the compositions shaped as wreaths con- comprised a white band (DÉCOR 1t), a denticulated sisting of eight intertwining circles, which thus create band (DÉCOR 21, 3b), a grey band (DÉCOR 1i) and a a central field shaped like a concave octagon (DÉCOR somewhat wider external white band. Repairs to the 307). Despite the fact that the mosaic is damaged in the mosaic made in the Roman times could be clearly no- middle (medallions 4, 6, 8 and the central octagonal ticed in few places, which were filled with mosaic cubes, field), the preserved segments make it possible to almost but care was not taken in that process to observe the completely reconstruct the composition. Only medal- distinct motif and colour.

West room 24 Vasi} i dr. 2016, 21 For more details about Mediana The mosaic in the west room is considerably da- mosaics see: Trovabene 2006, 127–144; Jeremi} 2006, 145–158; maged in the western segment and traces of three post- Kolarik 2006, 158–178.

97 GAVRILOVI] VITAS, MILO[EVI] JEVTI], CRNOGLAVAC, Stibadium B of villa… (81–102) STARINAR LXVI/2016 lions 4 and 6 have identical ornaments, while in the All the above mentioned confirm the fact that others various combinations have been recorded. The demand for the quick building and decoration of the additional decoration is a sumptuous wide border con- villa at Mediana required the attendance of a large sisting of a few diverse bands and triangular fields number of skilled artisans from diverse artistic work- filled with motifs of branches (trefoil, five-foil, six-foil shops of the Empire. Thus, in the Mediana mosaics with and without flowers). one can recognizes the influence of the most important The composition in the central room (DECOR mosaic schools of the Late Antiquity from the time of 307) resembles six, known specimens from Tunisia the tetrarchy.27 (Bulla Regia, Sfax), Lebanon (Baalbek–Heliopolis), Rome (Vatican Museum) and two mosaics from Turkey (Zeugma).25 All the mentioned specimens have vario- INVESTIGATIONS OF THE AREA usly selected decorative motifs of strands of plait, as BETWEEN STIBADIUM B well as various motifs within the medallions (geometric, AND THE THERMAE floral or figurative motifs). Also of great interest is the motif in the octagonal Archaeological investigations in 2015 also included fields of the mosaic in the east room of stibadium B. an area of a trapezoidal shape next to the west side of The motif consists of a circle composed of four sickle- stibadium B, denoted as an extension of trench 72/2010. like sectors alternately coloured red and white. An The archaeological stratigraphy in that area is very identical motif has been discovered in the floor mosaic complex, with very prominent architectural interven- of the synagogue at the site of Sardis in Turkey, dating tions in the third building phase of the complex of the from the 4th century.26 villa with peristyle, dating from the period after AD

Fig. 32 and 33. Extension of trench 72/2010 with pit A and empty channel in the extension of trench 72/2010 (Photo N. Gavrilovi}, documentation in the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade) Sl. 32 i 33. Pro{irewe sonde 72/2010 sa jamom A i ispra`wen kanal iz pro{irewa sonde 72/2010 (foto: N. Gavrilovi}, dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta)

98 GAVRILOVI] VITAS, MILO[EVI] JEVTI], CRNOGLAVAC, Stibadium B of villa… (81–102) STARINAR LXVI/2016

line in the south is wall Z 33), started from layer C. These investigations are presented here in brief, with the most important conclusions: As in trench72/2010, its extension layer C also consists of brown soil with a great concentration of roof rubble (fragments of bricks, tegulae, imbrices), mortar, pebbles and pieces of stone. Within an area of 2 square meters in the north section of the extension of trench 72/2010, remains of a later mortar floor at 198.67 m ASL and, at 198.65 m ASL, traces of an earlier mortar floor have been recorded. In the northern third of the extension a zone of intensive soot was discovered that was later identified as a rather large pit (1.30 m in diameter), whose contour was clearly visible at the level of the breached mortar floor (fig. 32). Pit emptying revealed that it had mostly been filled with building rubble – rather large stones and a smaller Fig. 34. Fragment of lead water pipe discovered amount of brick fragments. Among the archaeological in the extension of trench 72/2010 material a few fragments of pottery, glass and animal (Photo N. Gavrilovi}, documentation in the Institute bones were identified. In the rubble from the pit, two of Archaeology in Belgrade) fragments of quartz stone shaped into an irregular tra- peze with worked top and bottom surfaces and traces Sl. 34. Deo vodovodne olovne cevi otkriven of carving that could identify them as being fragments u pro{irewu sonde 72/2010 (foto: N. Gavrilovi}, of architectural decoration were also discovered. The dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) bottom of the pit was at 197.58 m and it could be assumed that it had originally been a storage pit, which was later used as a rubbish pit. 380. In the course of excavations in the years 2010 and A channel extending from the wall made of peb- 2011, such archaeological stratigraphy in trench bles, Z3 parallel to the west wall of stibadium B, and 72/2010 was identified. The latest horizon, around 0.70 m thick, consisted of a humus layer mixed with recent deposits (considering also that the modern road 25 Four mosaics are quoted in the catalogue DÉCOR II 2002: runs over trench 72/2010). Under it is layer A, around Bulla Regia, 307a; Rome, 307b; Sfax, 307c; Baalbeck-Soueidie, 20 cm thick and consisting of light brown compact soil 307d. The mosaics in Turkey were discovered in the course of res- with a small amount of mortar. Layer B is an approxi- cue archaeological investigations in 2000 and 2014. In the available literature and sources of information, precise dating of the mentioned mately 25 cm thick stratum of demolition, consisting of Roman mosaics is not quoted. The mosaic from Rome, on display lime mortar rubble with sporadic (in the central section in the Vatican Museum, is dated to the 3rd century: http://www. of the trench) lenses of loose grey soil with fragments maa.org/sites/default/files/images/upload_library/4/vol1/architecture of brick and small pieces of stone and mortar. Layer C /Italy/Vatican_City/vat_museum.html), as well as the mosaic from Lebanon from the site of Baalbeck-Soueidie: http://www.livius.org/ consists of brown soil yielding fragments of broken ba-bd/baalbek/baalbek_history.html). The mosaic depicting nine roof tiles, stone, pebbles and also marble facing. muses, from the site of Zeugma in Turkey, is dated to the 2nd century It is very important to mention that many fragments BC: http://www.sci-news.com/archaeology/science-mosaics-ancient of porphyritic and marble sculptures were found in -city-zeugma-02307.html; http://twistedsifter. com/2014/11/2200- year-old-mosaics-discovered-in-ancient-greek-city/). 2011 in the south section of trench 72, in the area 26 The synagogue had been in use from the year 200 to the around 1.00 m from wall Z3 and 1.3 m from wall Z33. year 616, while the construction of the mosaic is dated to the 4th Some of these fragments were parts of porphyritic century: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3A sculptures discovered earlier. text%3A1999.04.0006%3Aalphabetic+letter%3DS%3Aentry+ group%3D4Survey of motifs: DÉCOR I 1985, 179d); http://www. Investigations in 2015 of the extension of trench mvnu.edu/images/turkey-greece/album/slides/Mosaic%20Detail% 72/2010, i.e. the area between the west edge of trench 20at%20Sardis.html. 72/2010 and the east wall of the thermae (the border 27 Vasi} i dr. 2016, 56.

99 GAVRILOVI] VITAS, MILO[EVI] JEVTI], CRNOGLAVAC, Stibadium B of villa… (81–102) STARINAR LXVI/2016 running diagonally toward the east wall of the thermae, * * * was also discovered in the extension of trench 72/2010 (fig. 33). The channel was filled with roof rubble, in- The archaeological investigations of stibadium B in cluding fragments of bricks, tegulae, imbrices, pebbles 2015 provided all the necessary data to establish a com- and mortar, with virgin soil at the bottom. plete picture of the stratigraphy, architecture and deco- At the same time, while emptying the channel, a ration of this very important room of ceremonial cha- lead water pipe was discovered near the bottom in the racter in the villa with peristyle at Mediana. Certainly south-western section. The pipe was 0.53 m long and unexpected, although not unknown in the architecture entering the west profile of trench 72/2010 extension, of the Mediana complex, was the method of heating the i.e. the foundations of column 1/C3 (northwest) of the room using channels and not hypocaust pillars. The protective structure, which was, at that time, being con- completion of conservation works on the mosaics from structed in the area of the villa with peristyle at Mediana stibadium B made it possible to comprehend in full the (fig. 34). A fragment of the same lead pipe was con- mosaics of the central circular room and the east and firmed while excavating the foundations inside which west annex, which stand out by virtue of their excepti- it was located (when setting the foundation in concrete, onal quality and meticulous execution. Analysis of the a fragment of the lead pipe was included). The lead pipe motifs of the mosaics from stibadium B, despite being runs toward stibadium B, but the connection between unknown so far in the existing corpus of the Mediana the fragment of lead pipe in the extension of trench mosaics, points to their resemblance to mosaics from 72/2010 and the lead pipe in trench 91, also excavated North Africa, Turkey and Rome and confirm once again in the 2010 campaign, has not been archaeologically the influence of the most remarkable mosaic schools confirmed. from the time of the tetrarchy.

100 GAVRILOVI] VITAS, MILO[EVI] JEVTI], CRNOGLAVAC, Stibadium B of villa… (81–102) STARINAR LXVI/2016

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Adam 1992 – J.-P. Adam, Roman building: materials Milo{evi} 2011 – G. Milo{evi}, A residential com- and techniques, London 1992. plex at Mediana: the architectural perspective, in: G. v. Bratani} 1938 – R. Bratani}, Arheolo{ka is- Bülow und H. Zabehlicky (hrsg.), Bruckneudorf und tra`ivawa u Brzom Brodu, Starinar, XIII, Beograd Gamzigrad. Spätantike Paläste und Grossvillen im 1938, 199–204. Donau–Balkan–Raum, Akten des Intern. Kolloq. in Brödner 1983 – E. Brödner, Die römischen Thermen Bruckendorf vom 15. bis 18. Oktober 2008, Dr. Rudolf und Das antike Badewesen, 2, Darmstadt 1983. Habelt GmbH, Bonn 2011, 167–176. DÉCOR I 1985 – C. Balmelle, M. Blanchard-Lemee, Milo{evi} 2013 – G. Milo{evi}, The Architecture J. Christophe, J-P. Darmon, A-M. Guimier-Sorbets, H. of the Residential Complex in Mediana, Constantine the Lavagne, R. Prudhomme, H. Stern, Le décor geometri- Great and the Edict of Milan 313: the birth of Christi- que de la mosaðque romaine I, repertoire graphique et anity in the Roman Provinces on the Soil of Serbia, Na- descriptif des compositions lineaires et isotropes, Paris tional Museum in Belgrade, Belgrade 2013, 118–125. 1985. Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2013 – G. Milo{evi}, N. DÉCOR II 2002 – C. Balmelle, M. Blanchard- Gavrilovi}, Carska ideologija u arhitekturi, umetnosti i Lemee, J. Christophe, J-P. Darmon, S. Goylan, M-P skulpturi rimske vile na Medijani, Zbornik radova 1700 Raynaud, Le décor geometrique de la mosaðque romaine GODINA MILANSKOG EDIKTA (ur: Prof. Dr D. Niko- II, repertoire graphique et descriptif des decors centres, li}, Ass. Mr A. \or|evi}, Ass. M. Todorovi}), Pravni Paris 2002. fakultet Univerziteta u Ni{u, Ni{ 2013, 907–922. Dunbabin 1991 – K. Dunbabin, Triclinium and Trovabene 2006 – \. Trovabene, Mosaici Pavimen- Stibadium, in: Dininig in a classical context (ed. W.J. tali della villa di Medijana (Ni{): Analisi e confronti, Slater), Ann Arbor 1991, 121–148. Ni{ i Vizantija IV (ed. M Rakocija), Ni{ 2006, Dunbabin 2003 – K. Dunbabin, The Roman ban- 127–144; quet: images of conviviality, Cambridge 2003. Vasi} 2006 – M. Vasi}, Stibadium in Romuliana and Jeremi} 2006 – G. Jeremi}, Mozaici Medijane Mediana, Felix Romuliana: 50 years of archaelogical – neka razmatrawa, Ni{ i Vizantija IV (ed. M Ra- excavations, (Papers from the International Conference, kocija), Ni{ 2006, 145–158. Zaje~ar, October 2003), Belgrade 2006, 69–75. Kolarik 2006 – R. Kolarik, Late antique floor mo- Vasi}, Milo{evi}, Gavrilovi} 2014 – M. Va- saics in the Balkans, Ni{ i Vizantija IV (ed. M Ra- si}, G. Milo{evi}, N. Gavrilovi}, Iskopavawa Me- kocija), Ni{ 2006, 158–178. dijane u 2010. i 2011. godini, Starinar, LXIV, Beo- Kretzschmer 1953 – F. Kretzschmer, “Hypokau- grad 2014, 231–263. sten”, Saalburg Jahrbuch, 12, Saalburg 1953, 8–41. Vasi} i dr. 2016 – M. Vasi}, G. Milo{evi}, N. Lavin 1962 – I. Lavin, The House of the Lord: Gavrilovi} Vitas, V. Crnoglavac, Konstantinova Aspects of the Role of Palace Triclinia in the Architec- vila u Medijani, Ni{ 2016. ture of Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, The Yegül 1992 – K. F. Yegül, Baths and Bathing in Art Bulletin Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1962), 1–27. Classical Antiquity, Cambridge 1992.

101 GAVRILOVI] VITAS, MILO[EVI] JEVTI], CRNOGLAVAC, Stibadium B of villa… (81–102) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Rezime: NADE@DA GAVRILOVI] VITAS, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd GORDANA MILO[EVI] JEVTI], Arhitektonski fakultet, Beograd VESNA CRNOGLAVAC, Narodni muzej Ni{

STIBADIJUM B VILE SA PERISTILOM NA MEDIJANI

Kqu~ne re~i. – Medijana, vila sa peristilom, stibadijum, mozaik, kasna antika.

Prilikom arheolo{kih kampawa u 2010. i 2011. godini ka- polovine prostorije. Takav na~in grejawa, koji ukazuje na da je istraìvana vila sa peristilom na Medijani, u pot- racionalnost zagrevawa i potro{we goriva za grejawe, po- punosti je otkriven prostor stibadijuma B u severozapad- tvr|en je i u prostoriji e 24 vile sa peristilom. Osim sti- nom delu kompleksa. Stibadijum B se sastoji od prilaznog badijuma B, arheolo{kim iskopavawima u 2015. godini je hodnika i kru`ne prostorije, sa dva bo~na aneksa na isto- obuhva}en i prostor sonde 72/2010, uz zapadni deo stibadi- ku i na zapadu, ~iji su podovi bili prekriveni mozaicima juma B, u kojoj su otkriveni tragovi dve malterne podnice razli~itih koncepcija. (starije i mla|e), otpadna jama A i kanal sa ostacima vo- Arheolo{kim istraìvawima u 2015. godini je u celo- dovodne olovne cevi. sti istraèn prostor stibadijuma B, a mozai~ki tepisi su Ono {to svakako predstavqa vrlo vaàn podatak jeste konzervirani, ~ime je omogu}en jasan uvid u wihovu geome- raznolikost ornamenata mozai~kih podova stibadijuma B, trijsku i vegetabilnu ornamentiku. kao i ~iwenica da ovakvi motivi nisu do sada bili pozna- Nov podatak u istraìvawima stibadijuma B predsta- ti sa drugih mozaika kompleksa u Medijani. Ipak, poput vqa sistem grejawa kanalima – od prefurnijuma na sever- ostalih medijanskih mozai~kih koncepcija, i mozaici iz noj strani kru`ne prostorije se ra~vaju centralni kanal i stibadijuma B ukazuju na jasan uticaj najva`nijih mozai~- dva bo~na (isto~ni i zapadni) kanala, koji se pruàju do kih {kola iz perioda kasne antike.

102 RADA GLIGORI], The Jadar Museum, Loznica VOJISLAV FILIPOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade ALEKSANDAR BULATOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade

AN AMS DATED LATE BRONZE AGE GRAVE FROM THE MOUND NECROPOLIS AT PAULJE*

UDK: 903.5"637"(497.11) e-mail: [email protected] 902.65 Received: December 21, 2015 DOI: 10.2298/STA1666103G Accepted: February 10, 2016 Short communication

Abstract. – The subject of the paper is a closed entity – an incineration grave from northwest Serbia, dated to the developed Bronze Age, with an absolute date obtained by AMS (Accelerator mass spectrometry). The sample was taken from the wooden support on which the urn with the bones of the deceased and bronze jewellery was placed. The date obtained corresponds to the 14th century B.C. and confirms earlier proposed suppositions concerning the chronological determination of the necropolises from the territory of Jadar, Podgorina and Lower Podrinje.

Key words. – AMS date, developed Bronze Age, mound, incineration grave, northwest Serbia, Paulje, bronze jewellery.

he prehistoric necropolis on the site Paulje is but later investigation showed that they number 50.3 In situated in the Jadar ravine, to the left of the 1892 Mihailo Valtrovi} was also active on this site. He Tmagistral road between Loznica and Valjevo, in excavated 6 and noted the existence of 27 tumuli.4 the area of the village of Brezjak, 12 km southeast of On the basis of the representative bronze objects, Loznica (Fig. 1). The necropolis was formed on the the graves were dated to the developed phase of the spatial flat terrace which rises above the left bank of Bronze Age, i.e. to the period Br C/D,5 while graves the stream Korenita, a Jadar tributary in the hilly hinter- from the 6/5th centuries B.C. were also discovered in land. In the present forest, Pani}a zabran, there is a the same mounds.6 group of about thirty grave mounds of calotte form, made of earth. Their maximum height is 2 m, with a diameter from 10 to 30 m, and they were disposed in 1 Gligori}, Cani}-Te{anovi} 2010, 3. The Jadar Museum groups from 2 to 7 mounds, 20 to 30 m from each other.1 in Loznica carried out the excavations of the site and the uncovered Systematic excavations of this site started in 1989 and, archaeological material is stored there. 2 with short breaks, they continue to the present day.2 On the history of the investigations, see in detail Gligori} 2014, with the complete earlier literature. This site is at the same time the best investigated 3 Cani}-Te{anovi}, Gligori} 2001, 7. necropolis in northwest Serbia, bearing in mind that 18 4 Valtrovi} 1893, T. XVI, sk. II; plan 3. prehistoric grave mounds have been excavated from 5 Gligori} 2014, 40; Filipovi} 2014, 51 ff., table 1. 1989 until now. Originally, 30 mounds were registered, 6 Gligori}, Cani}-Te{anovi} 2010, 4 ff.

* The paper results from the project: Archaeology of Serbia: cultural identity, integration factors, technological processes and the role of Central Balkans in the development of European prehistory (no. OI177020), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological development of the Republic of Serbia.

103 GLIGORI], FILIPOVI], BULATOVI], An AMS dated Late Bronze Age grave… (103–109) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 1. Position of the Paulje necropolis Fig. 2. The wooden support from the central grave in the village of Brezjak on the topographic map in mound XVIII, from which a sample for absolute 427-4-3 and 427-4-4 Bijeljina dating was taken Sl. 1. Polo`aj nekropole Pauqe u selu Brezjak Sl. 2. Drvena podloga centralnog groba humke XVIII na topografskoj karti 427-4-3 i 427-4-4 Bijeqine od koje je uzet uzorak za apsolutno datovawe

* * * low quality firing. The vessel has a flat, slightly accentuated bottom, large belly and a flat, slightly everted rim. The mound XVIII, situated in the central north-western Two small knee-like handles are situated on the shoul- part of the necropolis7 was excavated during the 2011 der, while the belly has four wart like applications. The campaign. It was one of a group of five mounds, 14 m neck is ornamented with shallow horizontal channels, in diameter and 1 m high, with a preserved calotte. It while on the belly there are vertical shallow incisions. contained two grave entities. The central grave, at a (T. Pl. I/1). Inv. no. A445, height 7.7 cm, diameter of depth of 0.90 m, covered an area of ca. 1.5 x 2.8 m. opening 7.4 cm, diameter of bottom 4.6 cm. Small pieces of incinerated bones of the dead were 2. A massive, richly decorated bracelet of hollow mixed with fragments of carbonised wood and ashes. cast bronze, slightly ellipsoid in form and diameter, The grave goods consisted of two massive bronze with adjacent ends. The ornamental motif is executed bracelets, a small ceramic vessel, a bronze button and with incisions and punctuation, forming three areas, saltaleoni. They were all placed on a well preserved bordered on the inner side with a double hatched line, wooden support, of which a sample was taken for and on the outer with a punctuated line. The areas are absolute dating (Fig. 2). Together with other finds in separated with metopes which consist of a series of pa- the grave, animal bones were also registered. They rallel lines. On the areas near the ends there is a series were exposed to low temperature burning (0–285°C),8 of five hatched, so-called hanging triangles, while in which means that they were thermically treated before the central area there is a series of incised spirally being deposited in the grave. This points to a devel- joined and folded motifs, with dots on the outer edges. oped funerary ritual in the form of leaving food for the The centre of each spiral also has a dot (T. Pl. I/2). Inv. dead. The entire surface of the grave was covered with no. A439, width 11.8 cm, thickness 3.2 cm, diameter of earth and river pebbles, as well as with broken stones, opening 9 x 7.9 cm. so that a cover was formed which embraced a larger 3. A massive richly decorated bracelet of hollow zone of the central part of the mound. Heaping the cast bronze, slightly ellipsoid in form and diameter, with mound with earth included such funerary rites as adding broken fragments of pottery vessels. The following objects were found in the grave: 7 Gligori} 2014, 26–29. 1. Pottery vessel – an amphora of small dimensions, 8 Gligori} 2014, 36. Anthropological record Dr N. dark-brown in colour, with thin walls, a rough finish and Miladinovic-Radmilovic, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade.

104 GLIGORI], FILIPOVI], BULATOVI], An AMS dated Late Bronze Age grave… (103–109) STARINAR LXVI/2016 adjacent ends. The ornamentation is almost identical to that of the previous bracelet. Here the areas near the ends have six hanging triangles each, while in one area four triangles have additional triangles, which touch tip to tip, leaving an empty rhomboid inner area (Pl. I/3). Inv.no. A440, width 11.8 cm, thickness 3.3 cm, diameter of opening 87 x 72 cm. 4. Bronze calotte button, partly damaged, of small dimensions, shield-like with a protuberance in the centre. On the inner side there is a broken loop for fastening (Pl. I/4). Inv. no. A446, dimension 2.2 x 1.4 cm. 5. Saltaleoni of tubular appearance made from rolled bronze wire. Two pieces, with five or six winds (Pl. I/5). Inv. no. A447, diameter 3.4 cm, length 1.4 cm. 6. Saltaleoni of small dimensions, tubular appear- Fig. 3. AMS calibrated results from the sample LNA-22/2015 ance made from a roll of wound, hammered, bronze strip with four winds. Inv. no. A448, diameter 2.1 cm, Sl. 3. AMS kalibrisani rezultati length 1.2 cm. (Pl. I/6). uzorka LNA-22/2015 The deceased in the grave was of unknown gender, between 16 and 20 years, burned at a temperature of between 940 and 1200°C.9 lets, lunular pendants etc.).14 Of particular importance is the fact that in this grave two massive hollow, richly * * * decorated, cast bronze bracelets were found, which are almost identical to the bracelets from the central grave As already mentioned, the sample for the AMS (Acce- in mound I of the same necropolis.15 In this grave, lerator mass spectrometry) dating was taken from the among other goods, two pins were found with profiled wooden support on which grave goods were placed double-conic heads and accentuated neck-torsion, and sent for analysis in the reference laboratory (LNA- dated by R. Vasi} to the period Br C/D,16 and later con- 22/2015).10 The non calibrated dates obtained are firmed with an absolute dating. Here one should men- 3080¯25 BP, while the calibrated age, with a probabil- tion that the decorated motifs on our bracelets frequently ity of 68.2%, is between 1402 and 1302 BC (Fig. 3). appear on the bronze torcs from the Glasinac plateau in The chronological range of 1415–1278 BC is deter- east Bosnia, together with the pins with double-conic mined with a probability of 95.4%. heads and accentuated neck,17 which correspond to The only absolute date from approximately the phase Glasinac IIIa (1300–1200 B.C.), according to the same period known up to now is that from the Belegi{ periodisation by A. Benac and B. ^ovi}.18 Other bronze II layer in the settlement of Gomolava (layer IVc), finds from the central grave of mound XVIII in Brezjak, which pointed to 1150 B.C.11 It is significant because a bronze button and saltaleoni, are of no chronological the culture of the developed Bronze Age in Northwest Serbia corresponds relatively to the Belegi{ I culture in southern Pannonia,12 whose layers were found direct- 9 Gligori} 2014, 36. Anthropological record Dr N. Miladi- 13 ly under layer IVc in Gomolava. novi}-Radmilovi}, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade. 10 Institute “Ru|er Bo{kovi}“, Institute for Experimental Phy- * * * sics and Laboratory for Measuring Low Radioactivity. 11 Tasi} 1988, 57. 12 The new absolute dating for the central grave of mound Filipovi} 2014, table 2. 13 XVIII, which places it in the 14th century B.C., con- Tasi} 1988, 57. 14 Filipovi} 2014, 56–64; Gligori} 2014, 40. firms to a great extent the former chronological deter- 15 Madas 1990, 20; Cani}-Te{anovi}, Gligori} 2001, 25; mination of the necropoleis of the developed Bronze Gligori}, Cani}-Te{anovi} 2010, 13. Age in the territory of northwest Serbia, suggested on 16 Vasi} 2003, 57 T. 21, 298.299. the basis of bronze material (sword, pins, torcs, brace- 17 Benac, ^ovi} 1956, T. XXX/11, T. XXXI/1–2, T. XXXII/3.

105 GLIGORI], FILIPOVI], BULATOVI], An AMS dated Late Bronze Age grave… (103–109) STARINAR LXVI/2016 importance, as they appear unchanged over a long by the analysis of the mound structure, the grave and period. On the other hand, a ceramic amphora from the grave goods, as well as other samples from the grave, grave shows similar characteristics to other vessels of offered significant information about the sepulchral the same type, with or without small handles, which we ritual and funerary customs of the population which find in the surrounding area,19 as well as in east Bosnia20 inhabited the Jadar region. The result of the radiocarbon and the Morava valley.21 These vessels, together with analysis of the wood sample from the grave is particu- other pottery inventory from the necropoleis, point to larly important as it represents the first absolute date the influence of the Hügelgräber culture.22 However, obtained by the AMS method for the Bronze Age in this contact should not be interpreted as the direct pres- Serbia. ence of the bearer of this culture, but as the result of We hope that in the near future we shall have more cultural streaming and permeation from the South absolute dates which will make it possible to obtain a Pannonian area towards the Balkan interior. more complete chronological determination of the Bronze Age cultures in Serbia and a definition of their * * * chronological relation with the contemporary cultures in the neighbourhood and over a larger area. In this way Although in this paper, only the central grave from one our cultures will find their corresponding position in mound in Brezjak has been presented, dates obtained the chronological scales of the European Bronze Age.

18 ^ovi} 1983, 807 ff. 19 Paulje – mound A (Madas 1990, 36/32), mound H (Cani}- Te{anovi}, Gligori} 2001, kat. 39), mound K (Cani}-Te{anovi}, Gligori} 2001, kat. 67), mound N (Gligori}, Cani}-Te{a- novi} 2010, kat 70), mound O (Gligori}, Cani}-Te{anovi} 2010, kat. 90), mound XVI (Gligori} 2014, sl. 3–4), mound XVII (Gligori} 2014, fig. 10), mound XVIII – peripheral grave (Gligori} 2014, fig. 22) and Jo{eva (Gara{anin 1983, T. CII/2). 20 Kosori}, Krsti} 1988, T. IV/2, T. IX/1, 5, T. X/1 i T. XIII/4. 21 Nikitovi} 2003, T. IV/6, T. V/2; Stoji} 1998, figs. 1 and 6; Nikitovi}, Vasi} 2002, T. III/4; Pekovi} 2003, T. VIII/1 22 Filipovi} 2014, 64.

106 GLIGORI], FILIPOVI], BULATOVI], An AMS dated Late Bronze Age grave… (103–109) STARINAR LXVI/2016

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Benac, ôvi} 1956 – A. Benac, B. ôvi}, Glasinac Nikitovi} 2003 – L. Nikitovi}, Krstac – Ivkovo brdo, I – bronzano doba. Sarajevo 1956. nekropola sa humkama iz bronzanog doba, u Sahranji- Cani}-Te{anovi}, Gligori} 2001 – J. Cani}- vanje u bronzano i gvozdeno doba, ur. R. Vasi}, â~ak/ Te{anovi}, R. Gligori}, Praistoriska nekropola Beograd 2003, 11–22. Pauqe kod Loznice, Loznica 2001. Nikitovi}, Vasi} 2002 – L. Nikitovi}, R. Va- ôvi} 1983 – Zaklju~na razmatranja, u Praistorija si}, Humka iz bronzanog doba na lokalitetu Ravnine Jugoslavenskih zemalja IV, (ur.) A. Benac, Sarajevo u selu Jan~i}i kod â~ka, Zbornik radova Narodnog 1983, 807–829. muzeja XXXII, 2002, 23–36. Filipovi} 2014 – V. Filipovi}, Nova istra- Pekovi} 2003 – M. Pekovi}, Para}inska grupa ìvawa nekropola razvijenog bronzanog doba u se- u bronzanom dobu Pomoravqa, Magistarska teza. verozapadnoj Srbiji, hronolo{ka i terminolo{ka Filozofski fakultet, Odeqewe za arheologiju, pitawa. Glasnik SAD 29, 2014, 51–84. Beograd 2003. Gara{anin 1983 – M. Gara{anin, Zapadnosrpska Stoji} 1998 – M. Stoji}, Kulturni horizont varijanta vatinske grupe, u Praistorija Jugoslavenskih vatinske kulturne grupe: Mojsiwe – Dobra~a, u: Rad zemalja IV, (ur.) A. Benac. Sarajevo 1983, 736–753. Dragoslava Srejovi}a na istraìvawu praistorije Gligori}, Cani}-Te{anovi} 2010 – R. Gligo- centralnog Balkana, (ur.) N. Tasi}, Kragujevac 1998, ri}, J. Cani}-Te{anovi}, Pauqe, nekropola bronza- 133–146. nog i gvozdenog doba kod Loznice. Loznica/Gorwi Tasi} 1988 – N. Tasi}, Bronze- und altere Eisenzeit Milanovac 2010. auf Gomolava. in Gomolava – Chronologie und Strati- Gligori} 2014 – R. Gligori}, Nekropola razvi- graphie in der Prähistorie und Antike des Donaugebiets jenog bronzanog doba u Brezjaku. Nova istraìvawa und Sudosteuropas, (eds.) N. Tasi}, J. Petrovi}, Novi Sad humki XVI, XVII i XVIII. Loznica 2014. 1988, 47–58. Kosori}, Krsti} 1988 – M. Kosori}, D. Krsti}, Valtrovi} 1893 – M. Valtrovi}, Preistoriske Hronolo{ka determinacija grobova iz humki sa starine u vaqevskom i podrinskom okrugu, Stari- poteza Trnovice – Pa|ine – Ro}evi}i. Zbornik ra- nar X, kwige 3 i 4, 1893, 75–97. dova Narodnog muzeja XIII–1, 1988, 29–56. Vasi} 2003 – R. Vasi}, Die Nadeln im Zentralbalkan, Madas 1990 – D. Madas, Pauqe – bronzanodopska Prähistorische Bronzefunde XIII/11, Stuttgart 2003. nekropola. Loznica 1990.

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Rezime: RADA GLIGORI], Muzej Jadra, Loznica VOJISLAV FILIPOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd ALEKSANDAR BULATOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd

GROB IZ RAZVIJENOG BRONZANOG DOBA SA NEKROPOLE PAUQE DATOVAN AMS METODOM

Kqu~ne re~i. – AMS datum, razvijeno bronzano doba, humka, grob spaqenog pokojnika, SZ Srbija, Pauqe, bronzani nakit.

Praistorijska nekropola pod humkama na lokalitetu Pauqe je sahrawen pokojnik nepoznatog pola, juvenilne starosti nalazi se u jadarskoj ravnici, sa leve strane magistralnog od 16 do 20 godina, ~ije je telo spaqeno na temperaturi od puta Loznica – Vaqevo, u ataru sela Brezjaka, 12 km jugo- 940° do 1200°S. isto~no od Loznice (sl. 1). Sistematska arheolo{ka isko- Uzorak za AMS (AMS – Accelerator mass spectrometry) pavawa i istraìvawa su zapo~eta 1989. godine i, sa mawim datovawe je uzet sa drvene podloge i dobijeni nekalibrisa- prekidima, traju do danas. Na osnovu reprezentativnih ni rezultat iznosi 3080¯25 BP, dok je kalibrisana starost, bronzanih predmeta, sahrane iz bronzanog doba opredeqe- sa verovatno}om od 68,2%, izme|u 1402 i 1302 BC (sl. 3). ne su u razvijeno bronzano doba, tj. u period Br C/D, a u Hronolo{ki opseg 1415–1278 BC ustanovqen je sa verovat- istim humkama zabeleène su i naknadne sahrane iz VI/V no}om od 95,4%. veka pre n. e. Ovaj apsolutni datum, koji centralni grob humke XVI- Tokom 2011. godine istraèna je humka XVIII, koja se II opredequje u XIV vek pre n. e., u velikoj meri potvr|uje nalazila u grupi od pet humki, i u woj su uo~ene dve grob- ranije hronolo{ko opredeqewe nekropola razvijenog ne celine. Centralni grob, na dubini od 0,90 m, obuhvatao bronzanog doba na teritoriji severozapadne Srbije, pred- je povr{inu od pribli`no 1,5 m h 2,8 m i u wemu su osta- loèno na osnovu relativno osetqivih bronzanih predme- ci sitnih spaqenih kostiju pokojnika bili pome{ani sa ta – ma~, igle, torkvesi, grivne, lunulasti privesci i dr. komadima karbonizovanog drveta i s pepelom. Grobni pri- Iako je ovde prezentovan samo centralni grob sa nekropole log i pokojnikov li~ni nakit ~inili su mawa kerami~ka Pauqe u Brezjaku, podaci dobijeni analizama konstrukci- posuda (T. I/1), dve masivne bronzane narukvice (T. I/2–3), je humke, zatim groba i pokretnih nalaza, kao i razli~itih bronzano dugme (T. I/4) i salteleoni (T. I/5–6), a svi nalazi uzoraka iz groba, pruìli su zna~ajna saznawa o pogrebnom su bili poloèni na dobro o~uvanu drvenu podlogu, od koje ritualu i o obi~ajima sahrawivawa populacije koja je u je uzet uzorak za apsolutno datovawe (sl. 2). razvijeno bronzano doba naseqavala oblast Jadra. Naro~ito Cela povr{ina groba je zasuta zemqom i re~nim oblu- je zna~ajan rezultat radiokarbonske analize uzorka drveta cima, kao i lomqenim kamenom, tako da je formiran pla{t iz centralnog groba, koji predstavqa prvi datum dobijen koji je zahvatio i {iru zonu centralnog dela humke. U grobu AMS metodom za bronzano doba u Srbiji.

108 GLIGORI], FILIPOVI], BULATOVI], An AMS dated Late Bronze Age grave… (103–109) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Plate I – The inventory of the central grave from mound XVIII of the necropolis in Paulje Tabla I – Inventar centralnog groba humke XVIII na nekropoli Pauqe

109

MIRJANA D. VOJVODA, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd SLAVOQUB L. PETROVI], Narodni muzej, [abac

METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS Prilog prou~avawu rudni~kog novca i anonimnih kvadransa*

UDK: 902.01(497.11) e-mail: [email protected] 737.1.032(37)"01/03" Primqeno: 30. novembra 2015. DOI: 10.2298/STA1666111V Prihva}eno: 10. februara 2016. Prilog

Apstrakt. – Predmet rada su ~etiri, do sada neobjavqena, primerka rudni~kog novca (nummi metallorum) kao i jedan anonimni kvadrans. Primerci rudni~kog novca poti~u iz privatne kolekcije Fajfri}, a prona|eni su na lokalitetu Duge wive u ataru sela Banovo Poqe (SO Bogati}). U pitawu su dva METAL DELM primerka razli~itog tipa (Mars, Dijana) i dva METAL AVRELIANIS primerka istog tipa (`enskabista/Apolonova bista ?). Anonimni kvadrans je prona|en prilikom arheolo{kih istra`ivawa viminacijumske nekropole Vi{e grobaqa i pripada Apolonovoj (VIII) grupi.

Kqu~ne re~i. – nummi metallorum, metalli Delmatici, metalli Aureliani, anonimni kvadransi, Banovo Poqe, Viminacijum.

okom za{titnih arheolo{kih istraìvawa 1984. godine, na viminacijumskoj nekropo- 1 Kora}, Golubovi} 2009, 304; Arsenijevi} 2009, 464, kat. 99. li Vi{e grobaqa prona|en je jedan prime- Pored anonimnog kvadransa, u sondi 63, na pribli`no istim T kotama i u blizini G 343, otkriven je i skelet psa i jedan ì- rak anonimnog kvadransa, VIII Apolonove grupe àk (C – 2861); cf. dnevnik istraìvawa, str. 652, dokumenta- (kat. 1). Otkriven je u okviru sonde br. 63, u nepo- cija Arheolo{kog instituta, Beograd. srednoj blizini groba sa inhumiranim pokojni- 2 Najqubaznije zahvaqujemo gospodinu Petru Fajfri}u, kom (G 343), koji je kao prilog, pored dve kerami~- iz [apca, koji nam je omogu}io uvid u wegovu zbirku. Gospo- din Fajfri} je poklonio Narodnom muzeju u [apcu 44 pri- ke posude, imao i jedan as Faustine starije kovan merka provincijskog kovawa bitinsijske kovnice Nikeje i je- 1 nakon wene smrti, posle 141. g. Drugi deo ovde danprimerak kovawa Nikomedije, cf. Vojvoda, Petrovi} 2011, prezentovanih nalaza predstavqaju ~etiri pri- 283–307. Nakon toga, Petar Fajfari} je poklonio Muzeju u merka rudni~kog novca iz privatne kolekcije Pe- [apcu jo{ tri nikejska izdawa (nepublikovano). Pored toga, 2 ustupio je vi{e puta materijal za publikovawe: 59 primeraka tra Fajfri}a iz [apca (kat. 2–5). Svi primerci bronzanog novca kovnice Viminacijum i 3 kom. sa oznakom poti~u sa dobro poznatog lokaliteta Duge wive u “Provincia Dacia”, cf. Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Petrovi}, 2012, ataru sela Banovo Poqe (SO Bogati}), gde se, po 135–154. Opet kvadransa koji pripadaju rudni~kom kovawu, cf. svemu sude}i, nalaze ostaci vikusa ili maweg na- Mladenovi}, Woytek 2012, 12–14, kao i 167 primeraka denara i antoninijana, cf. Vojvoda, Petrovi} 2014, 135–159. Svi publi- seqa. U ataru istog sela, na lokalitetima Crkvine kovani primerci iz kolekcije Fajfari} poti~u sa istog loka- I, Crkvine II i Kqu~evi, konstatovani su ostaci liteta – Duge wive u Banovom Poqu.

* ^lanak predstavqa rezultat rada na projektu: IRS – Viminacijum, rimski grad i legijski vojni logor – istra`ivawe materijalne i duhovne kulture, stanovni{tva, primenom najsavremenijih tehnologija daqinske detekcije, geofizike, GIS-a, digitaliza- cije i 3D vizualizacije (br. 47018), Ministarstva prosvete, nauke i tehnolo{kog razvoja Republike Srbije (M. Vojvoda).

111 VOJVODA, PETROVI], METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS… (111–119) STARINAR LXVI/2016 tri vile rustike i jo{ jedne na granici Banovog teìna: 2,21 g; pre~nik: 15,00 mm; osa: 6 h. Poqa i susednog sela Crne Bare. Jedno naseqe i Ref.: BMC III, 534, nos. 1854–1855, Pl. 98.7; RIC II, ~etiri vile rustike na malom prostoru potvr|uju 474, no. 1013; Simi}, Vasi} 1977, 58, nos. 20–21; van dobro poznatu ~iwenicu o Ma~vi kao zna~ajnoj po- Heesch 1979, 170, Groep IV.7, 197, kat. 24; Woytek qoprivrednoj regiji i o intenzivnom ìvotu koji 2004, 42, no. XIII; Mladenovi}, Woytek 2012, 11, nos. se tamo odvijao od II veka do prve polovine V. Vi- 1–2, 13–14, nos. 5–9. kus na potesu Duge wive je mogao, sude}i prema po- znatim nalazima novca, nastati sredinom II veka, ali se najintenzivniji ìvot tamo odvijao sigurno tokom III veka.3

3. KATALOG Av. Bez legende. Glava bradatog Marsa nadesno; na glavi {lem; Anonimni kvadrans (Viminacijum, nekropo- krug od ta~kica. la Vi{e grobaqa, sonda 63; C – 2860; Narodni mu- Rv. METAL DELM zej, Poàrevac) Oklop; krug od ta~kica. teìna: 2,89 g; pre~nik: 17,50 mm; osa: 1 h. Ref.: BMC III, 534, no. 1856; Pl. 98.8; RIC II, 474, no. 1014; Simi}, Vasi} 1977, 58, nos. 18–19; van Heesch 1979, 170, Groep IV.6, 196, kat.23; Woytek 2004, 42, no. XII. 1. Av. Bez legende. Metalli Aureliani Grifon nadesno; dodiruje to~ak levom pred- wom {apom; krug od ta~kica. Rv. S C Tronoàc; krug od ta~kica. teìna: 1,71 g; pre~nik: 15,40 mm; osa: 6 h. Ref.: RIC II, 218, no. 27; Group VIII; van Heesch 4. 1979, 206, Groep V.20, 245, kat. 24; Vojvoda, Mr|i} Av. Bez legende. 2015, 98, no. 314; Mladenovi}, Woytek 2012, 12, no. 4. @enska, drapirana bista nadesno; na glavi lo- vorov venac; kru`nica. Rv. METAL / AVRELIA/NIS u tri reda u vencu; kru- Rudni~ki novac (nummi metallorum) (Banovo `nica. Poqe, Kolekcija Fajfari}) teìna: 3,30 g; pre~nik: 18,00 mm; osa: 12 h. Ref.: RIC III, 313, no. 1255; Simi}, Vasi} 1977, 58, Metalli Delmatici no. 24; van Heesch 1979, 168, Groep IV.1, 194, kat. 18; Woytek 2004, 41, no. VIII (smatra da je na av. bista Apolona).

2. Av. Bez legende. Bista Dijane nadesno; na glavi dijadema; na 5. potiqku kosa u pun|i; tobolac preko ramena; krug Av. Kao prethodni. od ta~kica. Rv. ¡MET¿AL / AV¡RELIA¿/NIS. Kao prethodni. Rv. ¡METAL DELM¿ te`ina:1,74 g; pre~nik: 15,00 mm; osa: 8 h. Jelen nalevo; krug od ta~kica. Ref.: Kao prethodni.

112 VOJVODA, PETROVI], METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS… (111–119) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Vi{e od jednog veka nau~nu javnost zaokupqa cirku i sl.).12 Najpre je Matingli skrenuo pa`wu problematika anonimnih kvadransa i rudni~kog na tipolo{ku srodnost grupa III i VI anonimnih novca (nummi metallorum). Anonimni kvadransi na kvadransa sa rudni~kim novcem i na to da su mogli aversu nemaju portret i ime cara, ve} imaju boàn- predstavqati sitan novac koji je bio kori{}en u stva bez legende. Na reversu su predstave atributa rudni~kim oblastima.13 Ovu Matinglijevu pret- boànstava koja su prikazana na aversu, uz skra}e- postavku je potom u vi{e studija razvijao profesor nicu S C koja ih svrstava u oficijelno carsko ko- Du{ani}, a u sli~nom pravcu su se kretali i za- vawe, u vremenu od Domicijana do Antonina Pija.4 kqu~ci M. Vasi}a i V. Simi}a. Pomenuti autori S druge strane, rudni~ki novac predstavqa emisi- su svoje studije zasnivali na novim nalazima rud- je sitnog bronzanog novca5 ~ije se reversne legen- ni~kog novca prona|enog na teritoriji Gorwe Me- de odnose na rudnike Norika, Panonije, Dalmaci- zije sa poznatom provenijencijom: sa podru~ja Ko- je i Dardanije (Gorwe Mezije). Kovane su u vreme smaja (Babe, Guberevac i Stojnik),14 iz doline Ibra Trajana, Hadrijana i Antonina Pija, ~iji se por- (u blizini Trep~e i So~anici).15 Izvedene zakqu~- treti pojavquju na aversima, a u pojedinim slu~aje- ke – da je re~ o novcu koji je bio u opticaju u rud- vima javqaju se i odre|ena boànstva (Dijana, Sol, ni~kim oblastima (territoria metallorum) – dodatno Mars, Roma i Apolon). Druga grupa rudni~kog novca, bez portreta vladara, najpre je pripisana vremenu Trajana i Hadrijana, odnosno Hadrijana i 3 Marka Aurelija,6 da bi u novije vreme preovladalo Vojvoda, Petrovi} 2011, 284–285, nap. 5–11, sa navedenom literaturom, 284, karta 1. mi{qewe da je novac kovan za vladavine Antonina 4 RIC II, 214; Du{ani} 1978, 23; razvrstani su u XI grupa Pija.7 Hemijska analiza uzoraka rudni~kog novca, prema predstavama boànstava na aversu, cf. RIC II, 216–219, anonimnih kvadransa i regularnih kvadransa iz nos. 1–38. Kasnije, profesor Du{ani} je Matinglijevu grupu zbirke Narodnog muzeja u Beograduje pokazala je da XI (“Miscellaneous”) podelio izme|u grupe IIA (Minervini re- XI cf 8 versi) i grupe (Re~ni bog), . Du{ani} 1978, 24–25, nap. 2. je sastav wihove legure isti. Ako se tome dodaju i 5 U pogledu nominala su postojala razli~ita mi{qewa sli~nosti u tehnici kovawa i stilu pomenute tri (cf. van Heesch 1979, 174–175, ref. 390–393), a u novije vreme je vrste, dolazi se do zakqu~ka da ih treba pripisa- preovladalo mi{qewe da se radi o dva nominala: seimis i ti istoj, rimskoj kovnici.9 S. Du{ani} je smatrao kvadrans, cf. van Heesch 1979, 175, 200; Woytek 2004, 42–43. U pogledu uloge koju je rudni~ki novac imaou monetarnom siste- da su nummi metalorum nastali srazmerno kasnije mu Carstva postoje uglavnom dve teorije: prva, po kojoj jebio od anonimnih kvadransa, i to iz onih wihovih sredstvo pla}awa personala u rudni~koj administraciji (cf. van grupa koje su po svome zna~aju i adresatu bile bli- Heesch 1979, 184, ref. 418, sa navedenom literaturom) i druga, ske rudni~koj grupi familia Caesaris. Koja je kori- prihva}ena samo od nekolicine autora, po kojoj je kovan kao komemorativan i obeleàvao je prvo ili ponovno otvarawe ne- stila takve grupe sve dok porast personala u rud- kog rudnika (cf. van Heesch 1979, 184, ref. 419, sa navedenom lini~koj administraciji nije iziskivao da se teraturom). stvori posebna nov~ana klasa, diferencirana po 6 van Heesch 1979, 177, ref. 401–402. kategoriji rudnika i wegovom upravno-geograf- 7 Najpre je to datovawe argumentovao van Hes (van Heesch skom poloàju.10 Suprotno tome, van Hes smatra da 1979, 177–181), a potom je wegovu argumentaciju kao ubedqivu prihvatio i Vojtek (Woytek 2004, 41, ref. 32). je ve}i broj prona|enih anonimnih kvadransa i 8 Simi}, Vasi} 1977, 60; Simi}, Vasi} 1985, 37; Kontra van rudni~kog novca u dunavskim provincijama posle- Heesch 1979, 172. dica prethodnog nedostatka sitnog bronzanog nov- 9 BMC III, cix; van Heesch 1979, 170–171; Du{ani} 1980, 10; ca u opticaju u tim oblastima. Ovaj nedostatak je Woytek 2004, 48. Za suprotna mi{qewa koja su se pojavqivala otklowen emitovawem specijalnih emisija semi- (Kosmaj, Viminacijum, Pinkum), cf. Du{ani} 1980, 10, nap. 12; Woytek 2004, 48. sa i kvadransa, sa prilago|enom regionalnom pro- 10 Du{ani} 1977, 62–63, ref. 43, 45–46; Du{ani} 1980, 17. pagandom, koja jeste bila namewena podunavskim 11 van Heesch 1979, 186–187. provincijama, ali ne i samo rudnicima u tim pro- 12 BMC IV, xx; Du{ani} 1980, 26. vincijama.11 13 BMC III, 534, ref. *; RIC II, 215; Du{ani} 1977, 57, 60–61, Najve}i broj do sada poznatih primeraka ano- ref. 27, karta: Le Kosmaj, u prilogu izme|u strana 112 i 113; nimnih kvadransa i rudni~kog novca je na|enu Rimu Du{ani} 1978, 26, nap. 17–19; Du{ani} 1980, 9, 17–18. 14 Mari} 1955, 42; Du{ani} 1976, 98, 112–113; Du{ani} i wegovoj okolini. Iz tog razloga se dugo smatralo 1978, 26, nap. 21; Stamenkovi} 2010, 11. da su anonimni kvadransi predstavqali sitan no- 15 Mari} 1956, 350; êr{kov 1970, 32; Simi}, Vasi} 1977, 56, vac namewen plebi urbanae (vrsta tesere za igre u cat. 6; [kegro 1995, 174; Stamenkovi} 2010, 12, ref. 14.

113 VOJVODA, PETROVI], METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS… (111–119) STARINAR LXVI/2016 su potkrepili i primercima iz numizmati~ke Broj do sada poznatih anonimnih kvadransa sa zbirke Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu koji su bez po- teritorije Srbije je jo{ mawi nego rudni~kog novca. znatog mesta nalaza inajverovatnije poti~u sa te- Poznate provenijencije su tri primerka sa podru~- ritorije Gorwe Mezije.16 Kasnije otkriveni i pu- ja Guberevac–Babe (Kosmaj), koji se ~uvaju u Narod- blikovani primerci rudni~kog novca sa podru~ja nom muzeju u Beogradu.23 Sva tri pripadaju Miner- Gorwe Mezije dopuwuju ovu sliku i potvr|uju da vinoj grupi sa reversnom predstavom sove nadesno.24 veliki broj poznatih nalaza sa poznatom provini- Za jo{ dva anonimna kvadransa poznajemo mesto na- jencijom poti~e iz podunavskih provincija.17 To laza: jedan primerak poti~e iz Singidunuma i prisu nalazi rudni~kog novca iz Ritopeka,18 Beogra- pada Merkurovoj grupi,25 i drugi, iz Apolonove da19 i Banovog Poqa kod [apca,20 kao i dva pri- grupe, koji je prona|en na Viminacijumu i predmet merka iz zbirke Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, ~ije je ovog rada. Poznata su jo{ 4 primerka bez poznatog mesto nalaza nije poznato.21 U novije vreme su se mesta nalaza, za koje se pretpostavqa da poti~u sa pojavila i mi{qewa da pomenute tipolo{ke sli~- teritorije Gorwe Mezije. Dva pripadaju kolekciji nosti anonimnih kvadransa i rudni~kog novca ne Vajfert26 i dva kolekciji Kova~evi}27 iz zbirke treba uzimati a priori, te da obe grupe predstavqa- Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu. Najbli`i, nama pozna- ju male nominale carskog kovawa, a da dodatne za- ti, nalazi anonimnih kvadransa poti~u iz jugoza- jedni~ke karakteristike jo{ treba dokazati.22 padnog dela Gorwe Panonije, iz doline Japre.28

ANONIMNI KVADRANSI GRUPA MESTO NALAZA BR. KOM. % II – Minerva Podru~je Kosmaja 3 34,00 Kolekcija Vajfert (1); VI – Mars Kolekcija Kova~evi} (1) 2 22,00 – Apolon Kolekcija Kova~evi} (1); VIII Viminacijum (1) 2 22,00 IX – Merkur Beograd 1 11,00 Neodre|ena grupa Kolekcija Vajfert 1 11,00 UKUPNO 9 100 RUDNI^KI NOVAC Podru~je Kosmaja (1); Dolina Ibra (1); DARDANCI So~anica (1); 8 21,05 Kolekcija Vajfert (4); Kolekcija Krakov (1) Podru~je Kosmaja (5); Kolekcija Vajfert (1); METALLI VLPIANI Ritopek (1); 8 21,05 Beograd (1) METALLI VLPIANI DELM Podru~je Kosmaja 1 2,63 Klekcija Vajfert (3); nepoznato nalazi{te (1); METAL DELM Kolekcija Kova~evi} (2); 13 34,21 Banovo Poqe (7) METAL PANNONICIS Podru~je Kosmaja 3 7,90 Podru~je Kosmaja (1); AELIANA PINCENSIA Kolekcija Vajfert (1) 2 5,26 Podru~je Kosmaja (1); 3 7,90 METAL AVRELIANIS Banovo Poqe (2) UKUPNO 38 100

Tabela 1. Zastupqenost grupa poznatih anonimnih kvadransa i rudni~kog novca sa teritorije Srbije

114 VOJVODA, PETROVI], METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS… (111–119) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Me|u malobrojnim nalazima anonimnih kvadransa na podru~ju Srbije, najzastupqenija je Mi- 16 Simi}, Vasi} 1977, 56–58. Simi} i Vasi} su publikova- nervina grupa (34,00%), slede Marsova i Apolono- li ukupno 24 primerka rudni~kog novca iz zbirke Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu. Od tog broja,deset primeraka poti~e iz ne- va, sa istim procentom (22,00%), dok je Merkurova kada{wih privatnih kolekcija (kat. 4, 5, 8–10, 13, 18, 20, 21, grupa zastupqena u najmawem procentu. Najbrojni- 23), a 12 primeraka je sa podru~ja Kosmaja, jedan iz doline ja grupa rudni~kog novca na teritoriji Srbije je Ibra i jedan bez poznatog mesta nalaza. Pri tome, treba nagla- METAL DELM (35,21%), slede grupe METALLI siti da je 12 primeraka sa Kosmaja ve} pre toga publikovao S. Du{ani} (Du{ani} 1976, 98, ref. 37–43) i to bi u studiji Simi- VLPIANI i DARDANCI, sa istim brojem poznatih }a i Vasi}a bili slede}i katalo{ki brojevi: 1–3, 11, 12, primeraka (21,05%), dok su ostale zastupqene u 14–17, 22 i 24. Katalo{ki br. 6 poti~e iz doline Ibra, iz oko- mawem procentu (tabela 1). Radi boqe pregledno- line Gali~a (cf. Mari} 1956, 350, koji navodi da je iz okoline sti, u slede}oj tabeli su date grupe prema kojima Trep~e), dok kat. br. 19 nema poznatu provenijenciju. Qubazno zahvaqujemo gospo|i Bojani Bori}-Bre{kovi} na informaci- su dve vrste novca razvrstane po mestu nalaza i jama iz dokumentacije Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu. broju poznatih primeraka sa teritorije Srbije. 17 Ovome treba dodati i nalaze iz rimske Dakije i obe Pa- Anonimni kvadrans prona|en na viminaci- nonije, cf. van Heesch 1979, 186, ref. 426; Woytek 2004, 52–53. jumskoj nekropoli Vi{e grobaqa (kat. 1), kao {to Pored toga, pet nepublikovanih primeraka rudni~kog novca (svi Trajan; DARDANCI) ~uva se u Arheolo{kom muzeju u Zagrebu: je re~eno, pripada Apolonovoj grupi. Jedini ana- Sisak (2 kom.), Novi Banovci (1 kom.), Srem nepoznato nalazi- logni a sa teritorije Srbije poznati primerak po- {te (1 kom.), nepoznato nalazi{te (1 kom.). Qubazno zahvaqu- ti~e iz kolekcije Kova~evi} iz Narodnog muzeja u jemo kolegama Tomislavu Bili}u i Miroslavu Na|u na informacijama iz dokumentacije Arheolo{kog muzeja u Zagrebu. Beogradu.29 Najve}i broj poznatih primeraka pri- 18 Stamenkovi} 2010, 11, ref. 12. pada Minervinoj grupi (3), slede dva primerka 19 Stamenkovi} 2010, 10. Marsove grupe, jedan Merkurove i jedan neodre|en 20 Mladenovi}, Woytek 2012, 13–14, cat. 5–9, kao i ~etiri (tabela 1).30 Nalaz anonimnog kvadransa sa Vimi- primerka (kat. 2–5) koja su predmet ovog priloga. nacijuma je drugi nalaz prona|en du` gorwomezij- 21 Mladenovi}, Woytek 2012, 11–12. Ovi primerci su ra- skog dela dunavskog limesa. Kvadrans iz Beograda, nije predstavqali deo zbirke Qubomira Kova~evi}a, koja je u najve}em obimu prikupqena na teritoriji Srbije. koji je prona|en na prostoru nekada{weg prista- 22 Woytek 2004, 35–68 (predstavqa najop{irniju noviju ni{ta rimskog Singidunuma, pripada Merkurovoj studiju o rudni~kom novcu, wegovim nominalima, datovawu, kov- grupi. Ako su anonimni kvadransi bili nameweni nici, funkciji, s katalogom poznatih tipova); Woytek 2004a, razli~itim fiskalnim slu`bama i teritorijama, 134–139 (prethodno publikovani katalog je dopuwen jo{ jednim tipom); tako|e, cf. Mladenovi}, Woytek 2012, 10, ref. 6–7. a svojim predstavama simobolisali delatnost ili 23 Du{ani} 1978, 26, nap. 21; Stamenkovi} 2010, 12–13. mesto stacionirawa odre|ene slu`be, nalaz iz Be- 24 RIC II, 216, no. 7, Group II; Du{ani} 1978, 24, Grupa II. 1. ograda bi u tom slu~aju bio povezan sa po{tom, ca- 25 RIC II, 219, no. 32, Group IX; prona|en je zajedno s jed- rinama ili vektigalima.31 Viminacijumski prime- nim rudni~kim kvadransom, prilikom arheolo{kih iskopava- rak Apolonove grupe bi, sledstveno tome, pripadao wa u Dowem gradu (lokalitet „Anti~ko naseqe“) na prostoru nekada{weg pristani{ta rimskog Singidunuma, cf. Stamenko- qudstvu zaduènom za organizovawe takmi~ewa u vi} 2010, 9. 32 odgovaraju}im umetnostima. Ovo ne bi predsta- 26 Jedan od wih pripada Marsovoj grupi, dok je drugi neo- vqalo iznena|ewe s obzirom na to da su u Vimina- dre|en, cf. Stamenkovi} 2010, 13. cijumu sasvim sigurno odràvana razli~ita umet- 27 Jedan pripada Marsovoj grupi (RIC II, 218, no. 19), a ni~ka takmi~ewa i druge sli~ne manifestacije. drugi Apolonovoj (RIC II, 218, no. 27), cf. Mladenovi}, Woytek 2012, 12, cat. 3–4. îwenica da je prona|en na podru~ju nekropole, u 28 Na lokalitetu „Majdani{te“ je 1961. g. prona|ena osta- blizini groba inhumiranog pokojnika, upu}uje na va od 14 primeraka anonimnih kvadransa. Samo stotinak metara wegovu funeralnu upotrebu prilikom neke od re- daqe, na lokalitetu „Crkvina“jeprilikom arheolo{kih istra- dovnih godi{wih da}a.33 Funeralna upotreba nov- ìvawa prona|eno jo{ 4 primerka. Sa istog lokaliteta poti- ~u jo{ 4 komada anonimnih kvadransa koji su za Zemaqski mu- ca, kako u grobovima, tako i na `rtvenim povr{i- zej u Sarajevu pribavqeni od lokalnih rudara, cf. Basler 1973, nama uz grobove, raznolika je i ukazuje na bogatiji 261–269 (T. I–II); Du{ani} 1978, 26–29. U prepisci sa kolegama kontekst, koji i daqe ne razumemo u potpunosti.34 Tomislavom Bili}em i Miroslavom Na|em iz Arheolo{kog Kakav god da je bio funeralni kontekst ovog ano- muzeja u Zagrebu, saznali smo da u wihovoj numizmati~koj zbirci ne postoji nijedan primerak anonimnog kvadransa. nimnog kvadransa, treba naglasiti da povezivawe 29 Cf. supra ref. 28. motiva sa organizatorima umetni~kih takmi~ewa 30 Cf. supra ref. 24–27. tako|e ostaje u sferi hipoteze. Naime, iako tipovi 31 Du{ani} 1978, 33, nap. 72; Stamenkovi} 2010, 14. anonimnih kvadransa daju mesta u poku{ajima da 32 Du{ani} 1978, 33, nap. 70.

115 VOJVODA, PETROVI], METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS… (111–119) STARINAR LXVI/2016 se opredele slu`be na koje bi se pojedine vrste od- vao te oblasti sa Sirmijumom. Nalazi iz Banovog nosile, takvi predlozi u mnogim ta~kama ostaju Poqa su nepotpuni u smislu konteksta nalaza, ko- bez pravih dokaza.35 ji bi verovatno olak{ao boqe razumevawe pojave Ranije publikovanih pet primeraka rudni~kog velikog broja rudni~kog novca na ovom lokalitetu. novca iz kolekcije Fajfri}36 pripada istom ME- S druge strane, o zna~aju Viminacijuma kao pre- TAL DELM tipu, sa bistom Dijane na aversu i je- stonici provincije i va`nom upori{tu na ovom lenom na reversu. Ovom broju pridodajemo i na{ delu dunavskog limesaje ve} dosta govoreno. Ovom kat. br. 2, {to ovaj tip ~ini najzastupqenijom (6 prilikom, naglasi}emo zna~ajnu ulogu koju je imao kom.) grupom rudni~kog novca sa lokaliteta Duge u sistemu carina i trgovine,40 kao i u sistemu za- wive u Banovom Poqu. Istoj grupi, Metalli Delma- {tite rudni~kih oblasti u wegovom neposrednom tici, pripada i kat. br. 3 – sa glavom Marsa na aver- zale|u.41 su i predstavom oklopa na reversu. Slede dva iden- Nalazi anonimnog kvadransa sa viminacijum- ti~na kvadransa iz grupe Metalli Aureliani (kat. 4–5), ske nekropole Vi{e grobaqa i rudni~kog novca iz ~iju jedinu poznatu analogiju sa teritorije Srbije Banovog Poqa upotpuwavaju sliku topografije ove predstavqa kvadrans sa podru~ja Kosmaja.37 Devet vrste numizmati~kih nalaza. Wihovo publikova- primeraka rudni~kog novca sa lokaliteta Duge wi- we je, prvenstveno zaradi poznate provenijencije, ve u Banovom Poqu ~ine zna~ajan procenat od ukup- utoliko zna~ajnije za budu}a istraìvawa. nog broja poznatih primeraka rudni~kog novca u Srbiji. Wihovom zna~aju doprinosi i ~iwenica da sedam METAL DELM primeraka predstavqa prve primerke iz ove grupe ~ije nam je mesto nalaza 33 O ulozi novca u pogrebnim ritualima na nekropoli poznato. Osim toga, budu}i da smo do sada poznavali Vi{e grobaqa, cf. Vojvoda, Mr|i} 2015, 9–58, sa navedenom sta- samo jedan primerak tipa METALAVRELIANIS te rijom literaturom. dva primerka iz Banovog Poqa, oni znatno dopri- 34 S obzirom na to da izneto stajali{te (Apolonova grupa nose wegovoj procentualnoj zastupqenosti. Dosko- – organizatori umetni~kih takmi~ewa) polazi od hipoteze da tipovi anonimnih kvadransa opredequju grupe srodnih slu`bi ra je podru~je Kosmaja bilo znano kao mesto nalaza i daje primerak prona|en u blizini groba mu{karca, mogle bi najve}eg broja rudni~kog novca u Srbiji (12 kom.). se iznositi razli~ite pretpostavke koje ostaju samo u sferi Pri tome, treba imati u vidu da ti primercipoti- razmi{qawa, bez pravih dokaza (sahraweni mu{karac ili ~la- ~u sa najmawe tri lokaliteta (Babe, Guberevac i novi porodice i prijateqi su pripadali toj grupi slu`bi itd.). 35 Du{ani} 1978, 30; Stamenkovi} 2010, 15. Stojnik) koja su me|usobno udaqena 2–3 km.38 Na 36 Cf. supra ref. 20. sada{wem nivou na{ih saznawa, proizilazi da je 37 Du{ani} 1976, 98, ref. 39; Simi}, Vasi} 1977, 58, cat. 24. na lokalitetu Duge wive u Banovom Poqu regi- 38 Du{ani} 1976, karta (Le Kosmaj) u prilogu izme|u stra- strovana najve}a koncentracija (7 kom.) rudni~kog na 112 i 113. novca na jednom mestu. Ma~va je u antici predsta- 39 Oblast podriwskih rudnika rano prerasta u rudni~ku vqala razvijenu poqoprivrednu oblast, sa broj- teritoriju carskog domena (Argentaria), apotom ovaj region, koji su delile provincije Panonija i Dalmacija, tokom {e- nim imawima, mawim naseqima i razgranatom zdesetih godina II veka biva spojen pod upravu centenarija, sa mreòm puteva, u zale|u Sirmijuma i savskog re~- sedi{tem u Domaviji i s titulom procurator argentariarum nog puta. Osim poqoprivrede, na ekonomski razvoj Pannonicarum et Delmaticarum. Eksploatacija je verovatno za- ovog kraja je u velikoj meri uticalo i rudarstvo u po~eta jo{ u I veku, ali se posebno razvija u vreme Trajana i Hadrijana, kada su {panski rudnici ve} bili iscrpeni; cf. oblasti Podriwa, a s tim u vezi i va`na komuni- Du{ani} 1977: 66, 86–87; idem 1980: 21, 49; Vasi} 1985: 125–126; kacija koja je spajala Sirmijum i Salonu, preko Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Arsenijevi} 2008: 95–97; Vojvoda, Petrovi} Domavije (Srebrenica).39 Naseqe na Dugim wiva- 2011, 290. ma u Banovom Poquje sigurno bilo tesno povezano 40 Mirkovi} 1968, 142–143, ref. 72 (na Viminacijumu je posvedo~en c(onductor) portorii Illyrici, kao i Albinus Iuliorum sa vilama u neposrednoj blizini (Crkvine I, Cr- ser(vus) vil(icus); Du{ani} 1980, 26, nap. 124. Ukoliko bi se do- kvine II i Kqu~evi), a {ire i sa drugim posedima kazala hipoteza o povezanosti tipova anonimnih kvadransa i u okolini i, naravno, sa Sirmijumom kao centrom pojedinih slu`bi, na Viminacijumu bi se mogli o~ekivati na- u koji su se slivala dobra i gde se trgovalo. Ne mo- lazi kvadransa Merkurove grupe, poput onog iz Beograda. 41 èmo re}i da je ovo naseqe stajalo u direktnoj ve- Du{ani} 2000, 352–354, 358. Pored kohorti stacionira- nih u unutra{wosti radi za{tite puteva i rudni~kih oblasti, zi sa rudni~kim oblastima u Podriwu, osim da se Viminacijum i Singidunum su imali najva`nije uloge za bez- nalazilo u blizini putnog pravca koji je povezi- bednost provincije u celini.

116 VOJVODA, PETROVI], METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS… (111–119) STARINAR LXVI/2016

BIBLIOGRAFIJA:

Arsenijevi} 2009 – M. Arsenijevi}, Katalog novca, Du{ani} 1980 – S. Du{ani}, Organizacija u: Kora}, Golubovi}, Viminacium, Vi{e Grobalja, Tom 2: rimskog rudarstva u Noriku, Panoniji, Dalmaciji 439–496. Beograd: Arheolo{ki institut. i Gorwoj Meziji, Istorijski glasnik 1–2 (1980), Basler 1973 – \. Basler, Nalaz novaca iz predrim- 1980, 7–55. skog doba u Japri, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja Bosne i Du{ani} 2000 – S. Du{ani}, Army and Mining in Hercegovine u Sarajevu, Arheologija, n.s. XXVII/ Moesia Superior, in: Kaiser, Heer und Gesellschaft in XXVIII (1972/1973), 261–271. der Römischen Kaiserzeit, eds. G. Alföldy, B. Dobson, BMC III – H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Em- W. Eck, 2000, Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 343–364. pire in the British Museum, III, Nerva to Hadrian, 1936, Kora}, Golubovi} 2009 – M. Kora}, S. Golubovi}, London: British Museum Trustees. Viminacium, Vi{e grobalja, Tom 2. Beograd: Arheolo- BMC IV – H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Em- {ki institut. pire in the British Museum, IV, Antoninus Pius to Com- Mari} 1955 – R. Mari}, Prilozi anti~koj isto- modus, 1966, London: British Museum Trustees. riji Srbije, Starinar n.s. III–IV (1952–1953) 1955, Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Arsenijevi} 2008 – B. Bori}-Bre- 25–44. {kovi}, M. Arsenijevi}, The Roman Denarii Hoard from Mari} 1956 – R. Mari}, Iz numizmati~ke Radalj near Drina, Numizmati~ar 26–27 (2003–2004), zbirke Narodnog muzeja, Starinar n.s. V–VI 2008, 93–156. (1954–1955) 1956, 349–355. Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Petrovi} 2012 – B. Bori}- Mirkovi} 1968 – M. Mirkovi}, Rimski gradovi na Bre{kovi}, S. Petrovi}, Nalazi bronzanog novca Dunavu u Gornjoj Meziji, 1968, Beograd: Arheolo{ko Viminacijuma i provincije Dakije u Ma~vi, Numi- dru{tvo Jugoslavije. zmati~ar 30 (2012), 135–154. Mladenovi}, Woytek 2012 – D. Mladenovi}, B. van Heesch 1979 – J. van Heesch, Studie over de Woytek, METAL DELM. Unpublished quadrantes from Semis en de Quadrans van Domitianus tot en met Anto- the National Museum in Belgrade and the Fajfri} Col- ninus Pius (Licentiaat – thesis, unpublished), Univer- lection, Numizmati~ar 30 (2012), 2012, 9–21. sity of Ghent 1979. RIC II – H. Mattingly, E. A. Sydenham, The Ro- Vasi} 1985 – M. Vasi}, Ma~va i Podriwe u man Imperial Coinage, II, Vespasianto Hadrian, Lon- rimsko doba, Glasnik SAD 2 (1985), 124–141. don 1926, repr.1962: Spink & Son Ltd. Vojvoda, Petrovi} 2011 – M. Vojvoda, S. Petro- Simi}, Vasi} 1977– V. Simi}, M. Vasi}, La Monna- vi}, Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje iz Banovog ie des mines romaines de l’Illyrie, Revue Numismati- Poqa u Ma~vi, Numizmati~ar 29 (2011), 283–307. que, 6e série, Tome 19 (1977), 1977, 48–61. Vojvoda, Petrovi} 2014 – M. Vojvoda, S. Petro- Simi}, Vasi} 1985 – V. Simi}, M. Vasi}, Composi- vi}, Nalazi rimskog carskog novca iz Banovog po- tion chemique de la monnaie des mines, Numizmati~ar qa u Ma~vi (denari i antoninijani), Numizmati~ar 8 (1985), 1985, 36–44. 32 (2014), 135–159. Stamenkovi} 2010 – S. Stamenkovi}, A mine-coin Vojvoda, Mr|i} 2015 – M. Vojvoda, N. Mr|i}, Co- and an anonymous quadrans from Singidunum, Numi- in Finds from Viminacium Necropolis Vi{e grobalja and zmati~ar 28 (2010), 2010, 9–19. their Role in Funeral Ritual/Nalazi novca sa viminaci- ^er{kov 1970 – Municipium DD kod So~anice, jumske nekropole Vi{e grobalja i njihova uloga u pogreb- 1970, Pri{tina–Beograd: Muzej Kosova, Arheolo{ko nom ritualu, 2015, Beograd: Arheolo{ki institut. dru{tvo Jugoslavije. Du{ani} 1976 – S. Du{ani}, Le nord-ouest de la [kegro 1995 – A. [kegro, Rimski rudni~ki novac, Mésie Supérieure, dans: Inscriptiones de la Mésie Opvscula Archaeologica 18 (1994), 1995, 173–180. Supérieure I, Beograd, 1976, 52–94. Woytek 2004–B. Woytek, Die Metalla-Prägungen Du{ani} 1977– S. Du{ani}, Aspects of Roman Mi- des Kaisers Traian und seiner Nachfolger, Numismatische ning in Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia and Moesia Su- Zeitschrift 111/112 (2004), 2004, 35–68. perior, Aufsteig und Niedergang der Römischen Welt II.6, Woytek 2004a – B. Woytek, Die Metalla-Prägungen Berlin – New York, 1977, 52–94. des Kaisers Traian und seiner Nachfolger: Sumpple- Du{ani} 1978 – S. Du{ani}, Anonimni kva- mentum, Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Numisma- dransi, Numizmati~ar 1 (1978), 23–39. tischen Gesellschaft 44/4 (2004), 2004, 134–139.

117 VOJVODA, PETROVI], METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS… (111–119) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Summary: MIRJANA D. VOJVODA, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade SLAVOLJUB L. PETROVI], National Museum, [abac

METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS Contribution to the study of mining coins and anonymous quadrantes

Key words. – nummi metallorum, metalli Delmatici, metalli Aureliani, anonymous quadrantes, Banovo Polje, Viminacium.

In the course of rescue archaeological investigations at the Vi- lection of Petar Fajfri} from [abac (cat. 2–5). All specimens minacium necropolis of Vi{e Grobalja in 1984, one anonymous come from the well known site of Duge Njive in the area of the quadrans of the VIII Apollo group was discovered (cat. 1). It village of Banatsko Polje (Bogati} borough) where, by all appe- was discovered in trench 63 in the immediate vicinity of a grave arances, are the remains of a vicus or smaller settlement. Five with an inhumation (G 343) that, besides two pottery vessels, specimens of mining coins from that site have already been also yielded as grave offerings one as of Faustina the Elder, published. minted after her death, in AD 141. Other finds presented here Both mining coins and anonymous quadrantes represent, in are four specimens of Roman mining coins from the private col- general, rare types of numismatic finds. Nine anonymous quad-

ANONYMOUS QUADRANTES GROUP FINDING PLACE NOS. PCS. % II – Minerva Kosmaj area 3 34.00 Vajfert Collection (1); VI – Mars 2 22.00 Kova~evi} Collection (1) Kova~evi} Collection (1); VIII – Apollo Viminacium (1) 2 22.00 IX – Mercury Belgrade 1 11.00 Indeterminate group Vajfert Collection 1 11.00 TOTAL 9 100 MINING COINS Kosmaj area (1); Ibar valley (1); DARDANIANS So~anica (1); 8 21.05 Vajfert Collection (4); Collection Krakow (1) Kosmaj area (5); Vajfert Collection (1); METALLI VLPIANI Ritopek (1); 8 21.05 Belgrade (1) METALLI VLPIANI DELM Kosmaj area 1 2.63 Vajfert Collection (3); unknown site (1); METAL DELM Kova~evi} Collection (2); 13 34.21 Banovo Polje (7) METAL PANNONICIS Kosmaj area 3 7.90 Kosmaj area (1); AELIANA PINCENSIA Vajfert Collection (1) 2 5.26 METAL AVRELIANIS Kosmaj area (1); 3 7.90 Banovo Polje (2) TOTAL 38 100

Table 1. Representation of groups of known anonymous quadrantes and mining coins from the territory of Serbia

118 VOJVODA, PETROVI], METAL DELM – METAL AVRELIANIS… (111–119) STARINAR LXVI/2016 rantes are known so far from the territory of Serbia (Table 1) one of Mercury and one undetermined (Table 1). The anonymous and the provenance is known for three specimens from the quadrans from Viminacium is the second of its kind discovered region of Guberevac–Babe (Kosmaj), housed in the National along the Upper Moesia section of the Danube limes. The quad- Museum in Belgrade. All three belong to the Minerva group rans from Singidunum was found in the zone of the Roman with an owl facing to the right represented on the reverse. For Singidunum harbour and belongs to the Mercury group. two more anonymous quadrantes the place of discovery is Five specimens of mining coins in the Fajfri} collection known: one specimen comes from Singidunum and belongs to published earlier belong to the same METAL DELM type with the Mercury group and the other that was found at Viminacium a bust of Diana on the obverse and deer on the reverse. To this and is the subject of this paper is of the Apollo group. There are group should be added our specimen cat. 2, and as such this type four more specimens from unknown sites for which it is is the best represented group (6) of mining coins from the site of assumed that they come from the Upper Moesia territory. Two Duge Njive at Banovo Polje. The same group, Metalli Delmatici, of them are from the Vajfert collection and two from the also includes cat. 3, which has the head of Mars on the obverse Kova~evi} collection in the National Museum in Belgrade, and armour on the reverse. Then there are the two identical qua- There has, however, been a somewhat greater number (38) drantes of the group MetalliAureliani (cat. 4, 5) and their only of Roman mining coins discovered in Serbia (Table 1). We know analogy from the territory of Serbia is the quadrans from the the finding locations of 25 of them: from the Kosmaj area (Babe, Kosmaj area. The nine specimens of mining coins from the site Guberevac and Stojnik), the Ibar valley (from the vicinity of of Duge Njive at Banovo Polje make up a considerable propor- Trep~a and So~anica), Ritopek, Belgrade and Banovo Polje. We tion of the total number of mining coins in Serbia. Their impor- do not know the provenance for the remaining 13 specimens, tance is even greater because of the fact that seven METAL but it is assumed that they come from the Upper Moesia territory. DELM specimens are the first of that group for which we know The anonymous quadrans discovered at the Viminacium ne- the finding location. cropolis of Vi{e Grobalja belongs, as previously mentioned, to Finds of the anonymous quadrans from the Viminacium the Apollo group. The only analogous piece known from the ter- necropolis of Vi{e Grobalja and the mining coins from Banovo ritory of Serbia comes from the Kova~evi} collection in the Nati- Polje complete the picture of the topography of this kind of onal Museum in Belgrade. Most of the known specimens belong numismatic finds. Their publishing is, mainly because of the to the Minerva group (3), there are two pieces of the Mars group, known provenance, more significant for future investigations.

119

CÃLIN TIMOC, Banat Museum, Timiºoara IMOLA BODA, Center for Roman Studies, Babeº–Bolyai University, Cluj–Napoca

NOTES ON THE DOLICHENIAN MONUMENT FROM PINCUM / VELIKO GRADI[TE (CIL III 14503, 1 = AE 1902, 20) *

UDK: 930.2:003.071=124'02(497.11)"02" e-mail: [email protected] DOI: 10.2298/STA1666121T Received: January 27, 2016 Short communication Accepted: March 24, 2016

Abstract. – A small inscribed statuette base, found in Pincum (Veliko Gradi{te), and belonging to the antiquities collector Imre Pongrácz, was rediscovered recently in the deposits of the Banat Museum. This fact put in a new light all that we have known so far about this object, which was thought to be lost. The inscription is dedicated to Dulcenus, a form of the name of the deity Iuppiter Dolichenus, by two standard-bearers of the legio VII Claudia. In the upper part of the stone can be seen traces of the four hooves of an ox and the central quadrangular support by which the animal’s body was sustained. The ex voto can be determined chronologically, by the style of the letters and the form of the message, to the 3rd century AD.

Key words. – Roman period, religion, Iuppiter Dolichenus, Latin inscription, Pincum.

n the current research literature linked to the Doli- It is well known that, after the passing of Imre chenian cult, an inscription discovered in Veliko Pongrácz, believed to have been on August 5th 1903,2 I Gradi{te, accompanied by a vague sketch, sum- the then curator of the Banat Museum, the famous marily published for the 1st time in 1901 by Anton von numismatist István Berkeszi,3 with the financial sup- Premerstein, is often quoted. port of Budapest, purchased, for the cultural institution In the contents of the periodical, it was explicitly of Timiºoara, the entire collection of over 6000 objects specified that the inscribed monument was the proper- ty of Emerich von Pongrácz, (as he is mentioned in Premerstein, although the author signed his studies as 1 CIL III 14503,1 = CCID 86 = AE 1902, 20; EDCS-16800215; Pongrácz Imre), a discharged major of the Royal Hun- Ladek, Premerstein, Vuli} 1901; Jovi~i} 2013, 537–548. The most garian Honvéd, quartered in Orºova. The specimen amusing piece of information is presented in the corpus dedicated to the Dolichenian monuments, where it is presumed that the specimen was declared lost and from then, in the literature, con- was part of the collection of the Belgrade Museum and that it was, troversial information on both the text of the inscrip- at a certain time, lost. See also, Zotovi} 1966, 101. tion and the preservation location began to arise.1 2 The death certificate is held, along with sketches, in the pri- The purpose of this paper is to clarify these pieces vate collection of the Banat Museum of Timiºoara. 3 of information and thus determine the details of the István Berkeszi was the secretary (1902–1918) of the “Délma- gyarországi Történelmi és Régészeti Társulat” (The History and Dolichenian monument, which can improve the “Corpus Archaeology Association of Southern Hungary): Bodor 1996, 64–84; Cultus Iovis Dolicheni (CCID).” Balla 2007, 7–9; Boda, Varga 2013, 397–412.

* The paper was sustained from the exhibit project Lapidarium 3D of the Banat Museum Timiºoara, financed by the County Council of Timiºoara. This work was supported by a grant from the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research, CNCS-UEFISCDI, project number PNII-RU-TE-2014-4-0488.

121 TIMOC, BODA, Notes on the Dolichenian Monument from Pincum / Veliko Gradi{te (121–127) STARINAR LXVI/2016

from the relatives of the deceased major. The Pongrácz collection (it consisted, in its great majority, of antiquities found at sites on the Serbian shores of The Danube), was, for a long time, the most valuable of all the collections of the Banat Museum.4 With this document we only wish to re-establish the truth and provide researchers and the general public with all the precise expository facts regarding this small inscribed monument. An utter novelty (a situation that was not reported by Premerstein) is that, on the upper side of the stone, the marks of four hooves, arranged asymmetrically, that suggest a moving bovine, which can only be the Doli- chenian bull ridden by a deity, and an altar beneath the body of the animal can be seen. The monument was “rediscovered” on the occasion Fig. 1. Drawing and text of the Dolichenian monument of moving the archaeological storerooms as a result of from Pincum, published in 1901 the refurbishment work carried out at Huniade Castle, (after: Ladek, Premerstein, Vuli} 1901, 73) the headquarters of the Banat Museum of Timiºoara. Sl. 2. Crte` i tekst dolihenskog spomenika The discussed object is dedicated, according to the iz Pinkuma, objavqeni 1901. godine inscription, to Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Dulcenus by (prema: Ladek, Premerstein, Vuli} 1901, 73) Aelius Silvanus and ¡Aelius¿ Leonides. The exact origin

Fig. 2. Scale drawing of the Dolichenian monument from Pincum (made by: Silviu Saftu, Banat Museum Timiºoara) Sl. 2. Razmerni crte` dolihenskog spomenika iz Pinkuma (nacrtao: Silviu Saftu, Muzej Banata Temi{var)

122 TIMOC, BODA, Notes on the Dolichenian Monument from Pincum / Veliko Gradi{te (121–127) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 3. Overexposed photograph giving a better view of the inscription (© Claudiu Toma, West University Timiºoara) Sl. 3. Preeksponirana fotografija koja pru`a boqi pogled na natpis (© Klaudiu Toma, Zapadni univerzitet u Temi{varu) of the dedicators is hard to determine, as the epigraph trum of this legion, at Viminacium (Kostolac).13 The doesn’t mention ethnicity, nationality, local citizenship, epigraphical source doesn’t offer any absolute infor- origo or domus. We can only assume that Leonides had mation regarding their association with a certain some Oriental roots (his name is a Latinized form of legion. lewnidhj),5 but this doesn’t necessarily mean that he Regarding the name of the deity recorded as Dul- personally came from the Greek-speaking part of the cenus (instead of the regular Dolichenus), it also doesn’t Empire. The cognomen is frequent throughout the constitute a rarity in the Roman Empire. The formula Roman Empire, in Rome as well as in the provinces, Iovi optimo maximo Dulceno is attested in Domneºti,14 without being concentrated in a certain geographical region.6 Also hard to determine is the relationship between the dedicators; this could be of kinship or a professional/collegial partnership. The nomen Aelius is 4 Medeleþ, Toma 1997, 75–77. popular from the beginning of Hadrian’s reign. 5 Eck 1992, 237. Iuppiter Dolichenus’ religion was widespread in the 6 For example: AE 1987, 132; AE 1960, 90; CIL III 5835a; Roman Empire, especially within the army.7 CIL VI 7326, 15483, 18651, 20876, 21030; CIL VIII 3015; CIL X 160; CIL XI, 7792; EDCS-65300008. In this category the present monument, where the 7 See: Zappata 1996, 87–255; Bellelli 1996, 305–328; Chini main characters indicate their military status – sig- 1996, 329–347; Sorrenti 1996, 367–453; Rüpke 2003, 105–118; niferi legionis – is also included. Carbó García 2010, 187; Blömer, Winter 2012; Witschel 2012, 13–38; Overall, another four examples from the Roman Sanzi 2013, 17–151. 8 Empire, in which the dedicators were signiferi, are IDR III/3, 15. 9 CCID 273. known: Aquae,8 Emona,9 Lambaesis10 and Carnun- 10 CIL VIII 18224 = AE 1891, 4 = CCID 623. 11 tum. 11 CIL III 11135 = AE 1983, 767 = CCID 232. It was supposed that the two signiferi could have 12 Jovi~i} 2013, 537–548. 12 been from the legio VII Claudia, because Veliko 13 Benea 1983, 97, 136–137. Gradi{te is located in the immediate vicinity of the cas- 14 CIL III 3462 = CIL III 13366 = CCID 138.

123 TIMOC, BODA, Notes on the Dolichenian Monument from Pincum / Veliko Gradi{te (121–127) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 4. Photographs of the upper and back side of the marble monument (© Claudiu Toma, West University Timiºoara) Sl. 4. Fotografije predwe i zadwe strane mermernog spomenika (©Klaudiu Toma, Zapadni univerzitet u Temi{varu)

Vrlika,15 Mauer an der Url,16 Aquincum17 and at an with his rarely encountered name, which implies a unknown location in Pannonia Inferior.18 local influence. The name Dulcenus (without being assimilated The artifact is of a small size (12.5 x 5.6 x 8 cm) with Iuppiter Optimus Maximus) is recorded in three and the writing is negligent – probably the work of an instances, at Mauer an der Url19 and Ampelum respec- inexperienced artisan, most probably local. For this tively.20 reason it is assumed that the manufacturing manner of Both the name of the deity, as well as the style of the ex voto suggest that the monument was made in a the monument reveal a local manufacturer, a provin- local (provincial) workshop. cial workshop. Regarding the dating, according to the The marble pedestal with this particular inscription writing and the name of the deity, it can be framed after falls into the category of the miniature monuments to be the latter half of the 3rd century AD. Instead of presenting a conclusion about the discussed monument, we can underline the fact that the 15 statuette base represents an ex voto with the representa- CIL III 9827 a = CCID 122. 16 tion of a bull ridden by a god: the ex voto implies that the AE 1982, 734 = CCID 310. 17 CIL III 3462 = CIL III 13366 = CCID 183. specimen was located in a place of worship at Pincum 18 AE 1972, 428 = CCID 182. (Veliko Gradi{te) dedicated to one or more deities. The 19 AE 1939, 125, 271 = CCID 300; AE 1982, 739 = CCID writing falls into the series of the few specimens at the 313; AE 1982, 740 = CCID 316. level of the Roman Empire on which Dolichenus appears 20 IDR III/3, 296.

124 TIMOC, BODA, Notes on the Dolichenian Monument from Pincum / Veliko Gradi{te (121–127) STARINAR LXVI/2016 exhibited online (open access), in a modern, dynamic beneath the animal’s body have remained intact (the style, in a PDF format (so they can be accessed from any closest analogy, from a topographic point of view, with device) within the virtual exhibit Lapidarium 3D of the the presence of the shrine under the body of the animal, Banat Museum of Timiºoara (www.muzeulbanatului. is represented by the Dolichenian monument of Egeta,21 ro), which aims to promote the archaeological, cultural but such a representation is propagated on a much wider patrimony and its private collections. territory,22 which, in some cases, are also inscribed).23 6. The inscription: Specimen description Io(i) Opt(imo) M(aximo) 1. Name: Inscribed Dolichenian statuette base; Dl(i)c(h)eno e/x vot(o) Ael(i) 2. Material, technology: grey marble, sculpted with Silvanus / ±hμet Leonides leg(ionis) sig(niferi) / a carelessly incised inscription, in four lines, the letters ¡b¿en(e) mr(enti) being marked in black. 7. Place of discovery: The Roman fortification of 3. Conservation status: fragmentary, only the base Veliko Gradi{te / Pincum, Moesia Superior, discovered of the statue, worn on the corners, is preserved; in the year 1899. The piece was sold to the Honvéd 4. Dimensions: Length = 12.5 cm; height (base) = Officer of Orºova Imre Pongrácz in the late 19th centu- 5.6 cm; height (total) = 8 cm; width = 5.5 cm; height ry by a Serbian merchant, thus entering his private col- (letters) =1.1 cm; lection. 5. Description: Quadrilateral base of a Dolichenian 8. Custody location: Banat Museum of Timiºoara statuette of which only the bull’s hooves and the shrine (Pongrácz collection), MBT inventory No., 1300.

21 Jovi~i} 2013, 537–548, fig. 4. 22 Some of the many examples: CCID fig, 18, 62, 90–92, 206–207, 242, 410, 588. 23 CCID Image No. 62, 206.

125 TIMOC, BODA, Notes on the Dolichenian Monument from Pincum / Veliko Gradi{te (121–127) STARINAR LXVI/2016

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Balla 2007 – L. Balla, A Dél-Magyarországi EDCS – Epigraphik Datenbank Clauss-Slaby: Történelmi és Régészeti Társulattól a Temesvári http://www.manfredclauss.de/ (last accessed 14.03.2016). Szépmuvészeti Múzeumig 1872–2006, Magyar Jovi~i} 2013 – M. Jovi~i}, The cult of Jupiter Doli- Múzeumok 2, 13. 2, 2007, 7–9. chenus along the Serbian part of the limes in Moesia Bellelli 1996 – G. M. Bellelli, Les sanctuaires de Superior and Pannonia Inferior, in: M. Sanader, A. Iuppiter Dolichenus à Rome, in: G. M. Bellelli, U. Rendi}-Mio~evi}, D. Ton~ini}, I. Radman Livaja (eds.), Bianchi (eds.), Orientalia Sacra Urbis Romae. Doli- XVII Roman Military Equipment Conference, Zagreb chena et Heliopolitana, Roma 1996, 305–329. 2013, 537–548. Benea 1983 – D. Benea, Din istoria militarº a Medeleþ, Toma 1997 – Fl. Medeleþ, N. Toma, Moesiei Superior ºi a Daciei. Legiunea a VII-a Claudia Muzeul Banatului. File de cronicã I. (1872–1918), ºi legiunea a III-a Flavia, Cluj–Napoca 1983. Timiºoara 1997, 75–77. Blömer, Winter 2012 – M. Blömer, E. Winter Ladek, Premerstein, Vuli} 1901 – F. Ladek, A. v. (eds.), Iuppiter Dolichenus. Vom Lokalkult zur Reichs- Premerstein, N. Vuli}, Antike Denkmäler in Serbien, religion, Tübingen, 2012. Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Ins- Boda, Varga 2013 – I. Boda, R. Varga, Archaeolo- titutes 4, Wien, 1901, 73. gical research in the Banat Region at the end of the 19th Rüpke 2003 – J. Rüpke, Integration and transfor- century and the beginning of the 20th century, in: A. mation of the Religion of Immigrants: observations on Stavilã, D. Micle, A. Cîntar, C. Floca, S. Forþiu (eds), the inscriptions for Iuppiter Dolichenus at Rome, Studia ArheoVest I: In Memoriam Liviu Mãruia, Szeged 2013, historica: historia antiqua 21, 2003, 105–118. 397–412. Sanzi 2013 – E. Sanzi, Ivppiter Optimvs Maximvs Bodor 1996 – A. Bodor, Erdély ókori történetének Dolichenus. Un “culto orientale” fra tradizione e inno- kutatása a XIX. század közepétol az elso világháború vazione: riflessioni storico-religiose, Roma 2013. végéig, in: A. Kovács, G. Sipos, S. Tonk (eds.), Emlék- Sorrenti 1996 – Les représentations figurées de könyv Jakó Zsigmond születésének nyolcvanadik évfor- Jupiter Dolichénien à Rome, in: G. M. Bellelli, U. dulójára, Cluj–Napoca, 1996, II edition, Cluj–Napoca Bianchi (eds.), Orientalia Sacra Urbis Romae. Doli- 2005, 64–84. chena et Heliopolitana, Roma 1996, 367–453. Carbó García 2010 – J. R. Carbó García, Los cul- Witschel 2012 – C. Witschel “Orientalische Kulte” tos orientales en la Dacia Romana. Formas de difuzión, im remischen Reich – neue Perspektiven der ltertum- integración, y control social e ideológico, Salamanca swissenschaftlichen Forschung, in: M. Blömer, E. 2010. Winter (eds.), Iuppiter Dolichenus. Vom Lokalkult zur CCID – M. Hörig, E. Schwertheim, Corpus Cultus Reichsreligion, 2012, 13–38. Iovis Dolicheni, Leiden 1987. Zappata 1996 – E. Zappata, Les divinités doliché- Chini 1996 – P. Chini, Le Dolocenum de l’Aventin: niennes et les sources épigraphiques latines, in: G. M. Interprétation des structures, in: G. M. Bellelli, U. Bianchi Bellelli, U. Bianchi (eds.), Orientalia Sacra Urbis Romae. (eds.), Orientalia Sacra Urbis Romae. Dolichena et Dolichena et Heliopolitana, Roma 1996, 87–255. Heliopolitana, Roma 1996, 329–347. Zotovi} 1966 – L. Zotovi}, Les cultes orientaux sur Eck 1992 – W. Eck, P. Aelius Apollonides, ab epis- le territoire de la Mésie Supérieure, Leiden, E.J. Brill tulis Graecis, und ein Brief des Cornelius Fronto, Zeit- 1966. schrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 91, 236–242.

126 TIMOC, BODA, Notes on the Dolichenian Monument from Pincum / Veliko Gradi{te (121–127) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Rezime: KALIN TIMOK, Muzej Banata, Temi{var IMOLA BODA, Centar za rimske studije, Univerzitet Babe{–Boqai, Klu`–Napoka

BELE[KE O DOLIHENSKOM SPOMENIKU IZ PINKUMA / VELIKO GRADI[TE (CIL III 14503, 1 = AE 1902, 20)

Kqu~ne re~i. – rimsko razdobqe, religija, Iuppiter Dolichenus, latinski natpis, Pinkum.

Jedan natpis na malenom vajarskom mramornom spomeniku, Natpis je posve}en Dulcenus-u, koji predstavqa jedan prona|enom pre vi{e od jednog veka u Pinkumu (Veliko vid obra}awa dvaju zastavnika iz VII Klaudijeve legije Ju- Gradi{te), a koji je pripadao kolekcionaru antikviteta piteru Dolihenusu. Na gorwem delu plo~e vide se tragovi Imreu Pongracu, ponovo je otkriven u skladi{tu Muzeja ~etiriju rascepqenih kopita jednog biqojeda, verovatno Banata u Temi{varu. nekog bika, i jedan kubni oslonac u centralnom delu koji Ova ~iwenica baca potpuno novo svetlo na sve ono {to podupire trbuh `ivotiwe. Ex voto mo`e biti ukqu~en u rim- smo do sada znali iz stru~ne literature o ovom predmetu, ski provincijski umetni~ki stil, a prema formatu slova za koji se do sada mislilo da je izgubqen. i realizaciji skra}enica, u razdobqe III veka posle Hr.

127

IVANA POPOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade SNE@ANA FERJAN^I], University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History, Belgrade

CUP-BEARER OF CONSTANTIUS II AND EARLY CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE NECROPOLIS OF ST SYNEROTES IN SIRMIUM*

UDK: 930.2:003.071=14'02(497.113)"03" e-mail: [email protected] 904:726.821(497.113)"03" Received: September 25, 2015 DOI: 10.2298/STA1666129P Accepted: February 10, 2016 Short communication

Abstract. – During the archaeological excavations performed in 1969/70 at the northern necropolis of Sirmium, around the Basilica of St Synerotes, a few sepulchral slabs with inscriptions and symbols of Early Christian character were discovered. The inscription on one slab, which reads: [¯1 ? M]arturiu/[s p]incerna / [C]onstanti / [I]nperatori/[s (!) qui] vixsit (!) an/n[is] nonag/inta una cu/m matron/a sua Man/[- - -, shows that this is a tombstone of a certain Marturius, the cup-bearer of Constantius II. This emperor spent many months in Sirmium during 351–352 and 357–359, celebrating twice in this city the triumph over Quadi and Sarmatae, and intensifying not only the building of its infrastructure, but also of the sacral structures. As a fervent Christian of Arian orientation, he organised four ecclesiastical synods in Sirmium. On another slab, an inscription in Greek letters is written around a Christogram in a double circle, while on the third slab, decorated with floral motifs around a Christogram, the inscription is partly preserved. These tombstones are located south of the southern portico of Basilica of St Synerotes.

Key words. – Roman period, Sirmium, Basilica of St Synerotes, Early Christian inscriptions, cup-bearer, Constantius II.

he first expert archaeological excavations of Synerotes was confirmed and, at the beginning of the ancient Sirmium in 1882 were initiated by a ninth decade of the 19th century, Hytrek confirmed the T chance-find from 1875, when two sepulchral suppositions regarding its location in the northern slabs on which the martyr Synerotes is mentioned were necropolis (fig. 1). During the campaigns of 1882/83 discovered. On these epitaphs the name of the Sirmian he discovered a one-nave basilica, with dimensions of martyr, a gardener executed on February 25th 305 be- 19.30 x 30.30 m, and an apse on its western side and cause of an objection that the wife of an officer from produced its plan.3 However, the remnants of this build- the Emperor’s Guard was entering his garden,1 appears ing have been destroyed, and after the recent analysis in the framework of two formulas: …ad beatu[m] Synerot[em] martire[m] (!) … and … ad dominem Synerotem…2 The slabs were found north-west of Mitro- 1 Zeiller 1918, 87–88. vica, not far from the location of Majurska Bara or na 2 CIL III, 10232, 10233; Ljubi} 1883, 19; Hytrek 1894, 5; Vrbici, in the region of the northern city-necropolis of Brun{mid 1909, 188–189, br. 393, 394. Sirmium. As a result, the existence of the Basilica of St 3 Hytrek 1894, 5, Pl. I.

* This article is the result of the projects: Romanisation, urbanisation and transformation of urban centres of civil, military and residential character in Roman provinces in the territory of Serbia (no. 177007, I. Popovi}); City life in Antiquity: The expansion of cities and urban civilisation in the Balkans and the neighbouring areas from the Hellenistic to the Late Roman period (no. 177005, S. Ferjan~i}) funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

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Fig. 1. Sirmium in the 4–5th century, necropolises and cultic structures: a – Basilica of St Synerotes; b, d – triconchal martyrium with a chapel; c – Basilica of St Irenaeus; e – martyrium (of St Irenaeus ?); f – city church (of St Demetrius ?); g – church (of St Anastasia ?) discovered and demolished in the 19th century; 1 – rampart; 2 – settlement; 3 – necropolises; 4 – marshland; 5 – streets; 6 – supposed location of the interior rampart (after: Jeremi} 2006, Fig. 1, with added church g) Sl. 1. Sirmijum u IV–V veku, nekropole i kultna mesta: a – bazilika sv. Sinerota; b, d – trikonhalni martirijum i kapela; c – bazilika sv. Irineja; e – martirijum (sv. Irineja ?); f – gradska crkva (sv. Dimitrija ?); g – crkva otkrivena i uni{tena u XIX veku (sv. Anastasije ?); 1 – bedem; 2 – naseqe; 3 – nekropole; 4 – mo~vare; 5 – ulice; 6 – pretpostavqena trasa unutra{weg bedema (prema: Jeremi} 2006, Fig. 1, sa dodatkom crkve g) of Hytrek’s plans, of the presented dimensions of the pagan necropolis. 332 graves of different constructions building and of the inscriptions on the sepulchral slabs, were researched, most of them orientated in the direc- the conclusion was made that this was a three-nave tion east-west, with incinerated deceased persons.8 basilica with its apse to the east (fig. 2).4 During his excavations in 1882/83, Hytrek also discovered the part of a necropolis with graves of different construction and with numerous sepulchral slabs. On one of 4 Jeremi} 2006, 117–128. 5 them is written: Syner]otis ma[rtyris… In the second 5 Brun{mid 1909, 190, br. 395. half of the 20th century, the necropolis was researched 6 The excavations were performed by the Regional Institution again on two occasions: during the protective excava- for the Protection of Cultural Monuments in Novi Sad, under the 6 direction of dr Olga Brukner. tions in 1960/61 and during the revising excavations, 7 7 The excavations were executed in the framework of the on a larger scale, conducted in 1969/70. The goal of Yugoslav-American archaeological project, directed by dr Vladislav these researches was to define the area of the Early Popovi} and dr Edvard Oshenschlager. Christian cemetery and its relationship to the earlier 8 Milo{evi} 2001, 168–170.

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Fig. 2. Plan of the Basilica of St Synerotes (after: a) Hytrek 1894, Pl. I; b) Jeremi} 2006, fig. 9b) Sl. 2. Plan bazilike sv. Sinerota (prema: a) Hytrek 1894, Pl. I; b) Jeremi} 2006, fig. 9b)

Unfortunately, a great number of the grave structures but, since they were photographed during the excava- was devastated and, during the Turkish period, certain tions and immediately after them, in 1969 and 1971, parts of land have been moved from one location to their appearance at the moment of discovery is known, another. The fragmented tombstones with the Christian and a large part of the text, especially of the one in symbols and inscriptions, one in Greek (inv. 191), disco- Latin, can be reconstructed. vered in 1969, and the other in Latin (inv. 666), found 1. White marble slab, broken into five fragments in 1970,9 are the only testimonies that the deceased (inv. 666/1970). Dimensions: 47 x 28 x 2.50 cm. The were Christians, because the surrounding finds, which right and lower parts of the slab are missing. The in- were, probably, part of the grave inventory, did not scription consists of nine, for the most part, partially yield any data regarding the religious orientation of the preserved lines. Their varying length (lines 8 and 9 are buried persons. According to the field documentation, somewhat shorter than lines 1–7) presents certain dif- the tombstones were found south of the position where ficulties concerning the reconstruction of the text, par- the basilica was standing, the first at the depth of 0.61 ticularly the first line. However, the number of missing m (trench IV, excavation J), and the other one at the letters at the beginning of lines 1–5 is easily established, depth of 0.70 m (trench XI, excavation N). The tomb- since line 7 is preserved in its entire length. Letter height: stone with the Greek inscription was discovered in a layer with mixed Roman ceramics and bricks, and the one with the Latin inscription was built into a wall 9 We assume that both inscriptions were supposed to be pub- completed and repaired in a later (Turkish ?) period, lished in the framework of the corpus of the Early Christian epi- built in the area around the southern portico of the graphic monuments of Sirmium, edited by dr Petar Petrovi} for the basilica (fig. 3). It was placed above eight devastated IX volume of the edition Sirmium, whose editors were supposed to skeleton graves and one grave of an incinerated per- be Vladislav Popovi} and Noël Duval. After the premature death of V. Popovi} in 1999, the editor of this publication became N. Duval, son. Both sepulchral slabs, deposited in the Museum of bu it still remains unpublished, for many objective and subjective Srem in Sremska Mitrovica, are today more damaged reasons.

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Fig. 3. Finds of the sepulchral slabs CIL III 10232, 10233 and inv. 666/1970, 191/1969 and 1323/1970 (plan: B. Popovi}) Sl. 3. Nalazi nadgrobnih plo~a CIL III 10232, 10233 i inv. 666/1970, 191/1969 i 1323/1970 (plan: B. Popovi})

4.5 cm. Incised above the first line is a cross with an provinces.12 The Greek form is attested in Sicily, Achaia, extended descending arm and the apocalyptic letters A Crete, Cyrene, Thrace and the coastal regions of Asia and W under the transversal arm. To the left of the Minor.13 Considering the uneven length of the lines, cross, is a double heart shaped hedera (fig. 4). The text the name Marturius could have been preceded by one reads as follows: or two letters. Consequently, the name of the deceased [¯ 1 ? M]arturiu/[s p]incerna / [C]onstanti / might be restored as [Fl(avius ?) M]arturiu[s]. The [I]nperatori/5[s (!) qui] vixsit (!) an/n[is] nonag/inta name Flavius is often attested among high civil and una cu/m matron/a sua Man/[- - -. military officials in Late Antiquity.14 Lines 2–5 reveal Marturius’ occupation and provide The name of the deceased, in lines 1 and 2, should crucial chronological information for the dating of his be restored as [M]arturiu[s], i. e. Martyrius. The alter- epitaph. The word incised in line 2, following the letter ation of the Greek vowel U with the Latin U was quite S at the beginning, was undoubtedly [p]incerna. Pin- common in the Danubian and Balkan provinces of the cerna, meaning “cup-bearer“, is considered a late for- Roman Empire.10 The name Martyrius/Martyria is mation, borrowed from the Greek language. It does not already attested in Pannonia Inferior. It is recorded (in the form Martoria) on a Christian epitaph from Cibalae, dated to the beginning of the fourth century AD.11 One 10 should also note that Martyrius/MartÚrioj is compa- Mihãescu 1978, 183–184, § 130. 11 ILJug 283. ratively frequent in Christian inscriptions throughout 12 OPEL III 177. For Moesia Inferior see: AE 1977, 765. the Roman Empire. The Latin form is found in Trans- 13 http://clas-lgpn2.classics.ox.ac.uk/name/MartÚrioj padana in northern Italy, as well as in the western (His- (03/08/2015). pania, Gallia Belgica) and Balkan (Moesia Inferior) 14 Mócsy 1964, 257–263.

132 POPOVI], FERJAN^I], Cup-Bearer of Constantius II and Early Christian Inscriptions … (129–141) STARINAR LXVI/2016 appear in literary sources before the fourth century AD.15 ers (Constantine II or Constans), or even Constantine The term pincerna is recorded on two pieces of epi- himself. Written in genitive, the names Constantinus graphic evidence, in addition to the funerary inscription and Constans would have been divided between lines of Marturius from Sremska Mitrovica. An epitaph of a 3 and 4 – Constanti/ni and Constanti/s. However, there thirty-year old cup-bearer by the name of Antilocus, da- is no space for two or three letters at the beginning of ted to the fourth century AD, was discovered in Rome.16 line 4. Only one letter is missing, and it must be an I, A fragmentary inscription from Assisi in Umbria men- followed by the partially preserved N of the word inpe- tions a slave (his name is not preserved) who was pin- ratoris. Consequently, it seems quite certain that cerna princeps, i. e. the chief cup-bearer, of his master, Marturius attended upon Constantius II. Sirmium was Lucius Didius Communis.17 Dated to the first century the emperor’s main military base during the struggle AD,18 the fragment seems to provide the earliest attes- against the usurper Magnentius and during the campa- tation of the term pincerna in epigraphic evidence. igns against the Quadi and the Sarmatae. Constantius As a cup-bearer, Marturius attended upon the empe- Gallus, the son of Constantine’s half brother Iulius ror Constantius II, whose name is recorded in line 3 of Constantius, was appointed Caesar in Sirmium, on the inscription. Considering the length of the lines, it March 15, 351 AD.19 Constantius II waited in Sirmium seems highly unlikely that he served one of his broth- while his army marched to meet Magnentius’ forces at Mursa.20 After the decisive battle, which took place on September 28, 351 AD, Constantine’s son resided in Fig. 4. Sepulchral slab of Marturius, Sirmium at least until the last days of May 352 AD. cup-bearer of Constantius II During his sojourn in the city, he issued three edicts, on (documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade) February 26, May 12 and 27, 352 AD respectively.21 Sl. 4. Nadgrobni spomenik Marturiju, Constantius II returned to Sirmium in October 357, peharniku Konstancija II planning to wage war against the Quadi and Sarmatae, (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu) who were pillaging the provinces of Valeria, Pannonia Secunda and Moesia Superior.22 The city served as the emperor’s headquarters during the campaigns against the barbarians from the autumn of 357 AD to the spring of 359 AD. His presence there is attested by various edicts, issued between October 17, 357 AD and May 28, 359 AD.23 The word imperatoris in lines 4 and 5 was written with an N instead of an M. The form inperator is attested in the Danubian provinces of Noricum, Dacia and Moesia Inferior.24 The form vixsit, written in line 5 instead of vixit, is frequently found in Christian inscriptions.25

15 Heraeus 1915, 14–15; Bartelink 1979, 215; Traina 1997, 298. 16 CIL VI 9798=ILCV 596. For the dating see: EDB28775, 09/07/2015 (A. Rocco). 17 CIL XI 5436=AE 2010, 935. 18 EDR025386, 03/03/2006 (G. Asdrubali Pentiti). 19 Kienast 2004, 318. 20 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. II 28. 21 Seeck 1964, 198–199. 22 Amm. Marc. XVI 10, 21. For the date see: Seeck 1964, 204. 23 Seeck 1964, 204–206. On Constantius’ and Sirmium see: Mirkovi} 1971, 38–39; Mirkovi} 2006, 69–70. 24 Noricum: CIL III 5720. Dacia: CIL III 1394 (Germisara). Moesia Inferior: AE 1922, 70 (Ulmetum); 1924, 148 (Histria). 25 ILCV Indices, p. 608–609, s. v. vivo III.

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Lines 7–9 contain the formula una cum matrona sua. his building activity in the space of the palatial com- The expression una cum, meaning “with”, is recorded plex, especially his adding of the supporting wall around on inscriptions from the Danubian and Balkan provin- the circular construction (mausoleum, temple ?), since ces (Pannonia, Dalmatia, Moesia).26 The words matrona in the filling of the negative of this wall, in 2014, coins sua refer to Marturius’ wife. Matrona, meaning „wife, minted by Constantius II were found.33 Given that he spouse“ is already recorded on the famous funerary spent almost two years in Sirmium, it is logical that the inscription from Sirmium, set up in the basilica of St. Emperor took measures to reconstruct the palace in Iraeneus by a certain Macedonius and his wife (matro- which he stayed with his suite, to which also belonged na) Ammes, daughter of Evenatus.27 It is also attested his cup-bearer Marturius, buried in the city’s northern in Christian inscriptions.28 The name of Marturius’ wife, necropolis. The cup-bearer (pincerna) was a slave whose beginning with the letters MAN at the end of line 9, duty was to mix wine, to pour it into cups and to serve might be restored in various ways (e. g. Manilia, Mania, them to the persons at the table. Usually, this was a Manlia, Mansuetia etc.).29 young man, chosen because of the elegance of his 2. Fragment of white marble slab (inv. 191/1969). movements, and he attracted attention by his appear- Dimensions: 17.5 x 9.5 cm at the moment of the dis- ance and clothes – his hair falling down on his shoul- covery, today 17.3 x 5.5 cm. The inscription consists ders and wearing a short tunica.34 As the sepulchral of seven partially preserved lines, incised around a sta- slab shows, the cup-bearer of Constantius II was a urogram (Christogram) in two concentric circles, with Christian who died in Sirmium and was buried next to the apocalyptic letters A and W beneath the transversal the Basilica of St Synerotes in the northern necropolis. arm of the cross. The first L in line 5 is preceded by However, because today the remains of this basilica do two leaf-shaped hederae. Letter height: 2.8–3 cm. The not exist, and the graves around it are devastated, the preserved text reads as follows: question remains as to whether this sacral structure ] / [- - -]M[- - - / - - -] œzhsen [- - - / - - -] was built during the rule of Constantius II or it already ¢poqnÇsk[ei - - - / - - -]antwn D[- - - /5 - - -]LLO [- - existed before him. The first supposition seems more - / - - -]ustou [- - - / - - -]LEU[- - - / - - -. probable, because the analysis of archaeological and numismatic material, in the first instance bricks with Traces of unidentifiable letters are visible in line 1, the stamps of military units, from the excavations of before and after M, at the ends of lines 2, 3, 5 and 6. At the Basilica of St Iraeneus in the eastern necropolis, the beginning of line 3, there is a stroke that might have points to the possibility that this sacral structure was belonged to an E or S and at the beginning of line 7, a also built during the reign of this emperor.35 In any case, trace of an A or an L. The words œzhsen in the second line and ¢poqnÇsk[- - -] in the third line reveal that the fragment belonged to a funerary inscription. In line 2, behind œzhsen, one would expect the term œth, fol- 26 Mihãescu 1978, 317, § 318; Fehér1997, 222, s. v. una. lowed by a number. The verb ¢poqnÇskw in the pre- 27 Mirkovi} 2006, 117; Popovi} et al. 2013, 314, n° 79. sent tense, instead of the aorist ¢p°qanen, is recorded 28 E. g. ILCV 353 (Augusta Treverorum), 2184 (Larissa); ILJug 2591 (Salona). on two inscriptions, found in Moesia Superior and 29 30 For names beginning with Man- see: Solin, Salomies 1994, Gallia Lugdunensis respectively. The letters –antwn, 111–112; OPEL III 49–52. The authors owe gratitude to Professor in line 4, could be interpreted as the ending of an aorist Miroslava Mirkovi} for helpful suggestions and advice concerning participle of some verb (e. g. poihs£ntwn) or the geni- the reading of the Marturius’ epitaph. tive p£ntwn/¡p£ntwn of the pronoun pa~j, pa~sa, pa~n/ 30 Moesia Superior: IMS VI 81 (Scupi). Gallia Lugdunensis: SEG 42, 965, 1 (Augustodunum). {paj, {paja, {pan.31 31 The authors owe gratitude to Professor Marijana Ricl for Since in the inscription the cup-bearer of Constan- helpful suggestions and advice. tius II is mentioned, the tombstone confirms the infor- 32 CIL III 10617 = M. Mirkovi}, op. cit. (note 66), no 97. mation from written sources about the important role 33 The analysis of the numismatic finds from the excavations which this city played during the rule of this emperor. in Sirmium was done by Pavle Popovi}, the curator and numisma- During his long stays in this city, Constantius II initi- titian of Museum of Srem in Sremska Mitrovica. 34 Rich 1861, 487. ated its further building and also the repairing of the 35 The information was obtained thanks to dr M. R. Vasi}, the road to Italy, to which bears witness a milestone from participant of the excavations in 1976 and 1977, with whom dr I. Sirmium.32 Moreover, the numismatic finds also show Popovi} is preparing the publication of the results of these researches.

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Fig. 5. Sepulchral slab with Greek inscription and staurogram (Christogram) in two concentric circles (documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade) Sl. 5. Nadgrobni spomenik sa gr~kim tekstom i staurogramom (hristogramom) u dva koncentri~na kruga (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu) the formulas ad dominum Synerotem,36 i.e. ad beatum The struggles between the adherents of the Nicaean Synerotem,37 from two inscriptions from the Basilica dogma and Arius’ heresy also continued in 359, when of St Synerotes, find their parallel in the formulas from the so-called Fourth Sirmian Formula was issued, which the inscription in basilica domini nostril Erenei,38 from was intended to be a compromise solution for both op- the Basilica of St Iraeneus, and [In dom]o beati[ssimae posed sides, but, according to the Emperor’s will, the dominae nost]re Anast[asiae - - -, from the Basilica of decision of the majority was changed. So, at the Synod St Anastasia, which was, maybe, located next to the in Constantinople in 360 the basis of faith was formu- northern city-wall.39 lated by the Arian bishops Valens and Ursacius.41 Erecting basilicas dedicated to local martyrs is The tumultuous activity of the Church in Sirmium completely in accordance with the religious politics of during the reign of Constantius II was one of the reasons Constantius II, who adopted a harsh attitude towards why the Pannonian metropolis was, in the eyes of the paganism, forbidding, with his laws from 353 and 356, entire Christian world, the head of Illyricum (caput not only the nightly sacrifices, but also the very wor- Illyrici), as recorded in the documents of the ecclesias- shiping of pagan idols.40 On the other hand, after his tical synod held in Aquileia in 381.42 It is logical that victory over Magnentius in 350, the Emperor spent the winter of 351/52 in Sirmium, falling under the influence of the bishop Valens of Mursa, who preached Arianism. Since Constantius II became a fervent advocate of the 36 CIL III, 10233. 37 Arian heresy, numerous local prelates followed him. CIL III 10232. 38 Between 351 and 358, in Sirmium, four ecclesiastical Duval 1979, 83–84, fig. 6; Popovi} 2003, 262, sl. 2; Popovi} 2013, 107, Cat. 79. synods took place, some of them organised by the Empe- 39 Popovi}, Ferjan~i} 2013, 101–114; Popovi} 2013, 107, fig. 38. ror himself. At them, with the help of the bishop Valens 40 Stein 1968, 145. of Mursa, Ursacius of Singidunum and the newly ele- 41 Stein 1968, 145–146; Mirkovi} 2006, 121–123. cted Sirmian bishop Germanius, Arianism prevailed. 42 PG, 16, col. 913.

135 POPOVI], FERJAN^I], Cup-Bearer of Constantius II and Early Christian Inscriptions … (129–141) STARINAR LXVI/2016 the activities of the Church dignitaries were followed by the erection or reparation of the sacral structures dedicated to the local martyrs, who were, according to their names, of Greek origin. Around the martyria were built the necropolises of the early Christians, with the oldest graves in the churches themselves and immediately in front of their entrances. But, since the basilicas of St Synerotes and of St Iraeneus were built on the sites of earlier pagan necropolises, in both cases the earlier graves were protected by the vaulted constructions by which the walls of the newly built sacral structures over bridged them.43 According to the inscriptions, the dedicants of the tombstones on the oldest Christian graves in the Basilica of St Iraeneus, the wife and the father in law of the deceased, Ammes and Evenatus, were Orientals,44 while Artemidora, the dece- Fig. 6. Sepulchral slab with Christogram ased woman buried in the western portico of the Basilica and the vegetable ornaments (photo: S. Pop-Lazi}) of St Synerotes, was of Greek origin. Unfortunately, since the monument with the Greek inscription around Sl. 6. Nadgrobni spomenik sa hristogramom i the Christogram in the double circle (inv. 191/1969) vegetabilnim ornamentima (foto: S. Pop-Lazi}) was discovered in the disarranged layer south of the Basilica of St Synerotes (fig. 5), we can only assume imperial palace.47 On them, the vertical arm of the cross that the grave on which it was placed was somewhat is bent in such way that it forms the Greek letter rho, more to the north, i.e. closer to the Basilica. while on the plate, two crossed lateral arms are added The Christian symbols on two sepulchral slabs from to the vertical arm. The cross with the vertical arm in the necropolis of St Synerotes were represented in dif- the shape of the letter rho and with the crossed lateral ferent ways. On the epitaph of the cup-bearer of Con- arms, between which are the letters A and W, the sym- stantius II, Marturius (…[p]incerna / [C]onstanti(i) / bol above which is represented as a cross in a circle, is [i]nperatori/[s] (!) …), a cross was represented, on also engraved on the fragmented marble sepulchral slab, which the lower part of the vertical arm is longer than lavishly decorated with vegetal ornaments, the tree of the upper one, and below the horizontal arm, as if they life and vines, but with the heavily damaged inscription, are hanging from it, the letters A and W are represented. of which only the letters …IS (fig. 6) survive. This slab The symbol conceited in this way represents the cross was also discovered at the necropolis of St Synerotes, which is rising up, i.e. the cross raised on Golgotha, in 1970 (inv. 1323/1970). On the sepulchral slabs from which is, without doubt, an allusion to Christ and his the same necropolis, those mentioning St Synerotes, victory over death. Such a cross is also incised in the discovered in the 19th century, the same symbol is also upper left corner of the sepulchral slab of the exorcist standing between the letters A and W,48 just as on the Ursacius (…Urs[acius…]/nus exorcis[ta]…),45 found at monument from the periphery of the eastern city necro- the necropolis of St Iraeneus. The apocalyptic letters, polis, erected by Aurelia Urbica (Aurelia Urbic[a]…) for alpha and omega, hung on the horizontal arms of the her husband Flavius Martinianus (Fla[vio] Martiniano) cross on the tombstone of the cup-bearer Marturius, symbolise Christ as “the beginning and the end”, in accordance with his words from the Book of Revelation, in which Christ, in three places, in three variants (1: 8, 43 Jeremi} 2006, 124, fig. 8, 11, 12. 21:6, 22:13), pronounces: “I am Alpha and Omega, the 44 Jarak 2011, 61. 45 beginning and the end, the first and last”. The same Milin 1996, 245–247; Mirkovi} 2006, 119 (supplemented text of the inscription). meaning is also conveyed by the symbols from the other 46 Popovi} 2009, 101–112. two Sirmian monuments, one gilded bronze fibula, 47 Popovi} 2013, 111, Cat. 77; Popovi} 2014, 271–272. 46 found in the northern part of the palatial complex, 48 CIL III, 10232, 10233; Ljubi} 1883, 19; Hytrek 1894, 5; and one marble plate–architectural element from the Brun{mid 1909, 188–189, br. 393, 394.

136 POPOVI], FERJAN^I], Cup-Bearer of Constantius II and Early Christian Inscriptions … (129–141) STARINAR LXVI/2016 and for her daughter Inaca (Inacae dulcissim[a]e filliae characteristic of the 4th century, along with a bronze mater).49 Both versions of the cross, with or without bulbiform fibula of the type Keller 3 A / Pröttel 3/4 A, crossed lateral arms, represent the monogram cross or which is dated to the period from 330 to 380.58 The Christogram, the composite picture of the cross and two greatest number of finds of these fibulas in Pannonia letters of the word Christos. As such, the cross itself comes from graves with coins from the period of rule represents the letter chi, while its upper bent arm forms of Constantius II.59 Under the sepulchral slab with the the letter rho. The monogram cross on which are hang- Latin inscription, around the existing graves, were found ing the letters A and W, is also engraved on the tomb- two bronze coins of Constantine (306–324) and two of stone with the Greek text, discovered at the necropolis Licinius (311–324), five blue glass beads in the shape of St Synerotes. On this sepulchral slab the Christian of polyhedron, and next to the skull of one skeleton was symbol is placed inside the two engraved concentric placed a bulbiform bronze fibula of type Keller 2 A / circles, analogous to the fragmented specimen from the Pröttel 2 A/B,60 dated to the period between 310 and same necropolis, found as late as 1871.50 The engra- 350,61 or between 300 and 340.62 These objects from ved circles around the Christogram can be perceived the graves registered under the sepulchral slab with the as a simplified representation of the laurel wreath. Latin inscription, approximately define the time of these Since a wreath was the symbol of victory, and the lau- burials. However, since the sepulchral slab was placed rel leaves of which it was made symbolised the imperial for Marturius, the cup-bearer of Constantius II, the power, on the late ancient monuments the Christogram erection of this monument can be dated with more pre- was often represented inside the wreath, as in the case cision to the period when this emperor and his escort of an archivolt from the imperial palace in Sirmium.51 stayed in Sirmium, in the winter of 351/52, or between The simplified version of this representation, the Chri- 357 and 359, when Constantius II spent more time in stogram in a circle, is also used very often on the mon- the Pannonian metropolis, twice celebrating his victory uments from this period. It appears on the sepulchral over the Sarmatae. This confirms the supposition that slab mentioning the Basilica of St Iraeneus,52 on the the tombstones of a Christian character from the necro- above-mentioned monument of the exorcist Ursacius polis of St Synerotes and, probably, also from the ne- from the same necropolis,53 as well as on the monument cropolis around the martyria dedicated to St Iraeneus of deacon Macarius (…Macarius diaconus…) from the and St Anastasia, were erected during and immediately unknown site in Sirmium.54 For a chronological defi- after the middle of the 4th century, and not during the nition of the monuments with this symbol, it is impor- 4th–5th or 5th–6th century, as was previously suggested.63 tant to mention that the oldest sepulchral slabs with the On the other hand, if we accept the supposition that the representation of a Christogram, combined with the apse of the Basilica of St Synerotes was in the east, and letters alpha and omega, are registered on the graves in Trier, dated to the period just after 320, while in Rome they appear in 323.55 These tombstones in relief mark the terminus post quem for the execution of the relief 49 Brun{mid 1909, 177–178, br. 376. tombstones from Sirmium, while the terminus ante quem 50 Brun{mid 1909, 194, br. 406. is marked by the phenomenon of burials intra muros, 51 Jeremi} 1993, Cat. 34; Popovi} 2013, 113, Cat. 78; Popovi} during the third decade of the 5th century, as a result of 2014, 272–275. 52 Duval 1979, 83–84, fig. 6; Popovi} 2003, 262, sl. 2; the impending Hunnic invasion, which resulted in the Popovi} 2013, 107, Cat. 79. 56 destruction of the city in 441/42. Considering the hi- 53 Milin 1996, 245–247, fig. 1. storical circumstances and the archaeological context, 54 CIL 10235; Brun{mid 1909, 183, br. 385. we think that the dating of the monuments mentioning 55 Schwinden 2006, 151, Cat. 103 (Trier); Giuliani 2005, St Synerotes to the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 240–241, Cat. 60, 61 (Rome). 56 5th century and to the end of the 5th or to the 6th century, Popovi} 1987, 95–129. 57 is unacceptable.57 Damjanovi} 2014, 510–512. 58 Keller 1979, 37–38; Pröttel 1991, 357–359; 361–364. The archaeological material discovered in the vici- 59 Keller 1979, 38. nity of the slab with the Greek inscription is not chrono- 60 Keller 1979, 35–36; Pröttel 1991, 353–357. logically sensitive, while in the layer around the monu- 61 Keller 1979, 35. ment decorated with the vegetal ornaments were found 62 Pröttel 1991, 357. a glass cup and a fragmented lacrimarium, with forms 63 Damjanovi} 2014, 510–512.

137 POPOVI], FERJAN^I], Cup-Bearer of Constantius II and Early Christian Inscriptions … (129–141) STARINAR LXVI/2016 not in the west, as Hytrek supposed,64 the graves on ments these variants are combined. It seems that an ex- whose monuments was engraved the name of the martyr ception is one monument discovered before 1871, on were in the west porch of the basilica, at its entrance, and which are mentioned the names Iuvenianus and Con- they were, probably, somewhat older than the grave of stantianus. The Chrystian symbol above the text on this the cup-bearer Marturius, whose sepulchral slab was slab consists of a cross whose upper arm is, on both sides, registered around the area of the south porch of the ba- bent in the shape of the letter rho, forming a heart- silica, this would define the terminus post quem for shaped element, under which the small letters A and W dating of the monument with the mention of the name are flanked by pigeons.65 By its iconographic solution, of St Synerotes to the period around 350. However, based on the pigeons on both sides of the cross, this while the tombstone of the cup-bearer Marturius can, Christian symbol could represent the earlier phase of with relative certainty, be dated to the sixth decade of the the depiction of the Christogram, which finds its par- 4th century, for other monuments from the Early Chri- allels on some monuments from Trier.66 However, since stian period there are no closer chronological points of the exact place and circumstances of discovering this reference. Still, a conclusion can be made that the monument are unknown to us, the question still remains Christian symbols engraved on them, the cross, the cross as to whether this is a monument somewhat older than in a circle, the monogram of Christ and the Christogram the others discovered in Sirmium, or if it is a product of in a circle, appear simultaneously during the middle- a craftsman who was working under the influence of the second half of the 4th century, and that on some monu- stone-carving workshop in Trier.

64 Jeremi} 2006, 117–128. 65 CIL III 6446=10238, Brun{mid 1909, 182, br. 384. 66 Schwinden 2006, 151, Cat. 103.

138 POPOVI], FERJAN^I], Cup-Bearer of Constantius II and Early Christian Inscriptions … (129–141) STARINAR LXVI/2016

SOURCES:

Amm. Marc ...... Ammianus Marcellinus in Three Volumes, with an English translation by J. C. Rolfe, vol. I–III, London – Cambridge Mass. 1963–1964. PG ...... Patrologia Graeca (J. P. Migne, éd., Patrologia Graeca, Paris 1960). Socrat. Hist. Eccl...... Socrates’ Ecclesiastical History, Oxford 18932.

ABBREVIATIONS:

AE ...... L’Année épigraphique, Paris CIL ...... Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum EDB ...... Epigraphic Database Bari. Inscriptions by Christians in Rome (3rd–8th cent. CE), http://www.edb.uniba.it EDR ...... Epigraphic Database Rome, http://www.edr-edr.it IG ...... Inscriptiones Graecae ILCV ...... E. Diehl, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres I–III, Berolini 1961. ILJug ...... A. [a{el, J. [a{el, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMXL et MCMLX repertae et editae sunt, Ljubljana 1963. IMS ...... Inscriptions de la Mésie Supérieure I, II, III/2, IV, VI, Beograd 1976–1995. OPEL ...... Onomasticon provinciarum Europae Latinarum I–IV, Budapest/Wien, 1994–2002. SEG ...... Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, Leiden

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Bartelink 1979 – G. J. M. Bartelink, Les observa- tionum Pannonicarum publici iuris factarum, Budape- tions de Jérôme sur des termes de la langue courante et stini 1997. parlée, Latomus 38, 1979, 193–222. Giuiliani 2005 – R. Guiliani, Alzata di coperchio di Brun{mid 1909 – J. Brun{mid, Kameni spomenici sarcofago con erote e machera teatrale; Inscrizione di Hrvatskoga narodnoga muzeja u Zagrebu, Vjesnik Hrvat- Marcio, Catalogue Nr. 60, 61, in: Constantino il Grande. skoga arheolo{koga dru{tva X (1908/1909), 1909, 151–22. La civiltà al bivio tra Occidente e Oriente, ed. A. Dona- Damjanovi} 2014 – D. Damjanovi}, Starokr{}anska ti, G. Gentili, Milano 2005, 240–241. sirmijska zajednica u svijetlu epigrafskih izvora, Crkva Heraeus 1915 – W. Heraeus, PROPEIN, Rheini- u svijetu 49/4, 2014, 497–512. sches Museum für Philologie 70, 1915, 1–41. Duval 1979 – N. Duval, Sirmium «ville impériale» Hytrek 1894 – Starokr{}ansko grobi{te sv. Sinerota ou «capitale»?, Corsi di culture sull’arte ravennate e u Sremu, Ephemeris Salonitana, Jaderae 1894, 1–6. byzantina XXVI, 1979, 53–90. Jarak 2011 – M. Jarak, Ranohri{}anski mu~enici Fehér 1997 – B. Fehér, Lexicon epigraphicum Pan- Panonije (Summary: Early Christian Martyrs of Panno- nonicum continens omnia verba Latine scripta inscrip- nia), in: 1700 godina svetih Srijemskih mu~enika,

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Zbornik radova s me|unarodnog simpozija o 1700. ob- grad careva i mu~enika, Sremska Mitrovica 2003, ljetnici Sirmijsko-panonskih mu~enika (3004–2004), ur. 259–263. D. Damjanovi}, \akovo 2011, 51–70. Popovi} 2009 – I. Popovi}, Gilt Fibula with Christo- Jeremi} 1993 – M. Jeremi}, Catalogue nr. 34, in: gram from Imperial Palace in Sirmium (Rezime: Po- Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, ed. D. zla}ena fibula sa hristogramom iz carske palate u Srejovi}, Belgrade 1993, 196. Sirmijumu) Starinar LVII (2007), 2009, 101–112. Jeremi} 2006 – M. Jeremi}, Adolf Hytrek et les Popovi} 2013 – I. Popovi}, Sirmium – Imperial premières fouilles archéologiques à Sirmium (Rezime: Residence, Pannonian Metropolis and Christian “Head Adolf Hitrek i prva arheolo{ka iskopavawa Sir- of Illyricum”, in: Constantine the Great and the Edict of mijuma), Starinar LV (2005), 2006, 115–132. Milan 313. The Birth of Christianity in the Roman Pro- Keller 1971 – E. Keller, Die spätrömischen Grab- vinces on the Soil of Serbia, eds. I. Popovi}, B. Bori}- funde in Südbayern, München, 1971. Bre{kovi}, Beograd 2013, 102–117. Kienast 2004 – D. Kienast, Römische Kaisertabelle. Popovi} 2014 – I. Popovi}, The Motif of Christogram Grundzüge einer römischen Kaiserchronologie, Darm- on the Architectural Elements of the Imperial Palace in stadt 2004. Sirmium, in: The Edict of Serdica (AD 311). Concepts Ljubi} 1883 – [. Ljubi}, Bazilika sv. Synerotesa u and Realizations of the Idea of Religious Toleration, ed. Mitrovici, Vjesnik Hrvatskoga areheolo{koga dru{tva 1, V. Vachkova, D. Dimitrov, Sofia 2014, 261–276. V, 1883, 19. Popovi}, Ferjan~i} 2013 – I. Popovi}, S. Ferjan~i}, Mihãescu 1978 – H. Mihãescu, La langue latine A new Inscription from Sirmium and the Basilica of St. dans le sud-est de l’Europe, Bucureºti, Paris 1978. Anastasia (Rezime: Novi natpis iz Sirmijuma i bazi- Milin 1996 – M. Milin, An Exorcist on an Epitaph lika Sv. Anastasije), Starinar LXIII, 2013, 101–114. from Sirmium, Starinar XLVII, 1996, 245–247. Pröttel 1991 – P. M. Pröttel, Zur Chronologie der Milo{evi} 2001 – P. Milo{evi}, Arheologija Zwiebelknopffibeln, Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germani- i istorija Sirmijuma (Summary: Archaeology and schen Zentralmuseums Mainz 35/1(1988), 1991, 347–372. History of Sirmium), Novi Sad 2001. Rich 1861 – A. Rich, Dictionnaire des antiquités Mirkovi} 1971 – M. Mirkovi}, Sirmium – Its History romaines et grecques, Paris 1861. from the I Century A.D. to 582 A.D., Sirmium 1, 1971, Schwinden 2006 – L. Schwinden, A Christogram 5–94. funerary inscription, for the palace official Probatius, Mirkovi} 2006 – M. Mirkovi}, Sirmium. Istorija Catalogue Nr. 103, in: Constantine the Great. York`s rimskog grada od I do kraja VI veka, Sremska Mitrovi- Roman Emperor, eds. E. Hartley, J. Hawkes, M. ca 2006. Hening, F. Mee, York 2006, 151–152. Mócsy 1964 – A. Mócsy, Der Name Flavius als Seeck 1964 – O. Seeck, Regesten der Kaiser und Rangbezeichnung in der Spätantike, in: Akten des IV. in- Päpste für die Jahre 311 bis 476 n. Chr. Vorarbeit zu ternationalen Kongresses für griechische und lateinische einer Prosopographie der christlichen Kaiserzeit, Frank- Epigraphik (Wien, 17. bis 22. September 1962), Wien furt am Main 1964. 1964, 257–263. Solin, Salomies 1994 – H. Solin, O. Salomies, Reper- Popovi} 1987 – V. Popovi}, Die süddanubischen torium nominum gentilium et cognominum Latinorum, Provinzen in der Spätantike vom Ende des 4. bis zur Mitte Hildesheim, Zürich, New York 1994. des 5. Jahrhunderts, Die Völker Südosteuropa-s im 6. Stein 1968 – E. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire I–II, bis 8. Jahrhundert, Hrsg. B. Hänsel, Südosteuropa Jahr- Amsterdam 1968. buch 17, Berlin 1987, 95–139. Traina 1997 – G. Traina, Note classico-orientale 1–3, Popovi} 2003 – V. Popovi}, Bla`eni Irinej, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 50, prvi episkop Sirmijuma, uV. Popovi}, Sirmium – 1997, 291–299.

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Rezime: IVANA POPOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd SNE@ANA FERJAN^I], Univerzitet u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet, Odeqewe za istoriju, Beograd

PEHARNIK KONSTANCIJA II I RANOHRI[]ANSKI NATPISI SA NEKROPOLE SV. SINEROTA U SIRMIJUMU

Kqu~ne re~i. – rimski period, Sirmijum, bazilika sv. Sinerota, ranohri{}anski natpisi, peharnik Konstancija II.

Tokom arheolo{kih iskopavawa, sprovedenih 1969/70. go- }oj plo~i (sl. 6), ukra{enoj biqnim motivima oko hristo- dine na severnoj nekropoli Sirmijuma, oko bazilike sv. grama, natpis veoma fragmentarno sa~uvan. Ovi nadgrobni Sinerota (sl. 1, 2) otkriveno je nekoliko nadgrobnih plo- spomenici su locirani na prostoru ju`no od ju`nog porti- ~a sa natpisima i simbolima ranohri{}anskog karaktera. ka bazilike sv. Sinerota, dok su oni na kojima se pomiwe Natpis na jednoj plo~i (sl. 4), koji glasi [± 1 ? M]arturiu/[s bazilika sv. Sinerota, otkriveni u XIX veku, na|eni u we- p]incerna / [C]onstanti / [I]nperatori/5[s (!) qui] vixsit (!) an/n[is] nom zapadnom portiku (sl. 3). Hri{}anski simboli na nad- nonag/inta una cu/m matron/a sua Man/[- - -, pokazuje da je re~ grobnim plo~ama sa nekropole sv. Sinerota su predstavqeni o nadgrobnom spomeniku izvesnom Marturiju, peharniku na razli~ite na~ine. Me|utim, dok se nadgrobni spomenik Konstancija II. Ovaj car je tokom 351–352. i 357–359. godi- Marturiju, peharniku Konstancija II, moè relativno pone boravio u Sirmijumu vi{e meseci, proslavqaju}i u tom uzdano datovati u {estu deceniju IV veka, za ostale spome- gradu dva puta trijumf nad Kvadima i Sarmatima i poten- nike iz ranohri{}anskog perioda ne postoje bliè hrono- ciraju}i izgradwu kako wegove infrastrukture, tako i sa- lo{ke odrednice, ali se moè zakqu~iti da se hri{}anski kralnih objekata. Kao revnostan hri{}anin arijanske simboli urezani na wima – krst, krst u krugu, hristov mo- orijentacije, u Sirmijumu je organizovao ~etiri crkvena nogram i hristogram u krugu – pojavquju tokom sredine – sabora. Na drugoj plo~i (sl. 5), natpis na gr~kom jeziku je druge polovine IV veka istovremeno, a da se na nekim spo- ispisan oko hristograma u dvostrukom krugu, dok je na tre- menicima te varijante kombinuju.

141

VUJADIN IVANI[EVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd IVAN BUGARSKI, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd ALEKSANDAR STAMENKOVI], Leskovac

NOVA SAZNAWA O URBANIZMU CARI^INOG GRADA Primena savremenih metoda prospekcije i detekcije*

UDK: 904:711.42"652/653"(497.11) e-mail: [email protected] 902.3:550.83(497.11)"2007/2015" Primqeno: 28. decembra 2015. DOI: 10.2298/STA1666143I Prihva}eno: 10. februara 2016. Prilog

Apstrakt. – U radu se opisuju tok i ishodi multidisciplinarnog istraìvawa severne padine Gorweg grada na lokalitetu Cari~in grad. Da bi se boqe razumeo taj prostor, u celini donedavno najmawe poznat u uòj zoni grada, bilo je potrebno da se ukloni gusta {uma i deo masivnih nasipa zemqe, nakon ~ega se pristupilo analizi arhivskih aerofotografija, geodetskom premeru, geomagnetskom i georadarskom ispitivawu podzemqi{ta, laserskom skenirawu terena iz vazduha i fotogrametrijskom modelovawu snimaka iz bespilotnih letelica, uz izradu digitalnih modela terena, kao i arheolo{kim iskopavawima i pa`qivom tehni~kom dokumentovawu osnova objekata i obru{enih struktura. Iako istraìvawa severnog platoa nisu okon~ana, u prilici smo da pristupimo analizi dela podataka koji se pohrawuju u jedinstvenu GIS bazu podataka za Cari~in grad, i da ponudimo situacioni plan ovog dela grada. Dobijena osnova je samo mawim delom hipoteti~na, {to se pre svega odnosi na neistraìvan severni bedem Gorweg grada. Prostor unutar naseqa je isprva imao ekonomsku namenu, da bi se u drugoj fazi tu i ìvelo. Najstariji su objekti zidani u tehnici opus mixtum, velika ìtnica i skladi{te, tzv. Gra|evina sa stupcima. U drugoj fazi se ekonomski prostori pruàju podu`no po padini, prate}i wen pad ka severu, dok je me|u objektima druga~ije orijentacije uz severni bedem Akropoqa, uz radwe i radionice, bilo i ku}a. Tre}a faza predstavqa krajwu degradaciju urbanizma, svedo~i o prenameni objekata i uvodi u kraj kratkog ìvota Justinijane Prime, grada-zadu`bine znamenitog romejskog cara. Osim diskusije o fortifikaciji i rasporedu, datovawu i nameni gra|evina, rad se doti~e i pitawa komunikacija na severnom platou i veza sa drugim delovima grada, me|u wima i sa novodefinisanim Severnim podgra|em.

Kqu~ne re~i. – Cari~in grad, Justiniana Prima, urbanizam, fortifikacija, naseqe, aerofotografija, geofizi~ka ispitivawa, LiDAR, fotogrametrija, iskopavawa, GIS.

osledwih godina, zahvaquju}i primeni sa- zasebnim bedemom.1 Uz to, dobijene su osnove utvr- vremenih nedestruktivnih metoda istra- |ewa u neposrednoj blizini grada, na Sv. Iliji, P `ivawa, dobijen je veliki broj novih po- Gradi{tu u Sviwarici i osmatra~nice na Jezeru, dataka o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada. Definisan a precizno je utvr|ena i trasa akvedukta u du`ini je niz celina unutar glavnih fortifikacija, a potvr|eno je i postojawe dosad nepoznatih delova grada, tj. Severnog i Isto~nog podgra|a brawenog 1 Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2013, 82–83.

* ^lanak je rezultat rada na projektima: Procesi urbanizacije i razvoja sredwovekovnog dru{tva Ministarstva prosvete, nauke i tehnolo{kog razvoja Republike Srbije (br. 177021), Srpsko-francusko-nema~ka istra`ivawa u oblasti Cari~inog grada i Archaeo- Landscapes Europe (2010–2015).

143 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016 od 1270 m, koja je naknadno definisana sve do kap- slu}eno, pruàju niz padinu od Akropoqa prema taè na planini Radan.2 severnom bedemu Gorweg grada. Pored toga, autori Nova istraìvawa Cari~inog grada usmerena su dosta precizno odredili i samu trasu severnog su pre svega na prou~avawe severne padine Gorweg bedema (sl. 2.2).4 Kasnije snimqene aerofotogra- grada, u ciqu definisawa jedine celine koja done- fije Cari~inog grada, iz 1955. i 1969. godine, nisu davno nije bila predmet arheolo{kih iskopavawa. dovoqno o{tre. Na wima se moè pratiti tek kako U okviru tih istraìvawa, klasi~an metod rada – je prostor severnog platoa Gorweg grada polako ura- iskopavawa koja traju od 2009. godine – sprovodi stao u {umu, pa nisu mogle biti kori{}ene za ana- se prvi put paralelno sa sistematskom primenom lizu severne padine tog prostora. savremenih tehnika prospekcije i detekcije iz va- Zahvaquju}i savremenim tehni~kim mogu}no- zduha i sa zemqe. Zahvaquju}i ovom pristupu, u mo- stima, stare aerofotografije su rektifikovane i gu}nosti smo da precizno utvrdimo trasu severnog georeferencirane u GIS platformi Cari~inog bedema i pozicije kula severnog bedema Gorweg gra- grada. Na osnovu aerofotografija iz 1938. godine, da, kao i prostornu dispoziciju i osnove objekata naro~ito one snimqene iskosa sa severoistoka na na severnoj padini. Tako je definisano pribli`no kojoj se jasno naziru obrisi Gorweg grada i poseb- 80% celokupne povr{ine, ne ra~unaju}i fortifi- no severne padine, mogu}e je izvesti neke zakqu~ke kaciju. Pored spoznavawa urbanisti~kog rastera, (sl. 1). Na toj fotografiji se vide pravci pruà- odre|en je i karakter naseqenog prostora. U pitawu wa isto~nog i severnog bedema Gorweg grada, kao i je naseqe sa nizom objekata od kojih su neki slu- poloàji pojedinih kula, {to je od kqu~ne va`no- ìli kao skladi{ta, kao {to je velika ìtnica – sti za rekonstrukciju fortifikacije. Uz to, uo~ava horreum, otkrivena u isto~nom delu padine. Poje- se radijalni i kaskadni raspored objekata na padini mawi objekti, raspore|eni uz uzane komuni- dinama, kao i obrisi ìtnice. Drugi vaàn detaq kacije, kori{}eni su kao radionice i prodavnice. koji se nazire na snimku iz 1938. otkriva koji su Tuma~ewu urbanizma na ovom prostoru dopri- objekti bili zidani u tehnici opus mixtum, {to se nele su, pored rezultata arheolo{kih iskopavawa, vidi na osnovu velikih beli~astih povr{ina koje analize starih aerofotografija i topografskih poti~u od razmrvqenog maltera rasutog po padini. planova, te rezultata geofizi~kih snimawa. Zna~aj- Re~ je o spomenutom horeumu i skladi{tu koje se ne podatke pruìla su LiDAR skenirawa terena iz nalazi sa wegove isto~ne strane, tzv. Gra|evini sa vazduha, tj. izvedeni digitalni modeli terena, kao stupcima. \or|e Mano-Zisi nije istraìo prostor i ortofotografski planovi. Svi ti podaci obra- te zgrade do kraja i samo ga je uzgredno opisao, bez |eni su u GIS (geografsko-informacioni sistem) posebnog osvrta na na~in gradwe izuzev {to spo- platformi izra|enoj za Cari~in grad i oblast miwe delove zidane opekom, kao {to je sredi{wi Leskova~ke kotline. Svaki od navedenih izvora „red jakih stubaca”.5 Dve decenije kasnije, istra- pruìo je deo podataka za rekonstrukciju severnog ìva~i o~igledno nisu imali novih podataka,6 jer bedema Gorweg grada i urbanisti~kog rastera se- se detaqi arhitekture usled protoka vremena, tj. vernog dela grada, {to ukazuje na potrebu sveobu- dejstva atmosferalija i vegetacije ~esto gube do hvatne analize gra|e, bez obzira na vreme wenog neprepoznatqivosti. nastajawa. Tragovi maltera se prate i na trasi bedema. Oni poti~u od rovova koji su nastali prilikom va|ewa Analiza starih aerofotografija Prvi izvor koji smo razmatrali jesu stare fotografije grada iz vazduha. Sa~uvano je nekoliko 2 Ivani{evi} 2012, 25. snimaka iz 1938. godine, kao i aerofotografija iz 3 Petkovi} 1939, T. I; Petkovi} 1948, Pl. I. 1; Deroko, Radoj- 1947, koji su kori{}eni u brojnim radovima (sl. 1, ~i} 1950, 120–121, sl. 2, 3; Kondi}, Popovi} 1977, 9, sl. 3; 2.1).3 Na snimcima iz vazduha najpre su radili Guyon, Cardi 1984, 2, Fig. 1; Vasi} 1990, 308, Fig. 208; Bavan, Aleksandar Deroko i Svetozar Radoj~i}. Na osnovu Ivani{evi} 2006, 23, sl. 1; Duval, Popovi} 2010, 7–11, Figs. I, 3a–b, 4a ; Bugarski, Ivani{evi} 2014, 254, sl. 3. fotografije iz 1947. godine oni su sa~inili plan 4 Deroko, Radoj~i} 1950, 127, sl. 3, 4; cf. Bugarski, Iva- grada, u kojem su neistraènu zonu severnog platoa ni{evi} 2014, 255–256. opisali kao „verovatno stanbeni deo” sa lepezasto 5 Mano-Zisi 1955, 165, sl. 72. raspore|enim trasama objekata koji se, kako je na- 6 Kondi}, Popovi} 1977, 71–72.

144 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Sl. 1. Cari~in grad, aerofotografija iz 1938. godine. Pogled sa severoistoka (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Fig. 1. Cari~in Grad, Aerial photograph from 1938. View from the northeast (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade) opeke od strane lokalnog stanovni{tva. Sti~e se koli~inom izba~ene zemqe nakon intenzivnih is- utisak da su pojedine partije, pre svega severoza- traìvawa Cari~inog grada, tako da se jo{ jedino padnog dela bedema, bile razgra|ivane neposredno na wima moè analizirati topografija tih pro- pre snimawa. Na drugim delovima padine nema stora pre zasipawa. U na{em slu~aju to se posebno tragova maltera, {to ukazuje da su gra|evine bile odnosi na delove severoisto~nog bedema Gorweg podizane u tehnici suhozida, kako je i potvr|eno grada, koji se danas nalaze pod visokim nasipima. tokom arheolo{kih iskopavawa. Naàlost, severozapadni bedem Gorweg grada je za- Izvrsne podatke pruà aerofotografija iz trpan pre 1938. godine, tokom iskopavawa Akropo- 1947. godine, koja je posluìla za definisawe ni- qa, pa nemamo podatke o topografiji terena i prav- za novih celina grada. Zahvaquju}i wenoj rekti- cu pruàwa fortifikacije. fikaciji i georeferencirawu bilo je mogu}e une- ti planove nekih od objekata na severnoj padini, Geodetska snimawa ali i proveriti druge metode detekcije (sl. 2.1). Precizna geodetska snimawa ovog prostora oba- Va`nost ove fotografije, kao i snimaka iz 1938. vqena su 1981. i 2006. godine (sl. 3). Prvi topo- godine, jeste u tome {to su zna~ajni delovi bedema, grafski plan je sa~iwen na osnovu stereofotogra- ali i unutra{wosti grada, ostali zatrpani velikom metrijskog snimawa Cari~inog grada iz vazduha.

145 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Sl. 2. 1. Aerotofotografija iz 1947, detaq Akropoqa i Gorweg grada; 2. Shematski plan Cari~inog grada, detaq Akropoqa i Gorweg grada (Deroko, Radoj~i} 1950, sl. 3, 4) Fig. 2. 1. Aerial photograph from 1947: detail of the Acropolis and the Upper Town; 2. Schematic ground plan of Cari~in Grad: detail of the Acropolis and the Upper Town (Deroko, Radoj~i} 1950, Figs. 3, 4)

Sl. 3. 1. Situacioni i topografski plan ura|en na osnovu stereofotogrametrijskog snimka iz 1981, detaq Akropoqa i Gorweg grada (Bavant et al. 1990, Pl. L, LI); 2. Geodetski plan severne padine Gorweg grada (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Fig. 3. 1. Topographical ground plan obtained from the 1981 stereophotogrammetric survey: detail of the Acropolis and the Upper Town (Bavant et al. 1990, Pl. L, LI); 2. Geodetic plan of the Upper Town’s northern slope (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade)

Premer iz 1981. godine delo je Zavoda za geodetske i koje mogu da se defini{u terase i nagibi terena. fotogrametrijske poslove „Geopremer” iz Beograda. U kombinaciji sa aerofotografijama iz 1938. i Na toj osnovi je izra|en situacioni plan grada s 1947, geodetski plan iz 1981. godine je pru`ao mo- najbli`om okolinom u razmeri 1 : 1000, sa ekvidi- gu}nost da se utvrdi dispozicija struktura na pa- stancijom od jednog metra (sl. 3.1). Pored plana dini i na~in wenog kori{}ewa. koji je objavqen, publikovana je i aerofotografija, ali ne celog grada, na kojoj nedostaje upravo se- 7 verna padina Gorweg grada. Dobijeni podaci uka- 7 Bavant et al. 1990, Pl. L, LI; cf. Bugarski, Ivani{evi} zuju samo na op{tu topografsku sliku, na osnovu 2014, 258.

146 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Sl. 4. 1. Geomagnetski snimak severne padine iz 2007. godine (Laboratoire d’archéométrie de l’Université de Tours); 2. Georadarski snimak severne padine iz 2015. godine (LBI ArchPro, Be~) Fig. 4. 1. Geomagnetic plan of the Upper Town’s northern slope from 2007 (Laboratoire d’archéométrie de l’Université de Tours); 2. GPR plan of the Upper Town’s northern slope from 2015 (LBI ArchPro, Vienna)

Godine 2006. izvedene su predradwe istraìva- gra|evina, izuzev velikog objekta u jugoisto~nom wa severnog platoa. Nakon {to je pose~ena {uma, uglu za koji je, nakon arheolo{kih iskopavawa, ~itav prostor je bio topografski snimqen total- utvr|eno da predstavqa horeum. nom stanicom, sa uzimawem mera na svakih 50 cm Posledwa geofizi~ka snimawa severne padine (9 ta~aka po kvadratnom metru). Na osnovu tih sni- obavqena su u prole}e 2015. godine, zahvaquju}i mawa je napravqen 3D model terena (sl. 3.2).8 Do- programu saradwe Arheolo{kog instituta sa Rim- bijeni plan je ukazao na raspored objekata, {to }e sko-germanskim centralnim muzejom (RGZM) iz se potvrditi geofizi~kim merewima i arheolo- Majnca i u~e{}u „Ludvig Bolcman” instituta za {kim istraìvawima. Osim toga, na wemu su jasno arheolo{ku prospekciju i virtuelnu arheologiju zabeleène zone ru{ewa severnog bedema Akropo- (LBI ArchPro) iz Be~a (sl. 4.2).10 Pored georadar- qa, kao i savremeni nasipi zemqe. skih snimawa unutar grada, na prostoru podgra|a i u neposrednoj okolini lokaliteta, snimqen je i deo Geofizi~ka snimawa severne padine – wen sredi{wi prostor i zona u Tokom juna i jula 2007. godine, Alan Kermovran isto~nom delu – gde se nisu jasno nazirali obrisi sa Univerziteta u Turu izveo je, u okviru srpsko- objekata ni na geomagnetnom snimku ni na digital- francuskog programa istraìvawa oblasti Cari- nim modelima izvedenim iz LiDAR skenirawa i ~inog grada, geomagnetska snimawa koja su dala nove fotogrametrijskih snimawa. Snimqena je povr- podatke o strukturi severnog platoa.9 Snimqena {ina od ukupno 0,17 ha. Zahvaquju}i primeni geo- je povr{ina od oko 0,77 ha, ili 80% prostora sever- radara dobijeni su jasni obrisi gra|evina, kao i ne padine (sl. 4.1). Tom prilikom nisu ispitane trase zidova podignutih izme|u objekata. Ova sni- zone uz severni bedem Akropoqa jer su se tada oko mawa su dopunila plan severne padine i potvrdila wih nalazile velike koli~ine {uta ru{ewa bede- ranije pretpostavke o rasporedu i koncentraciji ma, kao i nasipi zemqe od istraìvawa Akropo- objekata. qa, o ~ijem uklawawu }e biti re~i ne{to kasnije. Na dobijenom snimku se prevashodno naziru mase koje predstavqaju kamene pla{tove od ru{ewa objekata. Uprkos ovim nedostacima, geomagnetska 8 Bavan, Ivani{evi} 2009, 256, sl. 9. 9 istraìvawa su pruìla uvid u koncentraciju i Bavan, Ivani{evi} 2009, 256–257. Ovom prilikom zahvaqujemo Alanu Kermovranu na ustupqenoj dokumentaciji. raspored zgrada na padini, koje su grupisane u ra- 10 Projekt Das kurze Leben einer Kaiserstadt – Alltag, Umwelt dijalno rapore|ene nizove, upravne na izohipse und Untergang des frühbyzantinischen Cari~in Grad (Iustiniana terena. Na snimku se ne razaznaju ve}i kompleksi Prima?) finansira Fondacija „Lajbnic” iz SR Nema~ke.

147 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Sl. 5. 1. LiDAR snimak iz 2011. godine, detaq severne padine; 2. Filter LiDAR snimka, detaq severne padine (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Fig. 5. 1. LiDAR-derived plan from 2011, detail of the Upper Town’s northern slope; 2. The same model ran through a focal statistics filter (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade)

LiDAR snimawa Na taj na~in se isti~u delovi kod kojih se prepo- Zahvaquju}i u~e{}u Arheolo{kog instituta u znaju nagle promene u visinskim vrednostima. Kako velikom me|unarodnom projektu ArchaeoLandscapes bi vizualizacija prostora bila preglednija, oni Europe,11 {ira zona Cari~inog grada je krajem 2011. se prikazuju u drugoj boji. Primena ovog metoda je godine snimqena LiDAR tehnologijom iz vazduha, umnogome doprinela jasnijem sagledavawu konfi- sa oko 20 ta~aka po kvadratnom metru. Standardno guracije severnog platoa, plana i rasporeda po- obra|eni digitalni model terena bez vegetacije dignutih objekata i bedema grada koji ih okruùje. (DTM) pruìo je niz va`nih podataka o topografiji grada i wegove bliè i daqe okoline (sl. 5.1). Uz Fotogrametrijska snimawa iz vazduha ostalo, putem tog modela mogli su da se utvrde ta~an Izuzetno vredne osnove grada, a posebno zone pravac pruàwa severnog bedema Gorweg grada, dis- severnog platoa Gorweg grada, dobijene su i foto- pozicija kula na bedemu, kao i trasa bedema sever- grametrijskim snimawima iz bespilotnih leteli- nog podgra|a, naknadno potvr|ena iskopavawima, ca. Jedno od wih, izvanredno precizno, sa ~ak do {to predstavqa izuzetan rezultat.12 Na modelu su 1600 ta~aka po metru kvadratnom, izvedeno je 2014. se tako|e uo~avali jasni obrisi gra|evina. godine pod okriqem projekta ArchaeoLandscapes Zahvaquju}i primeni odre|enih filtera, bili Europe (sl. 6.1–2). Snimawe je dalo odli~ne rezul- smo u mogu}nosti da te obrise u~inimo jo{ jasni- tate jer je teren prethodno bio o~i{}en. Fotogra- jim (sl. 5.2). Rezultat primene LiDAR tehnologije metrijski model, za razliku od LiDAR tehnologije su, izme|u ostalog, i georeferencirani digitalni ~iji laserski zraci prodiru kroz vegetaciju, zah- elevacioni modeli. Oni se sastoje od mreè ta~aka teva ~istu povr{inu. Snimci, ortofoto plan i (piksela), pri ~emu svaka ta~ka ima apsolutnu geo- DEM pruìli su jasne podatke o pravcu pruàwa grafsku {irinu i duìnu, kao i visinsku vrednost. severnog bedema Gorweg grada, topografiji padine Kako bismo postigli pregledniji vizuelni prikaz i rasporedu objekata, kao i precizne planove is- ovih modela, u okviru softverskog paketa ArcGIS traènih celina od 2009. do 2014. godine. koristili smo funkciju focal statistics. Ona pripa- Po zavr{etku kampawe 2015. godine, iz drona je da grupi alatki za prostornu analizu, a u obradi fotogrametrijski snimqena samo zona radova na LiDAR snimka pokazala se kao jedna od najproduk- Gorwem gradu, severno od kru`nog trga i na sever- tivnijih. Zasniva se na principu pore|ewa vred- nosti odre|enih grupa piksela, odnosno visinskih kota jednog broja ta~aka sa vrednostima piksela ko- 11 http://www.arcland.eu/ ji se nalaze u wihovoj blizini (neighborhood pixels). 12 Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2013, 82–83.

148 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Sl. 6. 1. Fotogrametrijski snimak iz 2014. godine, detaq severne padine; 2. DEM, detaq severne padine (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Fig. 6. 1. Photogrammetric plan from 2014, detail of the Upper Town’s northern slope; 2. Photogrammetric DEM, detail of the Upper Town’s northern slope (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade) nom platou.13 Dobijeni snimci omogu}avaju pra- konzervatorski naba~aji iz 20. veka preko sever- }ewe toka istraìvawa iz godine u godinu, {to je nog bedema Akropoqa, do kote nad davno uru{enim vaàn pomak u vo|ewu i formirawu digitalne ba- strukturama i kulturnim slojem. Osnovna svrha ze podataka o arheolo{kim iskopavawima (sl. 9). ovog posla, finansiranog u sklopu tada{weg Naci- onalnog investicionog plana i izvedenog od stra- Arheolo{ka istraìvawa ne Zavoda za za{titu spomenika kulture iz Ni{a, Kao {to je ve} nagla{eno, do pre nekoliko godi- bila je konzervacija i prezentacija fortifikaci- na ovaj prostor nije bio iskopavan. Najseverniji je Akropoqa, koja je najve}im delom i zavr{ena, istraèni deo Gorweg grada bio je, ugrubo, u lini- ~ime su dobro rekonstruisani izvorni ambijent ji severnog bedema Akropoqa i Bazilike sa krip- spomenika i nivelete terena. tom. Izme|u wih, severna ulica je bila ispitana do Koliko god bili re~iti podaci dobijeni daqin- mesta gde se „jedan ve}i prazan prostor, verovatno skom prospekcijom, arheologija svoj sud moè da- dvori{te ¡pruà¿ prema jednom masivnom zidu, I–Z ti tek nakon obavqenih iskopavawa. Podrazumeva pravca ¡…¿”14 O tom mestu }e jo{ biti re~i, a vaqa se da su ona uspe{nija kada se vode prema unapred naglasiti da su davna{wa iskopavawa ovog prosto- dobijenoj skici pozemqi{ta, ma kako da su iskustvo ra u citiranom tekstu \or|a Mano-Zisija spome- i intuicija istraìva~a zna~ajni ~inioci istra- nuta tek usputno i da tehni~ka dokumentacija nije ìvawa. Iskopavawa severnog platoa Gorweg grada sa~uvana. Kao neistraèn, taj prostor nije obra- otpo~eta su 2009. godine, u {irokom iskopu. Ukla- |en u kasnijem op{irnom prikazu Gorweg grada,15 wale su se velike povr{ine humusa u nizu kvadra- a jedan od glavnih razloga za skora{we pokretawe ta dimenzija 15 m h 15 m u centralnom delu padi- radova u ovoj zoni bila je provera pozicije epi- ne, a tokom prve dve godine radova se nije zalazilo skopskog dvora, za koju su se u jednom trenutku tra- u ru{evinske i kulturne slojeve (sl. 7.1–2). îtav ìla re{ewa van Akropoqa.16 prostor je tehni~ki iscrtavan, pa su aerofoto- Osnovnu predradwu ciklusu istraìvawa se- grafske, mikrotopografske i geofizi~ke indici- vernog platoa Gorweg grada predstavqalo je ~i- je dobile sasvim precizan i re~it lik. {}ewe wegove povr{ine u celosti. To je ura|eno na dva na~ina. Najpre je, tokom leta 2006. godine, pose~ena {uma na ovom delu lokaliteta, koji se od 13 Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2015, 173–175. tada uglavnom redovno odràva. Potom su 2008. i 14 Mano-Zisi 1956, 158, sl. 1. 2010. godine, ma{inskim putem i uz stalan arheo- 15 Kondi}, Popovi} 1977, 42–93. lo{ki nadzor, ukloweni ogromni arheolo{ki i 16 Bavant 2007, 364–367.

149 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Sl. 7. 1. Severna padina Cari~inog grada, osnova sondi iz 2009. i 2010. godine; 2. Severna padina Cari~inog grada, snimak sonde iz 2010. godine (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Fig. 7. 1. Cari~in Grad, the Upper Town’s northern slope, excavation plans from 2009 and 2010; 2. Cari~in Grad, the Upper Town’s northern slope, photograph from 2010 (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade)

Godine 2011, po istom principu otvorena su jo{ Ulica je delimi~no use~ena u stenu, ponegde pre- dva kvadrata na isto~nom delu padine, i jednako su pariranu i mestimi~no popuwenu supstrukcijom dokumentovana, a pristupilo se i iskopavawima od sitnog {uta. Objekat 20 je tokom godina poseb- delova dve celine. Istraèni su objekat 11, iz gru- no pa`qivo otkrivan. Preciznim iskopavawem je pe gra|evina na zapadnom delu padine, prostorija S nakon dokumentovawa uklawan nevezan {ut, a osta- objekta 15, duga~ke zgrade orijentisane sever–jug, vqani su konstruktivni detaqi i obru{ena zidna kao i delovi komunikacija uz wih, gde je na|ena i platna, pri ~emu se sa isto~ne strane uo~ava ~ak dobro o~uvana hlebna pe}. Ispitani objekti dali su osam nizova opeke i kamena, a ispod wih kulturni sliku kakva }e se tokom kasnijih radova ponavqa- sloj koji je ispitivan samo u maloj meri. ti u najve}em delu severnog platoa, uz jedan izuze- Ustanovqen je gabarit objekta od 25 m x 12,50 m, tak. Otkrivene zgrade su stradale u poàru koji se, dobrim delom su oslobo|ena kruni{ta zidova, a u na osnovu nalaza novca, dogodio nakon 602. godine. sredi{wem delu zgrade su otkriveni pravougaoni U wima su na|eni ulomci pitosa i ugqenisani plo- zidani stupci kojima je ona bila podeqena na dva dovi, pa im se pridaje ekonomski karakter,17 kao broda. Zgrada je sa zapadne strane imala izjedna zi- npr. poznatijoj „Ku}i sa pitosima” na Akropoqu.18 dan vestibil sa parom vrata u visini wenih ulaza, Deo objekata na severnom platou ima druga~i- a otkriveno je i stepeni{te u dnu vestibila, izme|u ju orijentaciju, zapad–istok. Oni prate trasu se- dva ulaza u glavni prostor zgrade, u osi zidanih stu- vernog bedema Akropoqa. Godine 2012. istraèn je baca u wenom sredi{wem delu. Opisane karakteri- objekat 18, sme{ten uz sam bedem. Gra|en kao i opi- stike ovo zdawe pouzdano opredequju kao ìtnicu sane zgrade, na sprat, u osnovi je pravougaonog ob- – horreum, prvu zgradu takve namene na Cari~inom lika, dimenzija oko 12 m h 7,5 m, sa atrijumom od gradu. Na osnovu plana, stubaca, delova obru{enih 7 m h 5,5 m i portikom. Dvori{te je bilo pokrive- zidova i naro~ito lukova, i nakon budu}ih istra- no ve}im plo~ama od {kriqca koje su postavqene ìvawa bi}e mogu}a pouzdana grafi~ka rekonstruk- na stenu, preko nivelacionog sloja od otpada. Uz cija. Prema trenutnoj, pora~unata visina zgrade bedem, u visini jedne popravke u spoqnom licu, na- iznosila je oko 13,50 m.20 Sude}i po tehnici zida- lazi se mawa polukru`na platforma. Uz zapadni zid ku}e sme{ten je odvodni kanal za ki{nicu.19 Paralelan sa objektom 18 je objekat 20, jedini 17 Ivani{evi}, Bavant 2012, 97–99. na severnom platou koji je gra|en u tehnici opus 18 Caillet et al. 2010. mixtum. Dva objekta oivi~avaju 4 m {iroku ulicu 19 Ivani{evi} et al. 2014a, 83–84, sl. 1. koja se pruà od istoka ka zapadu, nazvanu koridor 4. 20 Autor je arh. Vladan Zdravkovi}.

150 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016 wa, horeum pripada prvoj gra|evinskoj fazi Cari- talnih modela, na osnovu kojih je dobijena vrlo ~inog grada. precizna mikrotopografska slika. Upravo zahva- Sa ju`ne strane ovog zdawa nalazi se prostrano quju}i prou~avawu mikrotopografije bilo je mo- dvori{te koje je povezano sa zapadnom ulicom Gor- gu}e utvrditi poloàje ve}eg broja kula. weg grada.21 Upravo to dvori{te spomiwe \or|e Pravac severnog bedema se uo~ava pra}ewem ro- Mano-Zisi 1956. godine, pa je jasno da je masivan vova koje je, vade}i opeku, ostavilo lokalno stanov- zid koji je predstavqao severnu ivicu tada{weg ni{tvo. Naàlost, trasa severozapadnog bedema se iskopa22 zapravo ju`ni zid horeuma. Dosada{wa ispred zapadne poterne Akropoqa gubi pod viso- iskopavawa su pokazala da je u poznijoj fazi kori- kim naslagama {uta, pa wu nije mogu}e precizno {}ewa horeum bio pregra|ivan i da su neki wegovi prikazati. S druge strane, nedavno potvr|en zapad- ulazi zagra|eni. U vestibilu je za sada ustanovqe- ni bedem Severnog podgra|a jasno se prati na osno- na samo ta faza ìvota, budu}i da je, makar u we- vu LiDAR modela. Wegov izgled se moè rekonstru- govom severnom delu, originalan pod od opeka bio isati na osnovu dela koji je otkriven 2012. godine skinut u potpunosti. Nad takvom osnovom do{lo je i trase istog odbrambenog zida ju`no od Velikih do zna~ajnog naslojavawa, da bi kasnije ti slojevi termi koja je istraèna 1955–1956. godine (sl. 8).23 bili prekriveni slojem ru{ewa zgrade. Poloàji kula su odre|eni na osnovu izbo~ina na strmoj padini podno bedema, koje se jasno izdvajaju du` trase pruàwa fortifikacije. Kad je re~ ZAKQUÂK o severozapadnom bedemu, poloàj kule ispod zapadne poterne Akropoqa je jasno nagove{ten, dok Paralelna primena klasi~nih metoda istraì- problem predstavqa pozicija kule naspram potko- vawa i savremenih tehnika prospekcije i detekci- vi~aste kule Akropoqa. Wena reqefna indicija je je omogu}ila je rekonstrukciju severne fortifi- slaba. Padina je u ovom delu vrlo strma, pa je mo- kacije, kao i urbanisti~ke sheme severne padine gu}e da se nije o~uvala ni osnova kule. Postojawe Gorweg grada. Do pre neku godinu jedan od najslabi- kule na ovom mestu pretpostavqamo i zbog logike je poznatih delova grada, danas se severni plato mo- fortificirawa. Te{ko je pretpostaviti da bi kur- è smatrati jednom od najboqe definisanih celina, tina u duìni od punih 100 m ostala nebrawena {to je va`no kako za razumevawe Cari~inog grada, va`nim fortifikacionim postrojewem, posebno tako i za prou~avawe urbanizma ranovizantijskog zato {to taj deo utvr|ewa nije bio dodatno {ti}en grada uop{te. spoqnom linijom odbrane podgra|a, kao {to je Severna fortifikacija Gorweg grada do sada slu~aj sa drugim delovima bedema Gorweg grada na nije bila predmet grafi~ke rekonstrukcije, uprkos ovom prostoru. tome {to su Aleksandar Deroko i Svetozar Radoj~i} jo{ 1950. godine priloìli jasan shematski prikaz (sl. 2.2). Kasniji autori se nisu bavili ovim 21 Ivani{evi} et al. 2014b, 83, sl. 2. pitawem, najvi{e zbog toga {to je severnu padinu 22 Mano-Zisi 1956, 158, sl. 1. u me|uvremenu prekrila gusta {uma. Nakon wenog 23 Mano-Zisi 1958, 319, sl. 9; Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2013, ~i{}ewa i otpo~iwawa programa istraìvawa, 82–83; Bugarski, Ivani{evi} 2014, 256. Bedem Severnog i Is- stekli su se uslovi da predloìmo rekonstrukciju, to~nog podgra|a je gra|en izjedna u tehnici opus mixtum, sa ni- koja podrazumeva prikaz trase bedema, ali i polo- {ama za rasteretne lukove. \or|e Mano-Zisi, na citiranom mestu, navodi da je bedem zidan od lomqenog kamena, ali nagla- àja i izgleda kula, kao i mogu}e lokacije poterni. {ava da „Izme|u pilastara postoji uvek niì kameni banak sa Trasa bedema moè rekonstrui{e na osnovu tankim slojem crvenkastog maltera, preko koga su usa|ene ve- brojnih podloga generisanih u GIS platformi Ca- like opeke.” Re~ je o najniìm o~uvanim delovima rasteret- ri~inog grada: aerofotografija iz 1938. i 1947. nih lukova. Tehnika gradwe ovog dela bedema podgra|a je potvr|ena 2015. godine detaqnim ~i{}ewem cele trase ju`no od godine, LiDAR DTM-a i filtriranog modela, foto- Velikih termi, nakon ~ega je izvr{eno fotogrametrijsko do- grametrijskih snimaka i opservacija na terenu. kumentovawe sa zemqe. Za razliku od Mano-Zisija, koji jasno Treba naglasiti da su va`ne podatke u rekonstruk- navodi da je re~ o bedemu podgra|a, kasniji istraìva~i su ciji trase pruìle stare aerofotografije koje smatrali da je re~ o obzi|u termi (Kondi}, Popovi} 1977, 135), tako da skora{we opaske o tehnici gradwe i postoje}im inter- prikazuju stawe terena pre nasipawa {uta preko pretacijama ovog bedema nisu zasnovane (Milinkovi} 2015, 196, severoisto~nog bedema, kao i analize LiDAR digi- nap. 489, 490).

151 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Sl. 8. Plan severne padine sa istraènim celinama (belo) i rekonstruisanim osnovama objekta prema LiDAR digitalnom modelu (plavo), geomagnetskim istraìvawima (ùto) i georadarskim snimawima (naranxasto). Pretpostavqene osnove objekata prikazane su ta~kastim linijama, kao i severni bedem Gorweg grada i zapadni odbrambeni zid Severnog podgra|a. Osnovu plana ~ini fotogrametrijski snimak iz 2014, a izohipse su date prema LiDAR modelu iz 2011. godine (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Fig. 8. Cari~in Grad, plan of the Upper Town’s northern slope with excavated buildings (white) and the buildings ground plans obtained from LiDAR (blue), geomagnetic (yellow) and GPR surveys (orange). Reconstructed building ground plans are shown in dotted lines, as well as the Upper Town’s northern and the Outer Town’s western ramparts. The ground plans are plotted onto the 2014 photogrammetric plan, with the isohypses from the 2011 LiDAR-derived DTM (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade)

Pravougaona osnova kula izvedena je na osnovu tragovi tih kula nisu mogli da se utvrde jer najve- izgleda poznatih kula spoqnog bedema grada, koje }i deo severoisto~nog bedema leì pod visokim su najve}im delom takvog plana. Samo su dve kule, nasipima savremenog {uta. Ni aerofotografije one na spojevima bedema Gorweg i Doweg grada, vi- iz 1938. i 1947. godine ne pruàju dovoqno indi- {eugaone – sa spoqne strane wihova osnova se po- cija o postojawu tih kula, ali ipak ne bi trebalo kazuje kao osmougaona. U ovom trenutku, ipak, ne iskqu~iti mogu}nost postojawa barem jednog od- moè se iskqu~iti mogu}nost da su neke kule ima- brambenog objekta na ovom delu bedema, budu}i da le druga~iju osnovu, mo`da potkovi~astu, kao {to duìna kurtine izme|u dve definisane kule izno- je to slu~aj na fortifikaciji Akropoqa. si punih 80 m. Naglasi}emo da je prose~an razmak Posebnu nedoumicu u raspravi o dispoziciji izme|u kula glavnog bedema grada, prema istraè- kula izaziva trasa severoisto~nog bedema naspram nim deonicama kurtina, od 40 m (zapadni bedem severne ulice Gorweg grada. Zasnovana je pretpo- Doweg grada) do svega 20 m (ju`ni bedem Doweg gra- stavka da su na tom mestu bile podignute kule rada). Prema predloènoj rekonstrukciji bedema i di za{tite severne kapije Gorweg grada. Naàlost, pozicija kula severnog bedema Gorweg grada, pro-

152 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016 se~na duìna bedemskog platna izme|u kula izno- na severnoj padini Gorweg grada. Taj prolaz se spu- sila bi 44 m. {ta ka severu od glavne komunikacije, koridora 4, Drugi razlog za postojawe kule (kula) na ovoj vodi pored jednog niza objekata i zavr{ava se upra- deonici je verovatno postojawe severne kapije, ili vo ispred pomenutog udubqewa na trasi bedema. poterne, koja bi predstavqala logi~an zavr{etak Posledwi rekonstruisani element fortifika- severne ulice Gorweg grada. Uzimaju}i u obzir sko- cije jeste stepeni{te koje je vodilo na bedem i se- ra{wa saznawa, ta komunikacija jo{ vi{e dobija na vernu kulu isto~ne kapije Gorweg grada. Prema zna~aju, jer je sasvim mogu}e da je povezivala Gorwi analogijama sa drugim delovima gradske fortifi- grad i Severno podgra|e. Poterne brawene kulama kacije, debqina bedema od ~ak 3,80 m na ovom mestu su dokumentovane na severnom bedemu Akropoqa, moè da ukazuje samo na postojawe stepeni{ta. kao i na ju`nom bedemu Gorweg i ju`nom bedemu Sli~ni su primeri stepeni{ta jugoisto~ne ugaone Doweg grada. Poloàj druge poterne je pretposta- kule Doweg grada, gde je bedem debqine od 2,40 m a vqen na osnovu primetnog ulegnu}a u terenu i pilastar stepeni{ta {irine jo{ 1,30 m, odnosno pravca pruàwa jedne od sporednih komunikacija stepeni{ta zapadne kule ju`ne kapije Doweg grada

Sl. 9. Severna padina Cari~inog grada, objekti 18 i 21–23 podignuti izme|u severnog bedema Akropoqa i koridora 4. Fotogrametrijski snimak iz 2015. godine (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Fig. 9. Cari~in Grad, the Upper Town’s northern slope, buildings 18 and 21–23 between the Acropolis and corridor 4. Photogrammetric plan from the 2015 survey (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade)

153 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016 sa bedemom debqine 2,60 m i pilastrom {irine ma Justinijanovog zakonodavstva, imale obavezu 1,30 m. Svakako da su stepeni{ta bila podignuta i ru{ewa objekata podignutih na javnom zemqi{tu, uz druge kule na ovom prostoru. Wihova dispozi- ukqu~uju}i gra|evine sazidane uz bedeme (CJ VIII. cija nije rekonstruisana na priloènom planu 11.14). Nepo{tovawe tih odredbi jasno ukazuje na usled nedostatka bliìh podataka. uru{avawe rimskog administrativnog aparata, a Kad je re~ o nasequ, razme{taj objekata na se- da je „opkoqavawe” najistaknutije utvrde Cari~i- vernoj padini je rekonstruisan zahvaquju}i arhe- nog grada uzelo maha, uz odavno poznate primere kod olo{kim iskopavawima i analizama digitalnog severoisto~ne kule bedema Akropoqa, pokazuju i modela terena, posebno filtriranog LiDAR snim- nedavno otkriveni objekti uz wegovu ju`nu stranu.25 ka, kao i geofizi~kim istraìvawima. Prou~ava- Posledwoj fazi ìvota grada pripadaju brojne dowe starih aerofotografija je i u ovom slu~aju gradwe u okviru postoje}ih objekata, bilo javnog pruìlo va`ne podatke (sl. 8). Na padini koja se karaktera, kao {to je ìtnica, ili privatnih ku- od severnog bedema Akropoqa spu{ta ka severnom }a. Tu fazu oslikava zatvarawe prolaza i zazi|i- bedemu Gorweg grada razvilo se naseqe sa radijal- vawe vrata, kao i podizawe mawih ogwi{ta u okvi- no raspore|enim nizovima objekata koji prate pad ru prostorija. terena. Jedno od osnovnih pitawa koje se postavqa Na severnoj padini se jasno izdvajaju tri raz- jeste da li je prostor severne padine izvorno bio li~ite grupacije objekata, koje odgovaraju navede- planiran za naseqe, budu}i da se u isto~nom delu nim fazama. Wihova funkcija se delom preklapa- te povr{ine nalaze ostaci velikog horeuma, koji la. Prvu grupu zdawa ~ine ìtnica i skladi{te uz se naslawa na sli~an objekat – skladi{te koje iz- zapadni portik severne ulice Gorweg grada. Kako lazi na zapadni portik severne ulice Gorweg gra- su pokazala istraìvawa objekata 11 i 15C, kao da. Oba objekta su podignuta sa masivnim zidovi- skladi{ta su sluìle i pojedine skromnije gra|e- ma u tehnici opus mixtum, a svojim dimenzijama vine iz jednog niza zgrada podignutih na padini. U prema{uju druge gra|evine na ovom prostoru. Pored objektu 15C je otkriven ve}i broj pitosa, kao i tehnike izgradwe, i wihova pozicija uz severnu udubqewa za wihovo polagawe, dok je u oba objekta ulicu ukazuje na to da su pripadali prvobitnom na|ena velika koli~ina karbonizovanog vo}a.26 programu izgradwe javnih zdawa. Ne treba iskqu- Planski raspored gra|evina ukazuje na organizo- ~iti mogu}nost da je ovaj deo grada isprva bio vano naseqe ~iji su ìteqi verovatno bila lica osmi{qen kao ekonomski deo, sa skladi{tima i zaduèna za funkcionisawe zna~ajnog crkvenog privrednim objektima. klera i administrativnog aparata. Idealni koncept je, po svemu sude}i, bio brzo Sli~nu funkciju su imale i zgrade uz spoqno napu{ten, pa je podignuto naseqe sa brojnim ma- lice severnog bedema Akropoqa, s tom razlikom wim gra|evinama, svakako jo{ u vreme cara Justi- {to je plan tih objekata bio uslovqen izgledom i nijana. One su zidane od lomqenog kamena vezanog orijentacijom pojasa izme|u fortifikacije i blatom u dowim partijama, sa spratovima od }erpi- ulice i raspoloìvim slobodnim prostorom. Za- ~a i lepa i krovovima od opeka, {to ih svrstava u paàmo da je ju`no od koridora 4, koji te~e para- mawe reprezentativnu arhitekturu na Cari~inom lelno sa severnim bedemom Akropoqa, uz izuzetke gradu. Unekoliko sli~an primer radijalnog raspo- poput objekta 18 podignut ve}i broj malih gra|e- reda gra|evina beleìmo kod ranovizantijskog vina, za razliku od ostalih delova severne padine. utvr|ewa u û~eru, s tom razlikom {to su ovde Te objekte bismo mogli da opredelimo, s obzirom objekti raspore|eni po horizontalnoj osi.24 Va- na wihovu veli~inu i poloàj uz glavnu komunika- `no je ista}i da je i druga faza izgradwe severne ciju, kao prodavnice. Na ovom prostoru, va`no je padine grada bila planska, na {ta ukazuje raspo- napomenuti, beleìmo i ve}i broj pe}i i nalaze red objekata u nizovima. Ubrzo za wima, ako ne jo{ zgure, posebno u objektu 24, kao i ostatke radioni- u isto vreme, podiù se i objekti uz spoqno lice ce za obradu i doradu kosti u neposrednoj blizini. severnog bedema Akropoqa, koji jasno ukazuju na napu{tawe urbanisti~kog plana (sl. 9). Javni prostor postaje privatan i na wemu se podiù indi- 24 Mikul~i› 1999, 356, sl. 231. vidualni objekti, uprkos zabrani izgradwe uz 25 Ivani{evi}, Stamenkovi} 2013, 27–29. fortifikacije. Gradske vlasti su, prema odredba- 26 Ivani{evi}, Bavant 2012, 99.

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Ovi nalazi ukazuju na to da bi na prostoru sever- * * * ne padine Gorweg grada trebalo ra~unati i sa raz- vijenom zanatskom proizvodwom. Primena savremenih metoda prospekcije i detek- Glavnu komunikaciju na severnom platou pred- cije u kombinaciji sa arheolo{kim iskopavawima stavqa upravo koridor 4, koji od sredi{weg dela omogu}ava jasan uvid u urbanizam i strukturu is- severnog portika zapadne ulice Gorweg grada vodi pitivanih celina, kao {to je kod nas slu~aj sa se- du` skladi{ta i ìtnice i daqe na zapad. Od ove vernom padinom Gorweg grada. Takav metod rada i ulice spu{ta se niz ve}ih i mawih prolaza prema analize podataka u okviru GIS platforme, pored severnom bedemu Gorweg grada i daqe ka Severnom rekonstrukcije osnova objekata i urbanisti~kog ra- podgra|u. Jedna od va`nih komunikacija povezuje stera, pruà mogu}nost boqeg planirawa istraì- glavnu ulicu i poternu na severnom bedemu, dok se vawa, uz usredsre|enost na kqu~ne celine za razu- glavni saobra}aj sa severnim i isto~nim podgra- mevawe fortifikacione arhitekture i karaktera |em odvijao preko isto~ne kapije Gorweg grada. naseqa.

155 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

IZVORI:

CJ ...... Codex Justinianus, ed. P. Krüger, Berlin 1915.

BIBLIOGRAFIJA:

Bavant 2007 – B. Bavant, Cari~in Grad and the Arheologija u Srbiji. Projekti Arheolo{kog instituta u Changes in the Nature of Urbanism in the Central 2011. godini, Beograd 2012, 96–99. Balkans in the Sixth Century, in: The Transition to Late Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2013 – V. Ivani{evi}, Antiquity. On the Danube and Beyond, ed. A. G. Poulter, I. Bugarski, Prva doma}a iskustva u dokumentova- Oxford 2007, 337–374. wu {irih zona arheolo{kih nalazi{ta putem LiDAR Bavan, Ivani{evi} 2006 – B. Bavan, V. Ivani- tehnologije, Glasnik Dru{tva konzervatora Srbije {evi}, Ivstiniana Prima – Cari~in Grad, Leskovac 37, 2013, 79–84. 2006. Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2015 – V. Ivani{evi}, Bavan, Ivani{evi} 2009 – B. Bavan, V. Ivani- I. Bugarski, Digitalna fotogrametrijska snimawa {evi}, Cari~in grad – pregled istraìvawa 2007. anti~kih i sredwovekovnih lokaliteta u Srbiji, i 2008. godine, Leskova~ki zbornik XLIX, 2009, Saop{tewa XLVII, 2015, 165–180. 247–258. Ivani{evi}, Stamenkovi} 2013 – V. Ivani- Bavant et al. 1990 – B. Bavant, V. Kondi}, J.-M. {evi}, S. Stamenkovi}, Razgradwa fortifikacije Spieser (éds.), Cari~in Grad II, Le Quartier Sud-Ouest Akropoqa Cari~inog grada, Leskova~ki zbornik de la Ville Haute, Rome – Belgrade 1990. LIII, 2013, 21–31. Bugarski, Ivani{evi} 2014 – I. Bugarski, V. Ivani{evi} et al. 2014a – V. Ivani{evi}, B. Bavant, Ivani{evi}, Primena aerofotografije u srpskoj I. Bugarski, Cari~in grad – Arheolo{ka istraìvanja u arheologiji, Saop{tewa XLVI, 2014, 251–263. 2012. godini, Arheologija u Srbiji. Projekti Arheolo{kog Vasi} 1990 – ^. Vasi}, La plan d’urbanisme de la instituta u 2012. godini, Beograd 2014, 82–85. Ville haute, in: Cari~in Grad II, Le Quartier Sud-Ouest Ivani{evi} et al. 2014b – V. Ivani{evi}, B. Bavant, de la Ville Haute, éds. B. Bavant, V. Kondi}, J.-M. I. Bugarski, Cari~in grad – Arheolo{ka istraìvanja u Spieser, Rome – Belgrade, 1990, 305–311. 2013. godini, Arheologija u Srbiji. Projekti Arheolo{kog Guyon, Cardi 1984 – J. Guyon, G. Cardi, L’église instituta u 2013. godini, Beograd 2014, 82–85. B, dite «basilique cruciforme», in: Cari~in Grad I. Les Kondi}, Popovi} 1977 – V. Kondi}, V. Popo- basiliques B et J de Cari~in Grad. Quatre objets remar- vi}, Cari~in grad, utvr|eno naseqe u vizantijskom quables de Cari~in Grad. Le trésor de Hajdu~ka Vode- Iliriku, Beograd 1977. nica, éds. N. Duval, V. Popovi}, Belgrade – Rome, Mano-Zisi 1955 – \. Mano-Zisi, Iskopavawa 1–90, 1984. na Cari~inom Gradu 1949–1952 godine, Starinar Deroko, Radoj~i} 1950 – A. Deroko, S. Radoj~i}, III–IV/1952–1953, 1955, 127–168. Otkopavawe Cari~ina Grada 1947 godine, Starinar Mano-Zisi 1956 – \. Mano-Zisi, Iskopavawa I, 1950, 119–142. na Cari~inom Gradu 1953 i 1954 godine, Starinar Duval, Popovi} 2010 – N. Duval, V. Popovi} (éds.), V–VI/1954–1955, 1956, 155–180. Cari~in Grad III, L’acropole et ses monuments (cathé- Mano-Zisi 1958 – \. Mano-Zisi, Iskopavawa drale, baptistère et bâtiments annexes), Rome – Belgrade na Cari~inom Gradu 1955 i 1956 godine, Starinar 2010. VII–VIII/1956–1957, 1958, 311–328. Ivani{evi} 2012 – V. Ivani{evi}, Akvedukt Mikul~i› 1999 – I. Mikul~i›, Anti~ki gradovi Cari~inog grada – Justinijane Prime, Saop{tewa vo Makedonija, Skopje 1999. XLIV, 2012, 13–31. Milinkovi} 2015 – M. Milinkovi}, Ranovizan- Ivani{evi}, Bavant 2012 – V. Ivani{evi}, B. Bavant, tijska naseqa u Srbiji i wenom okruèwu, Beograd Cari~in grad – Arheolo{ka istraìvanja u 2011. godini, 2015.

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Petkovi} 1939 – V. Petkovi}, Iskopavawe Caillet et al. 2010 – J.-P. Caillet, R. Prica, Lj. Bjela- Cari~ina grada kod Lebana 1938 god, Starinar III, jac, N. Duval, M. Jeremi}, La maison aux pithoi, in: 1939, 141–152. T. I. Cari~in Grad III, L’acropole et ses monuments (cathé- Petkovi} 1948 – V. Petkovi}, Les fouilles de Tsari- drale, baptistère et bâtiments annexes), éds. N. Duval, tchin Grad, Cahiers archéologiques III, 1948, 39–48. V. Popovi}, Rome – Belgrade 2010, 579–585.

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Summary: VUJADIN IVANI[EVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade IVAN BUGARSKI, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade ALEKSANDAR STAMENKOVI], Leskovac

NEW INSIGHTS INTO URBAN PLANNING OF CARI^IN GRAD The Application of Modern Sensing and Detection Methods

Key words. – Cari~in Grad, Justiniana Prima, urban planning, fortification, settlement, aerial photography, geophysical surveys, LiDAR, photogrammetry, excavations, GIS.

Thanks to the application of modern non-destructive sensing indicating the layout of the buildings, which was to be proved and detection methods, in recent years a series of new data on by geophysical surveys and archaeological excavations. urban planning in Cari~in Grad was obtained. For the most part, In the course of the Serbian-French reaearch programme, in the current research programme studies the Upper Town’s 2007 geomagnetic surveys were carried out by Alain Kermor- northern plateau, wooded until recently and hence the only pre- van of the University of Tours. Thanks to the application of this viously unexplored unit of the city. In the course of this pro- method the remains of collapsed stone structures could be ob- gramme, the classical research method – the excavations start- served, and in 2015, in cooperation with the Roman-Germanic ed in 2009 – is for the first time combined with the systematic Central Museum, Mainz, and the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute application of airborne and terrestrial sensing and detection from Vienna, the middle and eastern parts of the plateau were techniques. The analysis of historic aerial photographs and scanned with GPR (Fig. 4.2). Precise plans of the buildings topographic plans proved to be very useful as well. Along with were obtained in the areas in which LiDAR scanning and pho- them, LiDAR-derived DTMs, photogrammetric DEMs, differ- togrammetric and geomagnetic surveys failed to produce clear ent geophysical and orthophotographic plans are stored in the images. GIS database for Cari~in Grad and the Leskovac Basin. In this Within the framework of the ArchaeoLandscapes Europe way almost 80 percent of the plateau area was defined, and the project, in 2011 we managed to organise an airborne LiDAR sur- obtained plan is hypothetical only to a small extent, which par- vey of the wider area of Cari~in Grad. With its density of some 20 ticularly refers to the unexcavated northern rampart of the points per square meter, this scanning proved to be crucial for Upper Town. Each source provided relevant information for the our comprehension of the town. The standard DTM provided reconstruction of both the rampart and the settlement, which numerous important data, especially its version calculated in the points to the value of a holistic approach to documentation from focal statistics function of the ArcGIS software package (Fig. 5. various dates. 1–2). These models show not only the route of the Upper Town’s The first source to be studied were archival aerial pho- northern rampart, the position of its towers and the layout of the tographs of Cari~in Grad from 1938 and 1947 (Figs. 1, 2.1). The buildings, but also the line of the Outer Town’s western rampart. latter one was originally processed by Aleksandar Deroko and Visible only in the DTM, this entirely new aspect of the Cari~in Svetozar Radoj~i}, who drew the plan of the town after it, Grad fortification has been attested by the excavations. labelling the unexplored Upper Town’s northern plateau as “a Highly important plans of the town, and of the northern probable habitation area”. The route of the northern rampart was plateau of the Upper Town in particular, were obtained by UAV aslo rather precisely determined by the authors (Fig. 2.2). Re- photogrammetric surveys. The first drone survey was conducted cently, these photographs were rectified and georeferenced in in 2014 within the scope of the same project. It resulted in a the GIS. The 1938 shot reveals the position of some towers as cloud with up to 1,600 points per square meter (Fig. 6.1–2). Un- well, and it is also indicative of the way of construction of cer- like the LiDAR technology, photogrammetry cannot penetrate tain buildings. From the spatial layout of whitish zones, origi- vegetation; therefore the preliminary clearing of the ground nating from mortar scattered along the slope, it can be deduced proved to be a most important step. After the 2015 campaign which buildings were constructed in opus mixtum – the hor- was finished, the excavation area in the Upper Town was docu- reum and the so-called Building with Pillars east of it. Traces of mented again in the same manner. Regular photogrammetric mortar can be observed along the route of the rampart too. surveys make possible the control of the works and reliable These archival images are particularly important because they visual monitoring of the progress of exploration (Fig. 9). record the topography of the site before it was filled with heaps After the wood was cut down in 2006 and enormous heaps of earth from the excavations. of earth from twentieth-century excavations and restoration The topographic mappings of this area were conducted in works were carefully removed by machinery in 2008 and 2010, 1981 and 2006 (Fig. 3). The first plan was drawn after an air- without disturbing the original layers of debris, wide excavations borne stereophotogrammetric survey of Cari~in Grad, and in could begin. At first only the humus layer was removed from 2006, after the wood was cut down, this whole area was surveyed fifteen-meter squares, which was followed by technical drawing. with the total station, with a density of nine points per square In 2009 and 2010 we did not explore the debris or the cultural meter. This survey also resulted in a 3D terrain model (Fig. 3.2) layers (Fig. 7.1–2). The additional two squares were opened and

158 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

documented in the same fashion in 2011, when previously recently discovered western rampart of the Outer Town can be corded buildings 11 and 15C were explored in detail, together traced to its full length in the LiDAR-derived DTM. Its form with the part of the corridor between them where a bread oven can be easily reconstructed on the basis of the results of the 2012 was found. These buildings were oriented south-north, cascading excavations and the section of the same rampart uncovered east along the mild slope towards the northern rampart of the Upper of the main fortifications in 1955–56 (Fig. 8). Town. Fragments of pithoi and carbonised fruits were found in Having studied the microtopography of the terrain, we were the buildings, allowing for an economic interpretation. Judging able to determine the position of a number of towers. They were by coinfinds, the buildings ended in fire after the year 602. clearly indicated by bumps, regularly distributed along the Some of the buildings on the northern plateau were orient- northern and northeastern sections of the rampart. The position ed differently, following the route of the northern rampart of the of the tower below the Acropolis’ western postern could be eas- Acropolis in the east-west direction. In 2012 building 18 was ily determined as well, unlike the position of the tower opposite excavated, leaning on the rampart. Rectangular in plan and to the horseshoe-shaped one of the Acropolis fortification. Yet, some 12 by 7.5 meters large, it had a storey and a 7 by 5.5 meters it is hard to imagine that a hundred-meter-long section of the spacious paved atrium in the west. rampart was left unprotected. The rectangular shape of the towers Parallel to building 18 is building 20, the only one on the is suggested because almost all the towers of the town’s outer northern plateau constructed in opus mixtum. The two buildings fortification were constructed in that way. On the other hand, at are separated by a four-meter-wide street, running from east to present we cannot exclude the possibility that some towers were west. This street, corridor 4, was partly cut in the rock. In some different, horseshoe-shaped in plan, like the ones on the Acro- sections it had a substructure of fragmented debris. Building 20 polis rampart. has been carefully excavated for several years now. After the The disposition of the towers along the northeastern ram- initial documenting, the surface layer of debris was removed, part of the Upper Town, in the area where the northern street but not the collapsed structures with characteristic construction presumably met the fortification, is not clear. This part of the details; to the east of the building a collapsed wall was uncov- site still lies under massive heaps of earth, and even the 1938 ered, containing as many as eight successive rows of stone and and 1947 aerial photographs are not indicative enough in this brick. Beneath these layers are the occupation ones, so far investi- regard. However, the tower(s) might have been erected there, not gated only to a small extent. Building 20 is rectangular in plan, only because the eighty-meter-long stretch of the rampart would covering 25 by 12.5 meters. In its central axis there is a row of be left without protection in an opposite scenario, but because it masonry pillars, dividing the building into two naves. On its is likely that the northern street ended in a gate, or at least a western side there was a vestibule with a pair of doors matching postern. It is already known that some of the posterns on the Ca- the main entrances to the building. In the back of the vestibule, ri~in Grad fortifications were defended by towers. The average between these entrances and in axis with the pillars, there was a distance between the towers of the town’s main fortification staircase. A detailed analysis of these features led us to conclude extends from 20 meters on the southern to 40 meters on the west- that building 20 was a horreum, the first such edifice to be dis- ern rampart of the Lower Town; in our reconstruction the average covered in Cari~in Grad. Taking into account the details of its interval on the Upper Town’s northern rampart is 44 meters. ground plan, pillars, parts of collapsed walls and especially Another argument is that this gate might have connected the arches, it will be possible to reconstruct the original form of the Upper and the Outer Towns. The position of the second postern horreum. Judging by the existing estimate, although somewhat is determined thanks to a depression in the terrain following the rough, it was 13.5 meters high. It could be observed that in its axis of another communication route in the Upper Town, lead- later phases the horreum was partitioned into several rooms, ing from corridor 4 and running towards the north along the and some of its entrances were walled up. In the vestibule only rows of buildings. Finally, the 3.8 meter width of the rampart in these later occupation phases were documented, as the original the section adjoining the northern tower of the Upper Town’s brick pavement was removed from its northern part. This was eastern gate may only indicate a staircase, the last reconstruct- followed by a significant accumulation of cultural layers, which ed fortification element. were sealed by the debris stratum. South of the horreum there is On the plateau stretching between the northern ramparts of a spacious courtyard connected with the western street of the the Acropolis and the Upper Town fortifications a settlement Upper Town. developed with its radially distributed rows of buildings cas- The Upper Town’s northern rampart has never been graph- cading down the slope. In the eastern part of the plateau there is ically reconstructed, despite the fact that Aleksandar Deroko and the horreum, adjoined from the east by another building – the Svetozar Radoj~i} published its accurate (although schematic) storage called Building with Pillars. Larger than the other build- ground plan as early as 1950 (Fig. 2.2). This part of the town has ings and constructed in opus mixtum, the two buildings follow gradually been left out of the research focus, mainly due to the the route of the Upper Town’s northern street, all of which indi- vegetation growth. Upon employing all the methods described cates that they belong to the initial construction phase. One should above, however, it is possible to undertake such an effort. The not exclude the possibility that this part of the town was origi- ideal reconstruction suggested here includes the rampart route, nally conceived as an economic district with storages and simi- the disposition and the form of the towers, and the possible loca- lar edifices. tions of the posterns. The line of the rampart can be traced fol- By all appearances, the original concept was soon abandoned. lowing the trenches left by the locals dismantling the walls. Already at the time of Justinian a settlement of numerous small- Only the section of the northwestern rampart in front of the er buildings was created. With their walls of stone and wattle and western postern of the Acropolis cannot be presented, being still daub, the buildings were roofed with tiles. Yet one should under- covered by massive earth deposits. On the other hand, the re- score that this construction phase, although less sophisticated

159 IVANI[EVI], BUGARSKI, STAMENKOVI], Nova saznawa o urbanizmu Cari~inog grada (143–160) STARINAR LXVI/2016

than the first one, was accomplished according to a previously administration. On the other hand, except for some houses – prepared plan; the spread of the buildings speaks to that effect. such as building 18 – small buildings along the Acropolis forti- Shortly afterwards, if not at the same time, buildings were erect- fication, facing the main street, corridor 4, might have served as ed along the outer face of the Acropolis rampart – a clear indi- shops and workshops. Traces of furnaces, slag and bone work- cation of abandoning urban planning (Fig. 9). Public space was ing were also encountered in this area. turned into private, in spite of the legal proscriptions of that The parallel application of classical research methods and time. During the last phase of the town’s life the buildings de- modern techniques of sensing and detection enabled the recon- scribed, whether public or private, were partitioned into small struction of the northern rampart and the urban matrix of the rooms, often with fireplaces and with some of their entrances Upper Town’s northern plateau. Until recently among the least walled up. known parts of the town, this unit can now be regarded as one Just like the edifices constructed in opus mixtum, some of of the best defined. This is important not only for our under- the more modest buildings from the second construction phase standing of Cari~in Grad (Justiniana Prima), but also for the were used to store food – namely buildings 11 and 15C. The plan study of Early Byzantine urban planning in general. of this part of the site points to an organised settlement, most probably inhabited by persons servicing a significant clergy and Translated by Ivan Bugarski

160 DEJAN RADI^EVI], Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu, Odeqewe za arheologiju, Beograd ANA CICOVI], Muzej rudni~ko-takovskog kraja, Gorwi Milanovac

TIPAR KNEZA LAZARA SA RUDNIKA

UDK: 904:736.3(497.11)"13" e-mail: [email protected] 902.2(497.11)"2009/2015" Primqeno: 18. januara 2016. DOI: 10.2298/STA1666161R Prihva}eno: 10. februara 2016. Prilog

Apstrakt. – U radu se publikuje predmet prona|en prilikom posledwih istra`ivawa sredwovekovnog naseqa na planini Rudnik. Na osnovu predstave {lema sa ~elenkom u vidu rogova i natpisa u kojem se navodi gospodin Lazar, knez „sve srbske zemqe“, predmet je protuma~en kao tipar (pe~atwak) kori{}en za otiskivawe pe~ata kneza Lazara. Autori ukazuju na uslove nalaza, sadr`aj natpisa i na~in upotrebe tog predmeta. Tipar poti~e iz vremena Lazareve vlasti nad Rudnikom izme|u 1373. i 1389. godine. Jedinstven je arheolo{ki nalaz na na{im prostorima i predstavqa izuzetan prilog srpskoj sredwovekovnoj sfragistici.

Kqu~ne re~i. – Rudnik, tipar, pe~at, knez Lazar, vladareva milost.

redinom XIII veka, nakon dolaska rudara puta detaqno razmatranoj sredwovekovnoj istori- Sasa, u Srbiji po~iwe novo razdobqe u ji ovog podru~ja,3 rezultati arheolo{kih istra- S razvoju rudarstva. Kao prvo mesto gde su ìvawa su i daqe skromni. Tokom osamdesetih go- Sasi delovali u izvorima se pomiwe Brskovo, a dina pro{log veka izgledalo je da mogu poprimiti najverovatnije su tek koju deceniju kasnije po~eli sistematski karakter, jer su znatno doprinela da eksploataciju rudnog blaga i u severnom delu sred- znawa, dotada zasnovana iskqu~ivo na pisanim iz- wovekovne Srbije, na planini Rudnik. Prva vest o vorima, budu upotpuwena i arheolo{kim podaci- Rudniku zabeleèna je 1293. godine, pa se pretpo- ma, ali su, naàlost, ostala kratkog daha.4 stavqa da je naseqe moglo nastati i razviti se u Mnoga pitawa su ostala nerazja{wena, a me|u posledwim decenijama XIII veka.1 Ubrzo se razvija wima i pitawe ubikacije glavnog gradskog naseqa u jedan od najpoznatijih rudarskih i trgova~kih cen- i sredwovekovnog trga, poznatog iz pisanih izvora.5 tara srpske dràve, koji u punoj meri doìvqava procvat tokom XIV i prve polovine XV veka. Na Rudniku su se dobijali plemeniti i obojeni meta- 1 ]irkovi}, Kova~evi}-Koji}, ]uk 2002, 34–35. li, me|u kojima su najzna~ajniji bili srebro, olovo 2 Ivani{evi} 2001, 63–64. i naro~ito bakar. Po svoj prilici, od po~etka je 3 Dini} 1962, 1–30; Hrabak 1984, 5–60; [uica 2014, po~ela sa radom i kovnica novca, koja je radila naj- 260–284. duè od svih srpskih sredwovekovnih kovnica.2 4 Radi~evi} 2014, 285–312, sa starijom literaturom. Osim pisanih izvora, najvi{e gra|e iz Dubro- 5 U tom pogledu prethodna istraìvawa sa leve strane va~kog arhiva, o zna~aju Rudnika u sredwem veku izvori{ta Jasenice, u utvr|ewu i nasequ iz vremena turske vlasti, nisu pruìla ubedqive rezultate, mada ima autora ko- svedo~e i brojni materijalni tragovi na terenu. Me- ji na tom prostoru sme{taju i glavno naseqe sredwovekovnog |utim, nasuprot dobro poznatoj i u literaturi vi{e Rudnika, up.: Petrovi}, Buli} 2009, 43–62.

161 RADI^EVI], CICOVI], Tipar kneza Lazara sa Rudnika (161–171) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Sl. 1. Rudnik, lokaliteti arheolo{ki iskopavani 2009–2015. godine (Drewe – Stacionar, Drewe – Dvori{te S. Markovi}a, Drewe – Imawe Niki}a i Maxarsko brdo), pogled sa jugoistoka (foto: D. Radi~evi}) Fig. 1. Rudnik, archaeologically explored sites 2009–2015 (Drenje – Stacionar, Drenje – courtyard of S. Markovi}, Drenje – Niki} estate and Mad`arsko Brdo), from the southeast (photo: D. Radi~evi})

S namerom da se upravo na to pitawe potraì odgo- obine koja zbog svog karaktera predstavqa jedan od vor, posle pauze od gotovo ~etvrt veka, na Rudniku veoma dinami~nih multikulturnih ambijenata posu obnovqena arheolo{ka istraìvawa.6 Od 2009. znosredwovekovne Srbije. godine, sonda`no su iskopavana ~etiri lokaliteta Najzna~ajnija otkri}a grupisana su na potesu nedaleko od centra varo{ice Rudnik (sl. 1). Radi Drewe, u arealu zgrade biv{eg Stacionara, a sada se o prostoru na kome ranije nisu vr{ena arheolo- rudni~kog Doma zdravqa (sl. 2). Pokretni nalazi, {ka iskopavawa, mada o wemu govori vi{e stari- a naro~ito brojni primerci novca iz XIII–XV ve- jih istraìva~a Rudnika koji tu pretpostavqaju ka na ovom lokalitetu svedo~e o kontinuitetu od ostatke ve}eg sredwovekovnog naseqa. Svojevreme- vremena najranijeg pomena Rudnika pa do kona~nog no je jo{ Janko [afarik ukazivao da se upravo na pada pod tursku vlast. Na centralnom delu platoa tom prostoru starog Rudni~i{ta nalaze razvaline otkriveni su temeqi ve}e crkve zapadnog obreda, sredwovekovne varo{i Rudnik. U vreme wegovog koja se na isto~noj strani zavr{avala ~etvorouga- obilaska 1865. godine, ovde su se uo~avali zidovi onim oltarskim prostorom.8 Nedaleko od ostataka „mnogi pove}i zdanija i ku}a, a osobito jedne cr- ove crkve, ne{to severnije na lokalitetu Drewe – kve“ koja se izdvajala svojim dimenzijama.7 Nova istraìvawa, iako zapravo jo{ na po~etku, potvr|uju pretpostavke starijih istraìva~a u potpunosti. Dosada poznate tri crkve, kao i vi{e 6 Radi~evi}, Cicovi} 2013, 237–248, sa starijom litera- profanih objekata datovanih u vreme procvata turom. 7 [afarik 1941–1948, 261–262. sredwovekovnog Rudnika, uz raznovrsne predmete 8 Namena ove gra|evine, weno opredeqewe kao profane svakodnevice, pokazuju da se ba{ tu, izme|u izvo- ili sakralne izazivalo je nedoumicu istraìva~a tokom prvih ri{ta Zlatarice i padina Male Keqe, nalaze kampawa (Radi~evi}, Cicovi} 2013, 242). Me|utim, kako su ostaci koji se moraju uzeti u obzir prilikom raz- radovi odmicali i kako je istraèna povr{ina postajala ve- matrawa problematike ubikacije glavnog naseqa }a, postajalo je jasnije da otkriveni temeqi pripadaju crkvi. Otvoreno je pitawe kojoj od katoli~kih crkava, poznatih na i trga sredwovekovnog Rudnika. Istraìvawa ot- Rudniku iz pisanih izvora (]irkovi} 1997, 246–247), pripa- krivaju organizaciju i unutra{wu strukturu nase- daju temeqi otkriveni na Drewu.

162 RADI^EVI], CICOVI], Tipar kneza Lazara sa Rudnika (161–171) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Sl. 2. Rudnik – Drewe, situacioni plan Fig. 2. Rudnik – Drenje site plan

163 RADI^EVI], CICOVI], Tipar kneza Lazara sa Rudnika (161–171) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Dvori{te S. Markovi}a, tokom posledwe tri godine istraùju se ostaci ve}e gra|evine koja se, prema dosada{wim saznawima, sastojala od najmawe dve prostorije (sl. 3). Na zidovima, gra|enim kamenom i kre~nim malterom, konstatovane su dve gra|evinske faze, a u pojedinim delovima objekta razli~iti podovi – u jugoisto~nom delu je pod od kvalitetnog kre~nog maltera, a u severozapadnom delu od nabijene zemqe (sl. 4). Prate}i arheolo- {ki materijal je identi~an sa onim kod Staciona- ra, tako da je o~igledno da objekat pripada istom vremenu. Wegova namena jeste bila profana, ali na ovom stepenu istraènosti nije sasvim razja{- wena. Mogu}e je da je jugoisto~ni deo, okrenut niz padinu prema izvoru Zlatarice, mogao biti kori- {}en za stanovawe, dok je zapadni imao ekonomsku funkciju. Ispod ove gra|evine konstatovani su tragovi ranije faze ìvota. Ve} na po~etku istraìvawa objekta izdvojen je stariji kulturni sloj ispod mal- Sl. 3. Drewe – Dvori{te S. Markovi}a, ternog poda na isto~noj strani, dok su tokom posled- situacioni plan we kampawe u 2015. godini ispod poda u severoza- Fig. 3. Drenje – courtyard of S. Markovi}, site plan padnom delu gra|evine otkrivene starije jame (sl. 5).

Sl. 4 i 5. Drewe – Dvori{te S. Markovi}a, iskop iz 2015. godine, unutra{wost objekta na nivou poda i unutra{wost objekta na nivou zdravice – neposredno pred iskopavawe severne polovine jame br. 2 (foto: D. Radi~evi}) Fig. 4 and 5. Drenje – courtyard of S. Markovi}, 2015 excavations, interior of the structure at floor level and interior of the structure at virgin soil level – just before excavating north half of pit 2 (photo: D. Radi~evi})

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0 5 cm

Sl. 6. Severna polovina jame br. 2: (a) nalaz in situ, (b) izgled tipara nakon pronalaska (foto: D. Radi~evi}) Fig. 6. North half of pit 2 (a) find in situ, (b) seal-die after discovery (photo: D. Radi~evi})

Za datovawe objekta je od va`nosti novac ugarskog gledno je da delovi prilikom izlivawa nisu bili kraqa @igmunda Luksembur{kog (1387–1437), na- poravnati, tako da se vide ivice i nepoklapawa na |en na nivou poda, dok su u dve starije jame zabele- mestu spoja kalupa. Izgleda kao da je gorwi deo is- èna dva nalaza novca na osnovu kojih se moè da- kliznuo nagore i udesno za 1 mm (sl. 8v). To se ne tovati stariji horizont. U zemqi kojom je bila uo~ava na suprotnoj strani, jer je ona nakon livewa ispuwena jedna od tih jama (jama br. 11) na|en je zaravwena. Tragovi naknadne obrade uo~avaju se i novac ugarskog kraqa Karla Roberta (1308–1342), na dowoj ivici i levoj ivici gorwe povr{ine, i kovan 1332. godine, dok je na gorwoj koti druge jame obe su blago zaobqene. Od ivica dowe povr{ine za- (jama br. 2) prona|en novac pripisan knezu Laza- obqena je samo dowa, dok su ostale o{tre. ru (oko 1370–1389).9 Analizom je ustanovqeno da legura od koje je Iz iste jame, jame br. 2 poti~e jo{ jedan pred- predmet napravqen u osnovi predstavqa olovo-ka- met koji se moè povezati sa knezom Lazarom (sl. lajnu bronzu koja se sastoji se od 80% bakra, 8% 6). Radi se o izuzetnom arheolo{kom nalazu, zasa- olova, 6% kalaja, 2% cinka i 1% silicijuma. Od ele- da jedinstvenom na na{im prostorima, zbog ~ega i menata u tragovima, detektovani su gvo`|e, nikal, predstavqa temu ovog rada. Protuma~en je kao ti- antimon, srebro, vanadijum i titanijum.10 Budu}i par (pe~atwak), namewen za otiskivawe kneèvog pe~ata (sl. 7 i 8). Izra|en je u vidu kvadratne plo- ~e, debqine oko 1 cm. Dimenzije gorwe povr{ine 9 Sredwovekovni novac prona|en tokom posledwe godine iznose 7,8 cm h 7,8 cm, a dowe 7,8 cm h 8 cm. Gorwa iskopavawa opredelio je dr V. Ivani{evi}, nau~ni savetnik povr{ina je blago konkavna, dok je dowa ravna. U Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu, kome srda~no zahvaqujemo. Primerak iz jame br. 2 je pripisan vrsti Ivani{evi} 50.2, za dva dowa ugla gorwe povr{ine nalazi se po jedna koju se smatra da pripada rudni~kom kovawu (Ivani{evi} 2001, pravilna, kru`na jamica, pre~nika 3 mm i dubine 195). oko 2 mm. 10 Nedestruktivna analiza, tehnikom energetski disper- Plo~a je izlivena u dvodelnom kalupu, pri- zivne rendgenski fluorescentne spektrometrije, obavqena je li~no nemarno. Delovi kalupa nisu bili spojeni u Republi~kom zavodu za za{titu spomenika kulture u Beogra- du. Izve{taj sa rezultatima je sa~inila M. Mari} Stojano- pravilno po sredini, ve} je dowi deo bio ne{to vi}, konzervator-hemi~ar u Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu, kojoj {iri od gorweg (odnos pribli`no 6 : 4 mm). O~i- dugujemo zahvalnost.

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Sl. 7. Tipar kneza Lazara, nakon konzervatorskog tretmana (foto: D. Radi~evi}) Fig. 7. Seal-die of Prince Lazar after conservation treatment (photo: D. Radi~evi}) da je analiza bila povr{inska, a da se prilikom Centralno poqe je uokvireno sa dva koncentri~na pripreme vodilo ra~una da o{te}ewa budu mini- kruga, izme|u kojih se nalazi kru`ni natpis. [i- malna (uklawawe korozije na pozadini dimenzija rina natpisnog poqa iznosi 8 mm. Natpis je ure- 1–2 cm), ne moèmo sa sigurno{}u tvrditi da su svi zan u negativu i zapo~et je invokacijom u vidu kr- navedeni elementi zaista sastojak legure ili su sta sa pro{irenim kracima. Slova su ujedna~ene u{li u povr{inski deo metala usled dugog leàwa visine, 7–8 mm, pravilna su i ~itka. Izuzetak predmeta u zemqi. Ovo se naro~ito odnosi na sili- predstavqa samo slovo „H“, koje je upola mawe od cijum, gvo`|e, aluminijum, fosfor i titanijum. ostalih slova (sl. 9). Nakon izlivawa, predwa strana plo~e je daqe obra|ena urezivawem, dok jedini trag urezivawa na Tekst natpisa: zadwoj strani predstavqa slovo „a“, veli~ine 5 mm, + SI È HARÝ GDNA KNEZA LAZARA SVE u gorwem desnom uglu (sl. 7b i 8b). Otvoreno je pi- SRÝSKE ZEMLE tawe za{to je slovo urezano. Na taj na~in je proizvod mogao da obeleì majstor koji je izradio tipar, Tekst natpisa sa razre{enim skra}enicama: ili je to mogla biti oznaka serije, a mo`da i jednog + SI È¡STÝ¿ HARÝ G¡OSPO¿D¡I¿NA KNEZA dela tipara koji se uklapao s drugim. U tom slu~a- LAZARA SVE SRÝSKE ZEMLE ju „a“ ne mora ozna~avati slovo, ve} broj jedan, kao prvi deo kalupa pe~atwaka. Prevod teksta natpisa: U sredi{tu predwe strane nalazi se kru`no + Ovo je milost gospodina kneza Lazara sve poqe, pre~nika 5,1 cm, u koje je urezana predstava srpske zemqe.11 velikog vite{kog {lema okrenutog ulevo. Na pred- woj strani je vizir koji pokriva lice, dok je poza- di zastor koji pada ispod {lema. Na gorwem delu 11 {lema postavqena su dva lu~no izvijena roga. Sa Zna~ajnu pomo} u tuma~ewu natpisa pruìo nam je dr D. Je~menica, docent Odeqewa za istoriju Filozofskog fakul- leve i desne strane {lema je sme{tena po jedna teta Univerziteta u Beogradu, kome ovom prilikom tako|e za- ukrasna gran~ica, izvijena da prati konturu poqa. hvaqujemo.

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0 5 cm

Sl. 8. Tipar kneza Lazara (crte`: S. Markovi}) Fig. 8. Seal-die of Prince Lazar (drawing: S. Markovi})

Predstava na centralnom poqu i sadràj nat- raz jo{ \. Dani~i} izjedna~io sa gr~kim c£rij i pisa svedo~e da je tipar pripadao knezu Lazaru. latinskim gratia.16 Na istom mestu Dani~i} ukazu- [lem sa ~elenkom u vidu „bivoqih“, „gove|ih“ ili je i na primere upotrebe termina u sredwovekovnim „volujskih“ rogova, u zavisnosti od toga kako su ih dokumentima (Studeni~kom tipiku iz 1208. godine, razli~iti autori prepoznavali, bez rezerve se uzi- pismu Dubrov~ana vojvodama Radi~u Sankovi}u i ma kao heraldi~ko obele`je kneza Lazara, koje pre- Sandaqu Hrani}u iz 1401. i 1404. godine, kao i de- uzimaju i wegovi naslednici.12 Ova predstava se spotu Stefanu Lazarevi}u iz 1422. godine). prvi put javqa na pe~atima i novcu kneza Lazara,13 Koliko nam je poznato, upotreba re~i harý u a stavqa se i na druge predmete, od kojih su najpo- zna~ewu milost na nekom pe~atu do sada nije zabe- znatiji plo~a na zidu spoqne priprate manastira leèna. Na drugoj strani, u srpskim poveqama i Hilandara i dugme sa haqine kneza Lazara.14 hrisovuqama milost ima specifi~no zna~ewe, Do sada nije poznat pe~at otisnut tiparom sa kao naziv za pravnu radwu posebne sadrìne.17 Rudnika. Pe~ati sa predstavom {lema sa izvijenim rogovima, sa~uvani na tri isprave izdate od kneza Lazara, otisnuti su drugim tiparom. Jedan se nalazi na poveqi manastiru Sv. Pantelejmona na 12 Ivani{evi} 2004, 225; Acovi} 2008, 200–202. Svetoj Gori iz 1380/81. godine, drugi na kneèvom 13 Ivani{evi} 2001, 274, vrste 24.17–24.19 i 24.24. pismu Dubrovniku od 31. avgusta 1388. godine, a 14 Acovi} 2008, 53, 200 i slike tamo. 15 tre}i na poveqi udovice Milice i wenih sinova ^remo{nik 1976, 134, T. IV, sl. 12. Srebrni, pa pozla}eni pe~ati kneza Lazara sa~uvani su u manastiru Hilandaru (Sin- Vuka i Stefana lavri Sv. Atanasija iz 1395. godi- dik 2000, 235, sl. 45–48). Jedan pe~at je na poveqi samog kneza ne. Radi se o pe~atu izra|enom od tamnosme|eg vo- o poklonu hilandarskoj bolnici, a drugi na poveqi despota ska, sa natpisom u kojem se navodi u Hrista Boga Stefana izdatoj Hilandaru 1405. godine. Na aversnom poqu je blagoverni knez Lazar.15 predstavqen vladar u stoje}em stavu, sa krstom u jednoj i aka- kijom u drugoj ruci, dok je na reversu figura Sv. Stefana sa Sadràj natpisa na rudni~kom tiparu tako|e kadionicom. je sasvim neobi~an i jedinstven. Ovde je re~ harý 16 Dani~i} 1864, 408. prevedena kao milost, u onom smislu kako je taj iz- 17 Blagojevi} 1999, 407.

167 RADI^EVI], CICOVI], Tipar kneza Lazara sa Rudnika (161–171) STARINAR LXVI/2016

podrazumevala je ~itav niz trgova~kih povlastica u srpskoj dràvi. Posebnom milo{}u se omogu}avalo nesmetano poslovawe na trgovima Srbije, bilo da u tome u~estvuju doma}i ili strani trgovci.19 Vladareva milost kao pravna radwa posebnog sadràja morala je biti vidqiva i javna, a kao dokaz o milosti sluìla je „milosna kwiga“, tj. posebna isprava. I sama re~ milost u dokumentima se upo- trebqavala kao naziv za javnopravnu ispravu kojom vladari „stvaraju milost“, „~ine milost“ ili ne{to dopu{taju svojom milo{}u.20 Imaju}i to u vidu, mo- è se zakqu~iti da je pe~at koji je otisnut rudni~- kim tiparom, kao sredstvo overe dokumenta, potvr- |ivao da je isprava predstavqala vladarevu milost, u smislu punova`nog javnopravnog dokumenta. Name}e se i pitawe na koji na~in je tipar sa 0 5 cm Rudnika mogao biti upotrebqen prilikom otiski- vawa pe~ata. Na osnovu oblika i veli~ine, on bi Sl. 9. Otisak tipara sa Rudnika se mogao pribrojati grupi tipara za koje je karakteristi~no da se otisak dobijao ne otiskivawem Fig. 9. Stamp of seal-die from Rudnik tipara u vosak, ve} pritiskom voska na tipar, bez obzira na to da li se radilo o nalepqenom ili vise- Mogla se odnositi i na ono „{to se ~ini milo{}u“ }em pe~atu.21 Postupak izrade pe~ata izgledao bi i „kada se kome dade milost“, kao i na „blagonaklo- na slede}i na~in: na poloèni tipar bi se nalivao nost vi{eg prema nièm ili mo}nijeg prema sla- vosak i pod pritiskom bi se ugwe~io tako da lik bijem“, zatim „dar koji se komu daje od milost, tj. pe~ata bude jasan i reqefan. Primera radi, upra- blagonaklonosti, od qubavi“. Ista re~ se upotre- vo na taj na~in je otisnut pe~at kneza Lazara na bqavala i u zna~ewima darovnog pisma, darovne pismu Dubrovniku iz 1388. godine. Vosak je nali- kwige, vladala~kog poklona, odnosno milosnog pi- ven na izvrnutu matricu i pritisnut na wu. Potom sma kojim se to ~inilo.18 je noèm uklowen suvi{ni vosak unaokolo sa obo- Vladar je s milo{}u ili „stvorenom milo{}u“ da i gotov pe~at je postavqen na odre|eno mesto.22 ispuwavao èqe vlastele. Milost se stvarala ili U prilog tuma~ewu da je na isti na~in kori{}en i ~inila u slu~ajevima kada su osnivane nove ili rudni~ki tipar ide postojawe jamica u dowim pro{irivane stare ba{tine, kao i kada su potvr- uglovima rudni~kog tipara. One su, po svoj prili- |ivana ba{tinska prava. Vladarevom milo{}u se ci, sluìle za spajawe sa gorwim delom, {to je vlasteli dozvoqavalo da poklawa ba{tinske crkve omogu}avalo boqe otiskivawe pe~ata, mo`da ~ak i i zemqoposede poznatijim manastirima i da ti ze- otiskivawe pe~ata sa predstavama na obe strane. mqoposedi steknu {iroka imunitetska prava. Po- Na kraju, zanimqivim se ~ini pitawe datova- nekad se dozvoqavalo vlasteli da bude neposredno wa tipara kao i tuma~ewe konteksta u kojem je na- pot~iwena nekoj uglednoj crkvenoj ustanovi, za- |en. Rudnik se prvi put pomiwe pod vla{}u kneza tim da poklawa zemqoposede ili druge nekretnine Lazara 1370. godine, kada ga je on nakratko preoteo manastirima. od ùpana Nikole Altomanovi}a.23 Ubrzo ga je mo- Milost je stvarana i crkvi kada je trebalo potvrditi zemqoposede i prava, zatim kada je trebalo osloboditi crkvene posede od redovnih obaveza, ali 18 Blagojevi} 2001, 59–60. i kad se dozvoqavalo crkvama da na svoje posede 19 Blagojevi} 2001, 93. naseqavaju „tu|e qude“ i kada se izdavala naredba 20 Blagojevi} 2001, 97. za pisawe crkvenih i manastirskih poveqa. 21 ^remo{nik 1976, 111–117. Sadràj milosti koja je u~iwena ili stvorena 22 ^remo{nik 1976, 134, T. IV, sl. 12. Dubrovniku – dubrova~koj vlasteli i trgovcima – 23 [uica 2014, 269–271.

168 RADIÊVI], CICOVI], Tipar kneza Lazara sa Rudnika (161–171) STARINAR LXVI/2016 rao vratiti starom gospodaru i tek nakon kona~nog Bora~a i êstina, va`nih tvr|ava u dolini Gruè. Altomanovi}evog poraza 1373. godine, Rudnik je Pohod je ubrzo zavr{en, ali je sa wim samo zapo~et trajno pripao Lazaru. Sve do Kosovske bitke i dugogodi{wi period srpsko-ugarskog neprijateq- kneève pogibije 1389. godine, ova oblast je bila stva.25 Ve} slede}e godine kraq @igmund ponovo stabilna i pruàla je snaàn ekonomski oslonac napada Srbiju. Najva`nije rati{te bila je Ma~va, wegovoj vladavini. ali i oblast oko Rudnika. Na dan 3. novembra 1390. Tipar svakako pripada vremenu Lazarevog go- godine kraq izdaje povequ „prope castrum Ostro- spodarewa nad Rudnikom. Ukoliko bismo poku{a- wech“, {to se odnosi na Ostrvicu, najva`niju tvr- li da ga preciznije datujemo, ~ini se da odre|ene |avu u rudni~koj oblasti.26 U slu~aju neposredne mogu}nosti pruà sam natpis u kome se Lazar navo- opasnosti ova tvr|ava je i za stanovnike obli`weg di kao knez „sve srbske zemqe“. Analizom titulatu- naseqa oko izvori{ta Zlatarice predstavqala ra u poveqama kneza Lazara do{lo se do zakqu~ka da najbliè i najsigurnije pribeì{te. je on za svoju kancelariju, pa i za srpsku crkvu, imao Mada o ciqu i ishodu pohoda koji je ugarsku rang op{tesrpskog vladara tek posle 1378/9. godi- vojsku doveo do Ostrvice ne znamo ni{ta odre|e- ne.24 Ako bi se na taj na~in posmatralo navo|ewe nije, neutvr|ena naseobina nedaleko od we bila je Lazareve vlasti na svim srpskim zemqama na rud- svakako primamqiv i lak plen. Zbog toga i smatra- ni~kom tiparu, vreme wegovog nastanka bi se moglo mo da je najverovatnije u vreme tog pohoda i tipar odrediti u posledwu deceniju Lazarevog ìvota. dospeo u zemqu. Sukob je ubrzo okon~an, a ìvot u Posle pogibije kneza Lazara situacija je u se- rudni~kom nasequ neposredno potom nastavqen. O vernim delovima wegove dràve postala veoma slo- tome svedo~i i gra|evina podignuta nad jamom iz èna. Ve} u ranu jesen 1389. godine granicu je pre- koje tipar poti~e, na ~ijem podu je na|en novac ko- {ao ugarski kraq @igmund Luksembur{ki. Usledio van upravo od vladara koji je vojsku i doveo na Rud- je prodor duboko u srpsku teritoriju, pa osvajawe nik 1390. godine.

24 Mi{i} 2014, 13–17. 25 Hardi 2014, 83–90. 26 Jovanovi} 1997, 516.

169 RADI^EVI], CICOVI], Tipar kneza Lazara sa Rudnika (161–171) STARINAR LXVI/2016

BIBLIOGRAFIJA:

Acovi} 2008 – D. Acovi}, Heraldika i Srbi, Radi~evi}, Cicovi} 2013 – D. Radi~evi}, A. Beograd 2008. Cicovi}, Nova istraìvawa sredwovekovnih nala- Blagojevi} 1999 – M. Blagojevi}, Milost, u: zi{ta na Rudniku, u: Rezultati novih arheolo{kih Leksikon srpskog sredweg veka, (prir.) S. ]irkovi} istraìvawa u severozapadnoj Srbiji i susednim i R. Mihaq~i}, Beograd, 1999, 407. teritorijama, (ur.) V. Filipovi}, R. Arsi} i D. Blagojevi} 2001 – M. Blagojevi}, Dràvna Antonovi}, Beograd–Vaqevo 2013, 237–248. uprava u srpskim sredwovekovnim zemqama, drugo Sindik 2000 – D. Sindik, Srpski sredwovekovni izdawe, Beograd 2001. pe~ati u Manastiru Hilandaru, Me|unarodni Dani~i} 1864 – \. Dani~i}, Rje~nik iz kwièv- nau~ni skup „Osam vekova Hilandara. Istorija, du- nih starina srpskih, kw. III, Beograd 1864. hovni ìvot, kwièvnost, umetnost i arhitektura“, Dini} 1962 – M. Dini}, Za istoriju rudarst- oktobar 1998, (ur.) V. Kora}, Beograd 2000, 229–237. va u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji i Bosni II, Beograd 1962. ]irkovi} 1997 – S. ]irkovi}, Katoli~ke pa- Ivani{evi} 2001 – V. Ivani{evi}, Nov~ar- rohije u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji, u: Rabotnici, Voj- stvo sredwovekovne Srbije, Beograd 2001. nici, Duhovnici, (prir.) V. \oki}, Beograd 1997, Ivani{evi} 2004 – V. Ivani{evi}, Razvoj he- 246–247. raldike u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji, Zbornik radova ]irkovi}, Kova~evi}-Koji}, ]uk 2001 – S. Vizantolo{kog instituta XLI, 2004, 213–232. ]irkovi}, D. Kova~evi}-Koji}, R. ]uk, Staro srp- Jovanovi} 1997 – V. Jovanovi}, Ostrvica pod sko rudarstvo, Beograd 2001. Rudnikom. Prilog prou~avawu sredwovekovnih gra- Hardi 2014 – \. Hardi, Prilog raspravi o dova u Srbiji, u: Uzdarje Dragoslavu Srejovi}u po- ugarskom napadu na Srbiju posle Kosovske bitke, u: vodom {ezdeset pet godina ìvota od prijateqa, Knegiwa Milica – monahiwa Jefimija i weno doba, saradnika i u~enika, (ur.) M. Lazi}, Beograd 1997, tematski zbornik radova sa nau~nog simpozijuma 511–526. odrànog 12. septembra 2014. godine u Manastiru Mi{i} 2014 – S. Mi{i}, Od zemaqskog kneza Qubostiwi, (ur.) S. Mi{i} i D. Je~menica, Trste- do kneza Srba – uzdizawe dio vladarske mo}i, u: nik 2014, 83–92. Vlast i mo}. Vlastela Moravske Srbije od 1365. do Hrabak 1984 – B. Hrabak, Rudnik pod [turcem 1402. godine, tematski zbornik radova sa me|una- i wegova dubrova~ka naseobina, Zbornik radova rodnog nau~nog skupa odrànog od 20. do 22. sep- Narodnog muzeja u â~ku XIV, 1984, 5–60. tembra 2013. godine u Kru{evcu, Velikom [iqe- ^remo{nik 1976 – G. ^remo{nik, Studije za sred- govcu i Varvarinu, (ur.) S. Mi{i}, Kru{evac 2014, njovjekovnu diplomatiku i sigilografiju Ju`nih Slovena, 7–20. Sarajevo 1976. Petrovi}, Buli} 2009 – V. Petrovi}, D. Buli}, [afarik 1941–48 – Izve{taj D-r Janka [a- Problem ubikacije sredwovekovnog Rudnika, Isto- farika iz god. 1865 o wegovom arheolo{kom puto- rijski ~asopis LVIII, 2009, 43–62. vawu, objavio N. Vuli}, Spomenik XCVIII, Odeqe- Radi~evi} 2014 – D. Radi~evi}, U potrazi za we dru{tvenih nauka SANU 77, Beograd 1941–48, sredwovekovnim Rudnikom, u: Rudnik, {apat visine, 257–264. (ur.) B. êlikovi} i M. Kneèvi}, Beograd 2014, [uica 2014 – M. [uica, Sredwi vek, u: Rud- 285–312. nik, {apat visine, (ur.) B. êlikovi} i M. Kneè- vi}, Beograd 2014, 260–284.

170 RADI^EVI], CICOVI], Tipar kneza Lazara sa Rudnika (161–171) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Summary: DEJAN RADI^EVI], University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Archaeology, Belgrade ANA CICOVI], The Museum of Rudnik and Takovo Region, Gornji Milanovac

SEAL-DIE OF PRINCE LAZAR FROM RUDNIK

Key words. – Rudnik, seal-die, Prince Lazar, ruler’s grace.

The medieval settlement on the Rudnik Mountain was estab- Translation of the inscription: lished, most probably, in the final decades of the 13th century. + this is the grace of Lord Prince Lazar of the whole Serbian Soon it evolved into one of the best known mining and com- lands mercial centres in the Serbian state and reached its peak during the 14th and in the first half of the 15th century. The importance A seal stamped using the seal-die from Rudnik has not yet of Rudnik in the medieval period is confirmed by numerous been found. The content of the inscription on the Rudnik seal- material traces in the field. The most important discoveries in the die is also quite unusual and unique. The word harý is translated course of archaeological investigations carried out since 2009 to mean grace, a word that has not been recorded on any other have been encountered in the area called Drenje, not far from stamp to date. On the other hand, the word grace has a distinct the centre of the town of Rudnik (figs. 1, 2).Three churches (two meaning in Serbian charters, denoting the legal activity of spe- Orthodox and one Roman Catholic), as well as many profane cific contents by which the ruler awarded nobles, the Church, structures dated to the time of a thriving medieval Rudnik have market-towns, etc. The ruler’s grace as a legal act of distinct so far been discovered. It indicates that in that area are the re- content must have been apparent and public and, as evidence of mains of the main settlement and the medieval market place of this grace, there would have been a distinct document. The very Rudnik, known from written sources. word grace is used in the documents as the name for a legal pub- Among other structures at the site of Drenje, in the garden lic document by which rulers ‘created grace’, ‘made grace’ or of S. Markovi}, the remains of rather a large building consist- allowed something by their grace. Taking this into account, it ing, according to present data, of at least two rooms, have been could be concluded that any seal stamped with the Rudnik seal- investigated during the past three years (fig. 3). Important for die as a means of notarisation of the document confirmed that the dating the structure is a coin of the Hungarian king Sigismund document represented the ruler’s grace in the sense of a valid of Luxembourg (1387–1437), discovered on the floor. Traces of legal public document. an earlier phase of life were encountered under the structure (fig. Considering the shape and size of the seal-die, it could be 5). Coins have been found in two earlier pits. In the soil inside ascribed to the seal-die group for which it is characteristic that pit 11 a coin of the Hungarian king Charles Robert (1308–1342) the seal was obtained not by impressing the seal-die in wax but by was found, while in the top level of pit 2 a coin attributed to pressing the wax onto the seal-die, disregarding whether it was Prince Lazar (around 1370–1389) was found. an applied or hanging seal. Supporting this assumption is the Also from pit 2 came a, so far, unique archaeological find existence of small notches in the bottom corners of the Rudnik in our territory. It has been explained as a seal-die used for pro- seal-die that were most probably used for connecting to the top ducing seals (fig, 7, 8). The representation in the central field part, making possible a better stamping of the seal, possibly even and the contents of the inscription bear witness to the fact that allowing the seal to have representations on both sides. the seal-die belonged to Prince Lazar. A helmet with bull horns The seal-die is dated from the time of Lazar’s rule over Rud- engraved on the front side is understood to be the coat of arms nik, between 1373 and 1389. Mentioned in the inscription is the of Prince Lazar, also used by his successors. The central field is rule of Prince Lazar over all Serbian lands, suggesting that the surrounded by two concentric circles and between them is a cir- date of the seal-die could be fixed in the final decade of Lazar’s cular inscription (fig. 9): life. It was most probably buried in 1390, during the time of King + SI È HARÝ GDNA KNEZA LAZARA SVE SRÝSKE Sigismund’s attack on Serbia. One of the most important theatres ZEMLE of war in that campaign was the Rudnik region.

171

ALEKSANDAR KAPURAN, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade DRAGANA @IVKOVI], Technical Faculty, Bor NADA [TRBAC, Technical Faculty, Bor

NEW EVIDENCE FOR PREHISTORIC COPPER METALLURGY IN THE VICINITY OF BOR*

UDK: 903.23"637/638"(497.11) e-mail: [email protected] DOI: 10.2298/STA1666173K Received: December 23, 2015 Scientific review Accepted: February 10, 2016

Abstract. – The last three years of archaeological investigations at the site Ru`ana in Banjsko Polje, in the immediate vicinity of Bor, have provided new evidence regarding the role of non-ferrous metallurgy in the economy of the prehistoric communities of north-eastern Serbia. The remains of metallurgical furnaces and a large amount of metallic slags at two neighbouring sites in the mentioned settlement reveal that locations with many installations for the thermal processing of copper ore existed in the Bronze Age. We believe, judging by the finds of material culture, that metallurgical activities in this area also continued into the Iron Age and, possibly, into the 4th century AD.

Key words. – Bronze Age, Iron Age, copper metallurgy, metallic slags.

he first steps in the field of modern investiga- necropolises from the Copper and Bronze Age. At tions of archaeometallurgy in eastern Serbia almost all of them groups of finds have been encoun- T were made at the end of 1960s, when the ear- tered which, in one way or another, could be related to liest copper mine in this part of Europe was discov- metallurgical processes. This mainly concerns Zlotska ered. It could be concluded, on the basis of relevant Pe}ina and ^oka lu Bala{, which date from the Middle absolute dates from the site of Dnevni Kop at Rudna and Late Eneolithic (Bubanj–Salcuþa and Coþofeni– Glava, near Majdanpek, that organised exploitation of Kostolac).4 Certain amounts of metallic slags were raw mineral materials commenced during the Vin~a B phase, i.e. in the second half of the 6th and the first half of the 5th millennium BC (5400–5300/4650).2 However, despite irrefutable evidence for prehistoric mining, with 1 We dedicate this treatise to the memory of our late colleague evidence of metallurgy at Plo~nik and Belovode,3 actu- Borislav Jovanovi} who always had time to offer his help and sup- al finds of installations used in the process of copper port in the struggle with problems connected with studies in the field of archaeometallurgy. ore smelting are still missing. 2 Bori} 2009, 205. Archaeological investigations of prehistoric sites 3 [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1997, 107; [ljivar et al. in north-eastern Serbia in the 1980s and 1990s were 2006. mostly aimed at the investigation of settlements and 4 Tasi} 1990; Ibid. 1990a; Ibid 1995, 172.

173 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Map 1. Distribution of the Bronze Age sites between Bor and Zaje~ar Karta 1. Distribucija lokaliteta iz bronzanog doba izme|u Bora i Zaje~ara

discovered in Zlotska Pe}ina, but, due to the disturbed RESULTS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL stratigraphy, it was not possible to associate them stra- INVESTIGATIONS tigraphically to a distinct cultural horizon at this multi- cultural site,5 while at the site of ^oka lu Bala{ pottery The discovery of the new Bronze Age site in the “pipes”, assumed to have been used for injecting fresh vicinity of Bor happened by chance when Damnjan and air in the metallurgical furnaces, were discovered,6 as Radovan Vasi} discovered a rather large quantity of well as pottery with traces of metallic slags. prehistoric pottery and slag while constructing foun- In the last three decades, the collaboration between dations in their garden at Banjsko Polje, in 2013. It is the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade and the Mu- not very often the case that archaeologists are fortunate seum of Mining and Metallurgy in Bor has resulted in enough to be summoned by the owners of an estate the discovery of a certain number of settlements and where a site has been discovered and even to be offered necropolises in the immediate vicinity of Bor, dating all the necessary help.10 It could easily be said that the from the Bronze Age.7 After the most recent site sur- investigation of that rare find of a prehistoric metallur- vey and small-scale systematic excavations we have recorded 20 settlements and 4 necropolises in total (Map I). Metallic slags coming from most of these 5 sites and samples from ore deposits have been analy- Kapuran i dr. 2014, 123–143. 6 sed by experts from the Mining Institute and Technical Tylecote 1987, Fig. 4.15. 7 Tasi} 1995, 172; Kapuran 2014, Map. 13; Kapuran i dr. Faculty in Bor in a few articles, which corroborate the 2014, Map 4. claim regarding the existence of metallurgical activi- 8 Bugarski et al. 1980; Bugarski et al. 1982; Bugarski, @ivko- ties in the Middle and Late Bronze Age communities vi} 1984–1986; Kraj~inovi} et al. 1995; Jankovi} et al. 1987–1990. of this region.8 9 Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 1987–1990, 1; Kapuran, Miladino- Metallic slags discovered in the cultural layers and vi}-Radmilovi} 2011. 10 on house floors (Trnjane) were also found in stone Investigations were carried out by The Museum of Mining and Metallurgy in Bor in cooperation with The Institute of Archae- funerary structures as well as on the bones of deceased ology in Belgrade. Members of the team were I. Jovanovi}, M. persons (Borsko Jezero and Hajdu~ka ^esma).9 Jov~i} and A. Kapuran.

174 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 1. Banjsko Polje, position of the Ruàna 1 and Ruàna 2 sites Sl. 1. Bawsko Poqe, pozicije lokaliteta Ruàna 1 i Ruàna 2

gical installation was realised mostly thanks to the Vasi} top, where fragments of antique and prehistoric pot- family and the understanding of the Bor municipality.11 tery can be found, even today. Such a position and the An identical situation arose once again after the sec- discovery of prehistoric pottery suggest, with some ond year of investigations at Banjsko Polje, when the certainty, that there was a prehistoric settlement of the architect Sladjan Jorgovanovi} invited archaeologists hill fort type. Such settlements are, however, not fre- to explore the grounds of his family house, around 100 quent in the region of north-eastern Serbia. This eleva- meters from the Vasi} estate. On that occasion the tion has only been surveyed so far and planned future remains of yet another metallurgical structure were archaeological investigations should confirm whether encountered (fig. 1). The analyses of the topography there are grounds for further assumptions regarding and stratigraphic situation made possible a more pre- the hill fort settlement. In case that such a hill fort set- cise reconstruction of the metallurgical complex, which tlement had existed, it would be justified to claim that existed in the Bronze Age on the south-eastern fringes metallurgical activities took place outside the fort, i.e., of Banjsko Polje. on the steep right bank of the dried up brook flowing Ru`ana is the name of a brook flowing some 1000 at its foothill. Eibner thinks that copper smelteries in meters eastward of the site, and it empties into the prehistory were usually situated on land with a stepped Brestova~ka river a short distance further on. Ru`ana, relief structure, near a waterway, with deposits of good in the Wallachian language, means, among other things, quality clay and areas suitable for the production of “rust” and it could indicate that large quantities of slag charcoal.12 with a considerable amount of iron oxide, which is characteristic of the Bronze Age, could have been found on its banks in the distant past. The topography of Banjsko Polje reveals that, in the very centre of the 11 Kapuran, Jovanovi} 2013. settlement, there is a natural elevation with a levelled 12 Eibner 1982, 404.

175 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 2. Pyraunos with traces of the slag Fig. 3. Slag from slagpit in Trench 3 Sl. 2. Fragment saxaka sa metali~nom {qakom Sl. 3. [qaka iz troski{ta u sondi 3

Ru`ana 1, as the site at the Vasi} family estate was more or less, metallic slag and fragments of mudhouse called, had been investigated in 2013 and 2014, during rubble and furnace walls. Characteristic of those finds three investigation campaigns (fig. 1). The problem is that they were exposed to high temperature (they are was the fact that, after every stage of excavation, the of a hard structure and compact) and certain round investigated area had to be backfilled. As the investi- moulded pieces, whose edges were sintered as a result gated area expanded after each new campaign it result- of very high temperature, might have been fragments ed in the formation of a final picture of the metallurgi- of the furnace opening. The total investigated surface cal structure in the three segments. Investigations at is 39 square meters and consists of three entities, the Ru`ana 1 yielded a rather small quantity of finds from upper platform, the lower platform and the steep slope the Late Roman time (4th century AD) and Late Iron between them (figs. 6 and 7a). The metallurgical struc- Age (La Tène) and more finds from the Early Iron Age ture consists of a furnace floor of an approximately (Zlot group and Basarabi) and Middle/Late Bronze Age horseshoe shape (burnt soil with traces of intensive fire) (Para}in culture/Verbicioara).13 and, at its foot, slag deposit, which is located opposite The stratigraphy of the site is the consequence of the assumed furnace opening (figs. 6 and 7b). The re- the natural slope of the land from west to east, resulting in a secondary accumulation of finds which came from the mentioned elevated area in the centre of Banjsko Polje (fig. 7a). The stratigraphy consists of one older 13 The problem of the cultural determination of the Bronze intact layer and two later cultural horizons (fig. 4). A Age communities in the Timok basin dates from the 1980s and considerable quantity of material from the Late Roman 1990s when disagreements arose concerning the origin of prehis- times (very small fragments of the wheel-made pottery toric cultures inhabiting the middle Crni Timok basin. While B. and a few bronze coins, one of which was minted in the Jovanovi} attributed settlements and necropoleis in the vicinity of Bor to the Para}in culture, D. Srejovi} and M. Lazi}, after investi- time of Licinius) was recorded in a horizon immedi- gations at Magura and Banjska Stena near Gamzigrad, came to the ately below the surface, while pottery finds from the conclusion that it is an original cultural phenomenon, which they Early Iron Age (in fact in the same proportion as the identified as Gamzigrad culture. We are of the opinion that without a series of absolute dates from the sites in the vicinity of Zaje~ar and pottery from the Bronze Age) prevailed in the lower Bor, more detailed anthropological analyses of cremated individu- cultural layer. The only undisturbed cultural layer was als and an insight into all aspects of material culture and mortuary on top of the virgin soil, where large fragments of pot- rituals, as well as the complete publishing of the results of the sys- tery exclusively of the Bronze Age date, a rather small tematic investigations from the recent past, neither of the suggested solutions should be rejected. Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 1987–1990; Sre- amount of animal bones and a large quantity of metal- jovi}, Lazi} 1997; Lazi} 1998; Kapuran 2010. lic slag were encountered. The greatest slag concentra- 14 Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 1987–1990, 1. tion (over 10 kg) was lying in situ at the lowest points 15 Bulatovi} i dr. 2011. of the excavated area. All three cultural layers yielded, 16 Kapuran 2013.

176 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 4. Trench 3 Eastern Profile Sl. 4. Sonda 3, isto~ni profil covered furnace segment is around 1 metre long, its (Plate 1/5–12) that have their closest analogies in the opening is facing north and its walls are encountered Basarabi culture group. Finds from the Bronze Age only at the foundation level, because all the surrounding reveal characteristics of the Para}in group with certain area had been exposed to strong erosion. Fragmented elements of the Verbicioara and Vatin group. These are animal bones that are assumed, judging by their light mostly conical bowls with slanting everted rims deco- blue colour and fissures, to have been exposed to ex- rated with horn-like appliqués (Plate 2/1–3), biconical ceptionally high temperatures, over 1,000 degrees C, pots and beakers with wide strap handles, some of which were discovered in situ on the furnace floor. Scattered are decorated with protomes (Plate 2/6,7). Vessels for pottery vessels which, according to their shape and decoration, date from the Bronze Age, were discovered all over the area surrounding the furnace floor. Parti- cularly interesting among them is one biconical beaker with a strap handle (Plate 2/7). A considerable portion of the Bronze Age pottery assemblage consists of fragments of cooking vessels, double vessels with openings for the inflow of air (pyraunos), for which B. Jovanovi} and N. Jankovi} assumed played a part in the process of heating ore.14 Metallic slag with a high concentration of iron oxide was found attached to one fragment of the pyraunos rim (fig. 2). The chronologically latest pottery discovered at the site of Ru`ana 1 included wheel-made vessels, some of which were decorated with wavy lines and dated to the Late Roman period (Plate 1/1), situla-type pots with combed ornamentation characteristic of the Late Iron Age (Plate 1/2)15 and thickened rims of rather large vessels decorated with engraved cross-like motifs that are, in eastern Serbia, related to the Zlot group (Plate 1/3, 4).16 The Early Iron Age is represented by channelled bowls with inverted or everted rims, beakers, pots Fig. 5. Animal bones coloured in malachite green and amphorae decorated with a series of “S” stamps, Sl. 5. @ivotiwske kosti obojene pseudo-cord ornamentation and white encrustation zelenom bojom malahita

177 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016 food storage are rather large-size pots and pithoi with a deposit. These osteological finds have been examined more or less pronounced “S” profile and decorated with so far by zooarchaeologists in order to determine the applied bands with engravings and impressed ornaments animal species, but functional analyses have not yet (Plate 3). There were many vessels of the pyraunos been performed in order to confirm or refute their role type, which have already been mentioned (Plate 4). in the metallurgical process (cutting up the ore, slag etc.) As already highlighted, lumps of metallic slag were (fig. 5). Preliminary zooarchaeological analysis of the recorded in all three cultural horizons, but were of a bones from the slag deposit reveals that the animals in smaller size in the upper accumulated horizons, while question are deer and roebuck. Also identified were for the undisturbed Bronze Age horizon there are char- bones of domesticated animals such as cattle, pig, sheep acteristically larger pieces, some weighing up to 3 kg or goat.18 The raising of pigs particularly speaks in (fig. 3). The shapes of the slag lumps are different as a favour of the fact that metallurgical communities in the result of there being amorphous slag, bowl slag (fig. 3) vicinity of Bor in the Bronze Age were of a sedentary and tap slag.17 The greatest concentration of slag was character, considering that pig raising does not imply lying on the floor of the lower platform, directly on top seasonal migrations.19 of the layer of red-burnt soil with large quantities of Rather interesting among other finds which could soot and ash, so it is most logical to assume that it was be associated with the process of metallurgy is the slag deposit (fig. 7). This deposit of slag, ash and soot large quantity of small stone objects, which could fit was recorded in the east profile of trench 3 as a small into the hand and, at first glance, resemble pounders.20 protrusion of grey-brown earth with the addition of Although they are heavily damaged in most cases, we red-fired soil and with secondary deposits of pottery cannot be certain that they played any part in the metal- and animal bones (fig. 4). Particularly interesting was lurgy process before functional analysis has been per- the green colour on animal bones discovered in this formed. Besides the mentioned stones, many fragment-

Fig. 6. Orthogonal projection of the metallurgical complex at Ru`ana 1 site Sl. 6. Ortogonalna projekcija metalur{kog kompleksa na Ru`ani 1

178 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Fig. 7. a) Configuration of the Ru`ana 1 site; b) Ideal reconstruction of the copper smelting object Sl. 7. a) Konfiguracija terena na lokalitetu Ru`ana 1; b) idealna rekonstrukcija objekta za topqewe bakra

ed rather large stones of a hemispherical cross section but the Late Iron Age finds were completely missing. with a large cavity on the flat surface were also disco- A large number of channelled bowls with an inverted vered. Traces of deformations noticed on these stones rim decorated with engraving and a white encrustation are assumed to have resulted from secondary burning comes from the Early Iron Age, i.e. the Basarabi culture and traces of oxidation were also recorded.21 Neverthe- (Plate 5/3). Interesting among the Bronze Age finds is less, as in the previous case, we should not enter into a pottery of the Vatin characteristics, including mainly discussion about their function before detailed analy- carinated conical bowls with horn-like protomes (Plate ses of these finds have been carried out. 5/4,5) and also biconical beakers with wide strap han- Ruàna 2 is the site situated in the courtyard of the dles (Plate 5/6,7). Vessels for storing food are of larger Jorgovanovi} family, also in Banjsko Polje, and rather size and decorated with finger impressions and applied small-scale systematic investigations were carried out bands with engraved ornamentation (Plate 5/8,9). A there in July 2015.22 In Trench 2 (covering 22 square rather large amount of vessels of the pyraunos type, de- meters) the stratigraphic picture was different than at corated with engraving and applied bands, have also the site of Ruàna 1. The land is gently sloping and the been recorded at the site of Ruàna 2 (Plate 5/10). stratigraphy consists of the surface layer, then an accumulated layer with mixed material originating from many different cultures and, finally, an intact cultural horizon (above the virgin soil) yielding finds exclusively 17 Bachmann 1980, 103. from the Bronze Age. One shallow pit with metal and 18 Analysis of animal bones was performed by S. Milo{evi} pottery finds dates from the Late Roman period and from the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade. 19 Shennan 2002, 197. also included a small number of pottery fragments. Most 20 Pernicka et al. 1984, 598; T94/3; Wagner 1984–1986, fig. 4. interesting of the metal finds are an iron knife and a 21 O’Brien 2015, 228. fragmented iron sickle. Pottery finds of prehistoric pro- 22 We take this opportunity to express our thanks to family Jor- venance do not differ much from the site at Ruàna 1, govanovi} who helped us in realization of the investigations in 2015.

179 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Crucial evidence for the metallurgical activities, besides the many finds of slag in the cultural horizons, was one fairly large segment of the floor of the metallurgical furnace. The foundation of the floor was made of Bronze Age pottery and small pieces of broken stone and immediately next to it, at the same level as its edge, were a few pieces of tap slag (fig. 8). Detailed physicochemical analyses of the floor and slag lumps have not been performed so far, but considering the fact that this floor of most probably metallurgical furnace must have slid from the higher ground due to erosion, we should not perhaps neglect the possibility that furnace might date from some later period also recorded at this site (possibly the Iron Age?).

Fig. 8. Furnace floor with slag remains from the Trench 1/2015 PHYSICOCHEMICAL ANALYSES Sl. 8. Podnica pe}i sa ostacima {qake OF SLAGS u sondi 1/2015 The analyses of the discovered slags were performed on two sources working independently from one another. Preliminary analysis of finds from the first investigation season in 2014 was carried out by Nikola Vukovi}, from the Faculty of Mining and Geology in Belgrade, using a scanning electron microscope (SEM).23 He analysed a slag sample from Trench 3 at the site of Ruàna 1 (diagram 1). Analyses of slag from the same group from the site Ruàna 1were also performed by Dr. Jovica Stojanovi}, from the Laboratory of the Institute for Technology of Diagram 1 Slag from the Ruàna 1 site Nuclear and Other Mineral Raw Materials, using Roent- Dijagram 1. [qaka sa lokaliteta Ruàna 1 gen diffractometry.24 This method was used to examine

Diagram 2 Ruàna 1 – XDR analysis of the sample K1/1 Diagram 3 Ruàna 1 – XRD analysis of the sample K2/1 Dijagram 2. Ruàna 1 – XRD analiza uzorka K1/1 Dijagram 3. Ruàna 1 – XRD analiza uzorka K2/1

180 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

of oxygen using this method. It is also important to Oxide Ru`ana 1 RTB Bor slag slag mention that the absence of fayalite, i.e. its low crys-

Na2O 0.00 0.08 tallisation in the quoted diagrams should be under- MgO 0.08 0.69 stood as being the consequence of the high viscosity Al O 0.66 2.55 2 3 and faster cooling of the slag which, in this case, fell to SiO 32.37 41.52 2 the ground. P O 0.85 0.00 2 5 The physicochemical composition of the slags from SO 3.87 1.16 3 Ruàna 1 indicates that these were prehistoric slags K O 0.31 0.12 2 originating from the process of non-ferrous metallurgy. CaO 0.81 23.49 The appearance of FeO and SiO suggests that these TiO 0.00 0.40 2 2 25 FeO 42.41 29.43 were fayalite or iron-silicate slags. According to the CuO 18.43 0.56 proportion of the identified components, they are most BaO 0.21 0.00 similar to the slags discovered at the site of Trnjane Σ 100.00 100.00 (Map 1) that Jankovi}, Bugarski and Janji} analysed using atomic absorption spectrophotometry.26 Also, cer- Table 1. Slag from Ruàna 1 and slag from RTB Bor tain slags discovered at many prehistoric sites throughout Europe (in Spain, Austria, Italy and Cyprus) revealed Tabela 1. [qaka sa Ruàne 1 i iz RTB Bor a similar composition.27 In the prehistoric slags dating from the Eneolithic and Bronze Age, a smaller propor- the Roentgen diffraction of a polycrystalline sample tion of copper (Cu) has been identified, which could be (powder) (Diagrams 2 and 3). Seven samples have been explained by the fact that, after cooling, copper had been analysed from two groups denoted in the series from additionally separated by choppingthe slag up. There K1/1 to K/4 and from K2/1 to K2/3. Samples from the are assumptions that sulphide copper ore was, before 28 group K1 reveal the presence of magnetite (Fe3O4; smelting, additionally roasting in the open air or in 29 72.4% Fe and 27. 6% O), maghemite (g – Fe2O3 which special vessels (pyraunos). A higher proportion of can be created by atmospheric influences), magnesio- Cu in relation to S (10:1) in slags is obtained by oxide ferrite (MgFe2O4), garnet (X3Y2 (SiO4), olivine (Mg, smelting, while incidence of iron, olivine and magne- Fe) 2SiO4, quartz (SiO2; 46.99% SiO2 and 53.01% O) tite in all cases of copper slags is proportionally much and cristobalite (SiO2). At the same time, analysis of the higher in comparison to other elements and compounds. chemical composition of the samples was performed The occurrence of admixtures of iron and other metals according to the EDXRF and X-ray method that is pre- in the prehistoric slags from Ruàna, as well as the sented in Table 2 in percentages, but it should be emphasised that it is not possible to determine the content

Ruàna 1 K1/1 Ruàna 1 K2/1 23 SEM model JEOL JSM 6610LV, connected with the energy Fe 29,03 36,1 dispersive spectrometer (EDS) produced by Oxford Instruments Xmax 20 mm² SDD. EDS analyses were obtained at an electron Cu 2,04 3,37 acceleration of 20 kV from a wolfram filament. The test was per- Mg 0,16 0,17 formed under low vacuum conditions (30 Pa), so the covering of the Al 1,83 0,66 samples with a layer of conductors (C, Au and the like) was avoided. Mn 0,019 0,013 24 Samples were analysed by Roentgen diffractometry using Ba 0,335 / “PHILIPS” equipment, model PW-1710, with a curved graphite Ca 1,85 0,84 monocromator and a scintilation counter. Intensity of the difracted CuKa Roentgen radiation (l=1.54178A), measured at room tem- Si 21,07 17,24 perature in the intervals 0,02 °2q at a time of 1 s, and within a range K/ /of 4 ° to 65 °2q. The Roentgen tube was under the voltage of 40 kV Ti / / and a current of 30 mA, while slits for the direction of the primary and difractional beam were 1° and 0.1 mm. 25 Table 2. Chemical composition of the samples K/1 Tylecote 1987, 293, 300. 26 and K/2 from the Ruàna site Jankovi} et al. 1987–1990, Tab. 1 (see under Trnjane). 27 Tylecote 1987, T. 8.6. Tabela 2. Hemijski sastav uzoraka K1/1 i K2/2 28 Eibner 1982, Abb. 2. sa Ruàne 1 29 Jankovi} et al. 1987–1990, 18.

181 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016 absence of oxygen, sulphur and other harmful sub- loss of copper of almost 15% of its content corresponds stances demonstrate in the best way the technological in modern circumstances to converter slags rather than expertise of the Bronze Age metallurgists, who had slags obtained by direct ore smelting. It suggests that it been very well acquainted with methods of improving is less probable that slag from Ru`ana 1 results from the quality of copper.30 smelting copper ore, rather it was most probably a by- The results of the SEM analyses, when compared product of refining already obtained copper.31 Such with modern slag obtained from the Mining and Smel- claims remain to be additionally investigated and do- ting Basin at Bor (Table 1), indicate the absence of a cumented using more concrete finds, like moulds for catalyst, such as limestone (CaCO3), and could suggest metal objects or ingots and vessels for pouring metal, that in the case of slag deposits at Ru`ana 1 it was a pri- or metal moulds that have not been encountered at this mitive process of ore smelting. The conspicuously high stage of investigation.

30 Eibner 1982, 405. 31 Kapuran et al., in print.

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Rezime: ALEKSANDAR KAPURAN, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd DRAGANA @IVKOVI], Tehni~ki fakultet, Bor NADA [TRBAC, Tehni~ki fakultet, Bor

NOVI DOKAZI O PRAISTORIJSKOJ METALURGIJI BAKRA U OKOLINI BORA

Kqu~ne re~i. – bronzano doba, gvozdeno doba, metalurgija bakra, metali~ne {qake.

Iz saradwe Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu i Muzeja a ~ine je tri celine: gorwa platforma, dowa platforma i rudarstva i metalurgije u Boru proistekla su tokom po- izme|u wih o{tra kosina (sl. 7). Metalur{ki objekat bi sledwe tri decenije otkri}a odre|enog broja naseqa i ne- predstavqala podnica pe}i, pribli`no potkovi~aste kropola iz bronzanog doba u neposrednoj okolini Bora. Na- osnove (zape~ena zemqa sa tragovima intenzivnog gorewa), kon posledwih rekognoscirawa i mawih sistematskih sa troski{tem u wenom podno`ju koje leì naspram pret- iskopavawa do{lo se do broja od 20 naseqa i 4 nekropole postavqenog otvora pe}i (sl. 7). U otkrivenom delu, pe} je (karta 1). Metali~ne {qake su pronalaène kako u kultur- duga oko 1 m, otvor joj je okrenut ka severu, a weni zidovi nom sloju, tako na podovima ku}a (Trwane), a nalazile su se postoje samo u osnovi, budu}i da je ceo okolni prostor iz- i u grobnim konstrukcijama od kamena, kao i na kostima loèn jakom dejstvu erozije. Na podnici pe}i su in situ le- spaqenih pokojnika (Borsko jezero i Hajdu~ka ~esma). àle fragmentovane ìvotiwske kosti, za koje pretposta- Do otkri}a novog lokaliteta Ruàna 1 u okolini Bora, vqamo, sude}i prema bledoplavoj boji i pukotinama, da su koji poti~e iz bronzanog doba, do{lo je 2013. godine slu~aj- morale biti izloène izrazito visokim temperaturama, no, kada su Damwan i Radovan Vasi}, prilikom izgradwe vi{im od 1000º C. temeqa u dvori{tu porodi~ne ku}e u Bawskom Poqu, otkri- Hronolo{ki najmla|u keramiku otkrivenu na lokali- li ve}u koli~inu praistorijske keramike i {qake. Moè- tetu Ruàna 1 predstavqaju posude izra|ene na vitlu, od mo slobodno re}i da je istraìvawe ovako retkog nalaza kojih su pojedine ukra{avane valovnicama i mogu se vezati praistorijske metalur{ke instalacije realizovano najvi- za kasnu antiku (tabla 1/1), situlasti lonci sa ~e{qastim {e zahvaquju}i porodici Vasi} i razumevawu Op{tine ornamentom koji su karakteristi~ni za mla|e gvozdeno doba Bor. Identi~na situacija se ponovila i nakon druge godi- (tabla 1/2),1 kao i ve}e posude zadebqanih oboda, ukra{ene ne istraìvawa u Bawskom Poqu kada je dipl. arhitekta urezanim pokrsnicama koje se u isto~noj Srbiji vezuju za Sla|an Jorgovanovi} pozvao arheologe da istraè dvori- zlotsku grupu (tabla 1/3, 4).2 Starije gvozdeno doba predsta- {te wegove porodi~ne ku}e, koja se nalazi na oko 100 meta- vqaju kanelovane zdele uvu~enog ili razgrnutog oboda, za- ra zapadno od ku}e Vasi}a (Ruàna 2), te su tom prilikom tim pehari, lonci i amfore ukra{eni nizovima ,,S” pe~a- tako|e konstatovani ostaci jo{ jednog metalur{kog objekta, la`nim {nurom i belom inkrustacijom (tabla 1/5–12), ta (sl. 1 i 9). za koje najbliè analogije postoje u Basarabi kulturnoj Ruàna na vla{kom jeziku zna~i ,,r|a”, {to moè da grupi. Nalazi iz bronzanog doba pokazuju karakteristike asocira na to da se u dalekoj pro{losti na wenim obalama para}inske grupe sa odre|enim elementima karakteri- mogla nalaziti ve}a koli~ina {qake sa pove}anim prisu- sti~nim za Verbi~oaru i Vatin. To su prete`no koni~ne stvom oksida gvo`|a u sebi, koja je ina~e karakteristi~na zdele, sa kosim i o{tro profilisanim obodom, ukra{ene za {qake iz bronzanog doba? Stratigrafiju lokaliteta Ru- ro`natim aplikacijama (tabla 2/1–3), bikoni~ni lonci i àna 1 je uslovio prirodni pad terena, koji se kre}e od za- pehari sa {irokim trakastim dr{kama, od kojih su pojedi- pada ka istoku, {to je dovelo do naslojavawa nalaza koji ne ukra{ene protomima (tabla 2/6,7). Posu|e za skladi{te- poti~u sa prostora prethodno pomenutog uzvi{ewa u cen- we namirnica je ve}ih dimenzija, a ~ine ga lonci i pitosi tru Bawskog Poqa (sl. 8/a). Stratigrafiju ~ine jedan sta- koji imaju mawe ili vi{e nagla{enu S profilaciju i ukra- riji, intaktan horizont i dva mla|a, naslojena horizonta {eni su apliciranim trakama sa urezima i impresom (ta- (sl. 4). Povr{inski horizont sadrì u ve}em procentu ma- bla 3). Veliki broj posuda ~ine Pyraunosi, o kojima je i ra- terijal iz kasne antike, odnosno, veoma usitwene fragmen- nije bilo re~i (tabla 4). te keramike izra|ene na vitlu, kao i nekoliko bronzanih Preliminarna zooarheolo{ka analiza ìvotiwskih nov~i}a od kojih je jedan iskovan u vreme Licinija, dok u kostiju iz troski{ta pokazuje da se u ovom slu~aju prete- slede}em horizontu naslojavawa dominiraju nalazi iz sta- `no radilo o divqim vrstama, kao {to su jelen i srnda}, rijeg gvozdenog doba, zastupqeni u istom odnosu sa kerami- dok su od doma}ih vrsta zastupqeni gove~e, sviwa, ovca ili kom iz bronzanog doba. Neporeme}eni kulturni horizont se nalazi iznad zdravice i u wemu je otkrivena brojna keramika i ne{to mawe ìvotiwskih kostiju, kao i ve}a koli- ~ina metali~ne {qake koja in situ leì na najdubqim kota- 1 Bulatovi} i dr. 2011. ma iskopa (vi{e od 10 kg). Istraèna je povr{ina od 39 m², 2 Kapuran 2013.

185 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

koza. Uzgajawe sviwa ide naro~ito u prilog ~iwenici da su ma (tabla 5/5, 6). Posu|e za skladi{tewe namirnica je ve- metalur{ke zajednice bronzanog doba u okolini Bora ipak }ih dimenzija, a ukra{eno je utiskivawem prstom i apli- bile sedentarnog karaktera, s obzirom na to da se uzgoj svi- ciranim trakama sa urezanim ornamentom (tabla 5/7, 8). I wa ne moè povezati sa sezonskim migracijama. Od ostalih na lokalitetu Ruàna 2 je konstatovano vi{e nalaza Pyra- nalaza moèmo pomenuti profilisani sinterovani lep unosa koji su ukra{eni urezivawem i apliciranim traka- koji je mogao da predstavqa delove pe}i, brojne rastira~e ma (tabla 5/9). Pored vi{e nalaza {qake u kulturnim ho- od kamena, masivne kamene podloge za mrvqewe rude ili rizontima, kao kqu~ni dokaz metalur{kih aktivnosti {qake itd. svedo~i ve}i deo podnice jedne metalur{ke pe}i. Podnica Ruàna 2 predstavqa lokalitet koji se nalazi u dvori- je fundirana keramikom iz bronzanog doba i sitnijim lo- {tu ku}e porodice Jorgovanovi}, tako|e iz Bawskog Poqa, mqenim kamenom, a neposredno uz wen obod i u wegovom ni- na kome su izvr{ena mawa sistematska istraìvawa tokom vou leàlo je nekoliko zaravwenih komada {qake tipa tap jula 2015. godine.3 U sondi 2 (povr{ine 22 m²) konstatova- slag (sl. 9). na je druga~ija stratigrafska situacija nego na lokalite- Rezultati rendgenske difrakcije i SEM analiza upo- tu Ruàna 1. Stratigrafiju ~ine povr{inski sloj, zatim re|eni sa modernom {qakom dobijenom iz Rudarsko-topio- naslojavawe sa pome{anim nalazima vi{e kultura i, na ni~arskog basena Bor (tabele 1 i 2, dijagrami 1–3) ukazuju na kraju, intaktni kulturni horizont, sa nalazima iskqu~ivo to da se u slu~aju troski{ta na Ruàni 1 radilo o primi- iz bronzanog doba, koji leì na zdravici. Korpus kerami~- tivnom procesu topqewa rude bakra, odnosno obojenoj meta- kih nalaza iz praistorije se ne razlikuje mnogo od lokali- lurgiji. To moè da zna~i da je mawe verovatno da je {qaka teta Ruàna 1, osim {to nedostaju nalazi iz mla|eg gvozde- sa Ruàne 1 dobijana topqewem bakarne rude i da pre moè nog doba. Starijem gvozdenom dobu, odnosno kulturi da predstavqa nusproizvod rafinacije dobijenog bakra. Basarabi, pripada ve}i broj kanelovanih zdela sa uvu~e- Indicije za pretpostavku da se u ovom slu~aju, mo`da, radi nim obodom, ukra{enih urezivawem i belom inkrustaci- i o nusproizvodu rafinacije dobijenog bakra, koje su tako|e jom (tabla 5/3). U nalaze bronzanog doba sa karakteristika- u opticaju, ostaju da se dodatno ispitaju i dokumentuju kon- ma Vatina spadaju prvenstveno koni~ne zdele sa o{tro kretnim nalazima, poput kalupa za metalne predmete ili profilisanim obodima i roàstim protomima (tabla 5/3, ingote, kao i posuda za izlivawe metala ili kokila, budu- 4), kao i bikoni~ni pehari sa {irokim trakastim dr{ka- }i da oni u ovoj fazi istraìvawa nisu konstatovani.

3 Ovom prilikom `elimo da zahvalimo porodici Jorgo- vanovi} koja nam je pomogla u realizaciji istra`ivawa tokom 2015. godine.

186 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Tabla 1 – Kasnoanti~ka i gvozdenodobna keramika sa lokaliteta Ru`ana 1 Plate 1 – Late antiquity and Iron Age pottery from Ru`ana 1 site

187 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Tabla 2 – Keramika bronzanog doba sa lokaliteta Ru`ana 1 Plate 2 – Bronze Age pottery from the Ru`ana 1 site

188 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Tabla 3 – Keramika bronzanog doba sa lokaliteta Ru`ana 1 Plate 3 – Bronze Age pottery from the Ru`ana 1 site

189 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Tabla 4 – Saxaci sa lokaliteta Ru`ana 1 Plate 4 – Pyraunos from the Ru`ana 1 site

190 KAPURAN, @IVKOVI], [TRBAC, New evidence for prehistoric copper metallurgy… (173–191) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Tabla 5 – Praistorijska keramika sa lokaliteta Ru`ana 2 Plate 5 – Prehistoric pottery from Ru`ana 2 site

191

MIQANA RADIVOJEVI], Balkanolo{ki institut, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Beograd* JULKA KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Narodni muzej Toplice, Prokupqe

^IJA JE SRPSKA ARHEOLOGIJA? SLU^AJ BELOVODE I PLO^NIK

UDK: 903:669.3"634"(497.11)(049.2) e-mail: [email protected] 903.4"634"(497.11)(049.2) Primqeno: 9. februara 2016. DOI: 10.2298/STA1666193R Prihva}eno: 10. februara 2016. Kriti~ki osvrt

Apstrakt. – U Starinaru LXV/2015 objavqena je kritika na{eg rada „Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical materials from the Vin~a culture sites of Belovode and Plo~nik: overview of evidence and new data”, publikovanog u Starinaru LXIV/2014. Spomenuti kriti~ki osvrt D. [qivara sastoji se od neosnovanih i neproverenih komentara na na{ rad, izuzev jednog ispravno prime}enog tehni~kog propusta u citirawu karaktera navoda M. Grbi}a o ostavi 1, ali koji predstavqa tehni~ki detaq bez zna~ajne uloge u interpretaciji nalaza sa lokaliteta Plo~nik. [qivar u svojim komentarima izostavqa va`ne reference na objavqene ~lanke koji ili svedo~e o zajedni~kom radu ili pruàju odgovore na postavqena pitawa u wegovom kriti~kom osvrtu. Dodatnu konfuziju u [qivarovim komentarima stvara ~iwenica da se odgovori na izre~ene kritike mogu na}i ili u wegovim radovima ili u terenskoj dokumentaciji koju je D. [qivar vodio na lokalitetima Belovode i Plo~nik kao rukovodilac ili ko-rukovodilac istraìvawa sa J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}. Pored ovoga, jezik kriti~kog osvrta sadrì povrede ugleda i ~asti, i cenimo da je kao takav neprimeren kako ~asopisu u kome je objavqen, tako i arheolo{koj profesiji u na{oj zemqi. U zakqu~cima, ovaj rad se bavi pravno-formalnim aspektom autorskih prava i perspektivom budu}ih specijalisti~kih analiza interpretacija ìvota (pra)istorijskih zajednica na tlu Srbije.

Kqu~ne re~i. – vin~anska kultura, metalurgija, Belovode, Plo~nik, autorska prava.

ad objavqen u Starinaru br. 65 ([qivar – kupan slu~aj tretiramo u {irem kontekstu arheolo- Osvrt na nove podatke o lokalitetima Belo- {ke struke i vaè}ih pravnih okvira. R vode i Plo~nik u Starinaru 64, Starinar LXV/2015, 229–233) ne sadrì samo neta~ne komen- Saradwa sa Du{kom [qivarom tare na koautorski ~lanak koje su autorke objavile Kao {to je interpretacija arheolo{kih nalaza u broju 64, ve} i klevete i povrede ugleda i ~asti, metodolo{ki uslovqena dobrim poznavawem kon- zbog ~ega smatramo da je napravqen ozbiqan pro- teksta istraìvawa, tako je i kontekst kolabora- pust od strane autora i redakcije ovog lista. Dok tivnih aktivnosti autorki Miqane Radivojevi} i smo slu~aj navedenih uvreda prepustili stru~nim Julke Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} sa Du{kom [qivarom licima, u ovom radu koristimo priliku da ukaèmo od velike va`nosti za razumevawe pitawa opre~- na nepravilnosti u nau~nim komentarima koje je nih mi{qewa o interpretaciji materijalne kultu- izneo Du{ko [qivar u spomenutom ~lanku, a celo- re sa vin~anskih lokaliteta Belovode i Plo~nik.

* Autorka u~estvuje na projektu: Dru{tvo, duhovna i materijalna kultura i komunikacije u praistoriji i ranoj istoriji Bal- kana, (br. 177012), Ministarstva prosvete, nauke i tehnolo{kog razvoja Republike Srbije.

193 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], ^ija je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Dodatni razlog poja{wavawa istog konteksta jeste ge neta~ne tvrdwe koje je D. [qivar izneo ve} i insistirawe D. [qivara na po{tovawu dogovora {to je uspeh ovog rada osigurao finansirawe zna- i na profesionalnoj etici, na ~ije se povrede on ~ajnog me|unarodnog projekta koji se razvio iz na- poziva. {e saradwe, projekta „Razvoj metalurgije u Evroa- Iako se ime Julke Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} spo- ziji”. Wegov integralni deo ~inili su upravo svi miwe jednom u kontekstu ko-rukovo|ewa istraì- spomenuti akteri: Du{ko [qivar, Julka Kuzma- vawa lokaliteta Plo~nik, po~ev od 1996. godine, u novi}-Cvetkovi}, Tilo Reren i Miqana Radivoje- komentarima D. [qivara ~itaoci ostaju uskra}eni vi}. Po~etak ovog projekta obeleìo je formalni za vitalan podatak o takozvanoj „uzurpaciji autor- dogovor da se najva`niji rezultati doktorske teze skih prava”. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} i [qivar za- Miqane Radivojevi}5 objave u koautorstvu sa Du{- pravo polaù ista autorska prava na interpreta- kom [qivarom i Julkom Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, ciju sopstvenih istraìvawa i na kori{}ewe na koji su sva tri autora pristala na jednom od zva- celokupne dokumentacije, kao potpisnici svih iz- ni~nih sastanaka spomenutog projekta. Uprkos pri- ve{taja i dokumenata koje su po Zakonu bili du`ni stanku, D. [qivar je odlu~io da se iz spomenutog da predaju posle svake sezone iskopavawa. Sude}i dogovora povu~e kada mu je poslat prvi nacrt teksta po Zakonu o kulturnim dobrima,1 posle samo godi- ~lanka, na koji nije uputio nijedan konstruktivan nu dana od zavr{etka iskopavawa, Kuzmanovi}- komentar, niti je ukazao na postojawe konkretnih Cvetkovi} i [qivar poseduju ista autorska pra- nepravilnosti. Ovaj ~lanak je kasnije objavqen kao va kao i svaki drugi arheolog koji èli da se bavi Radivojevi} i Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi},6 a komenta- nau~nom obradom iskopanog materijala. Ukratko, re na navodne nepravilnosti [qivar je publikovao autorska prava rukovodilaca terenskih istraì- u vidu kriti~kog osvrta u Starinaru LXV/2015. vawa, pravno gledaju}i, ne postoje posle 12 meseci To, me|utim, nije bio prvi susret s neobi~nom od dana zavr{etka terenskih istraìvawa. reakcijom D. [qivara. Prilikom pisawa ~lanka o Ime Miqane Radivojevi} spomiwe se u kon- bronzanoj foliji sa lokaliteta Plo~nik,7 D. [qi- tekstu pozajmqivawa materijala sa lokaliteta Be- var je kao inicijalni koautor u~estvovao u proveri lovode i Plo~nik za arheometalur{ke analize i svih podataka i nijednom nije osporio verodostoj- navodnih povreda dogovora o publikaciji. Radivo- nost konteksta nalaza tokom procesa pripreme, jevi} radi na arheometalurgiji Belovoda od 2006. prijave i prve recenzije ~lanka. Odluku da se ne godine, kada je za potrebe master rada dobila i ma- potpi{e kao koautor je doneo kada je Narodni mu- terijal i relevantnu dokumentaciju od D. [qivara zej u Beogradu dozvolio Miqani Radivojevi} da se u okviru validnog formalnog dogovora o saradwi jedna skica iz dokumentacije iskopavawa Plo~ni- koji je u potpunosti ispuwen. Od velike je va`no- ka objavi u sklopu ilustrativnih priloga ~lanka sti u ovom kontekstu ~iwenica da D. [qivar izo- (a na zahtev jednog od recenzenata), koji je kasnije stavqa iz spiska citiranih radova zajedni~ki na- objavqen kao Radivojevi} i ostali.8 Osporavawe u~ni ~lanak upravo o metalur{kom kontekstu u konteksta nalaza bronzane folije, D. [qivar je sondi 3 sa lokaliteta Belovode koji je 2010. godine objavqen u Journal of Archaeological Science,2 a koji je predstavio rezultate master rada prve autor- 1 Slu`beni Glasnik RS, br. 71/94, ~lanovi 116 i 117. ke i time ispunio formalni dogovor postignut po- 2 Radivojevi} et al. 2010. vodom preuzimawa materijala i relevantne doku- 3 Radivojevi} 2007. menatcije sa lokaliteta Belovode.3 Imena Du{ka 4 U prvih 18 meseci od dana objave, ovaj ~lanak se na{ao na [qivara, Tila Rerena i Miqane Radivojevi} u listi 25 naj~itanijih u oblasti, a tri meseca je bio na vrhu te liste (http://top25.sciencedirect.com/subject/arts-and-humanities/ 4 ovom veoma ~itanom i citiranom ~lanku svedo~e 2/journal/journal-of-archaeological-science/03054403/archive/36/). ne samo o po{tovawu dogovora ve} i o saglasnosti Prema neobjavqenim podacima koji su nam dati na uvid, samo svih autora o objavqivawu rezultata zajedni~kih u prvih 6 meseci od objavqivawa mu je pristupano sa preko hi- analiza, po~ev od sigurnog konteksta datovawa ba- qadu razli~itih IP adresa. Do trenutka pisawa ovog rada, citiran je 48 puta (izvor: www.scopus.com) karnih zgura do studija wihovog porekla. Iznena- 5 Radivojevi} 2012. |uju}a je ~iwenica da je ovaj ~lanak izostavqen iz 6 Radivojevi}, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2014. teksta komentara objavqenog u Starinaru LXV/ 7 Radivojevi} et al. 2013. 2015 – ne samo zato {to on direktno opovrgava mno- 8 Radivojevi} et al. 2013.

194 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], îja je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016 objavio u koautorstvu,9 na koji je upu}en odgovor.10 kovi} iz Zavi~ajnog muzeja u Petrovcu na Mlavi. Kako su oba ~lanka objavqena istovremeno u istom Ovde je va`no dodati da je dr Radivojevi} u~estvo- izdawu ~asopisa Antiquity, iznena|uje ~iwenica da vala u vo|ewu kampawe iskopavawa Belovoda 2012. je odgovor11 izostavqen iz komentara koje je D. i 2013. godine, te da je upoznata sa stratigrafijom, [qivar izneo u svojoj kritici u Starinaru LXV/ a pogotovu postojawem star~eva~kog horizonta, ~i- 2015, pogotovu {to se u wemu uspe{no opovrgavaju jom se detaqnom obradom (keramika) trenutno ba- navodi o „manipulaciji” kontekstom bronzane fo- vi wena studentkiwa doktorskih studija na UCL lije, koju }emo detaqnije obraditi u daqem tekstu. Institutu za arheologiju, Silvija Amikone.16 Iz teksta [qivarovog komentara tako|e su izosta- vqene publikacije koje izlaze direktno iz dokto- Arheolo{ki kontekst rata Miqane Radivojevi},12 a koje su bile dostupne Odgovori na kriti~ke komentare izlistani su pre objavqivawa komentara i sadrè odgovore na u tabelama 1 i 2, u kojima ukazujemo na neta~nost veliku ve}inu komentara iznesenih u Starinaru [qivarovih tvrdwi, sa izuzetkom jedne primedbe LXV/2015. Smatramo da u tom pogledu nije zane- koja se odnosi na detaqe o plo~ni~koj ostavi 1, ko- marqiv ni propust redakcije ovog ~asopisa. ja predstavqa tehni~ki detaq bez zna~ajne uloge u Kada je re~ o kori{}ewu dokumentacije sa lo- interpretaciji nalaza sa lokaliteta Plo~nik. U kaliteta Belovode i o navodnom kopirawu iste bez ovom tekstu èlimo da detaqnije obradimo jedan znawa rukovodioca, vredi napomenuti nekoliko nalaz, bronzani lim sa lokaliteta Plo~nik, za kova`nih ~iwenica. Dokumentacija sa iskopavawa ji se navod o kontekstu nalaza u odba~enoj zemqi lokaliteta Belovode je predavana Miqani Radi- ponavqa ve} drugi put u objavqenim radovima, vojevi} u nekoliko navrata, po~ev od 2006. godine, uprkos demantima.17 Ovaj nalaz odabran je i kao mi- i to u kontekstu stru~ne obrade arheometalur{kog kroprimer nekonzistentnog odnosa Du{ka [qiva- materijala za potrebe izrade master rada i zatim ra prema zvani~noj dokumentaciji sa iskopavawa doktorske teze13 (formalna svedo~anstva postoje u lokaliteta Plo~nik i pitawima u vezi sa strati- Arhivi Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu). Pored poda- grafijom i datovawem, a u {irem smislu moè ra- taka koji su kori{}eni za zajedni~ko objavqivawe svetliti mogu}e razloge kriti~kih osvrta objavqe- ~lanka iz 2010. godine14 sa odobrewem i uz u~e{}e ne u Starinaru LXV/2015. D. [qivara, Miqani Radivojevi} je relevantna Du{ko [qivar u spomenutom ~lanku nalazi dokumentacija sa terenskih istraìvawa lokali- da je sporno progla{ewe objekta na|enog u sondi teta Belovode predata u slede}im okolnostima: 21 za pe}, daqe za radionicu, kao i da je nalaz tokom wenog boravka u Petrovcu na Mlavi 2009. i bronzanog lima prona|en u odba~enoj zemqi sa ni- 2010. godine, za potrebe izrade doktorskog rada, voa 5. otkopnog sloja i pogre{no interpretiran kao sufinansijeru aktivnosti istraìvawa ovog kao omota~ kerami~ke posude. Iako smo detaqan lokaliteta (qubazno{}u Instituta za Arheometa- lur{ka istraìvawa u Londonu) i tokom planirawa zajedni~kog ~lanka o istraìvawima na loka- 9 [ljivar, Bori} 2014. litetu Belovode izme|u 1994. i 2009. godine, koji 10 Radivojevi} et al. 2014. je pripreman u svetlu izrade aplikacije za zajed- 11 Radivojevi} et al. 2014. ni~ki projekat Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu i UCL 12 Radivojevi} 2013; Radivojevi} 2015; Radivojevi}, Rehren Instituta za arheologiju – „Razvoj metalurgije u 2016. Evroaziji”. 13 Komentari D. [qivara o nedostupnoj doktorskoj tezi Taj projekat zaìveo je 2012. godine,15 a pla- pokazuju nepoznavawe sistema {kolovawa doktorskih kandida- ta u Velikoj Britaniji, koji se razlikuju od vaè}ih u Srbiji. novi za objavqivawe rezultata istraìvawa iz Doktorska teza M. Radivojevi} trenutno je pod za{titom do prethodnih sezona iskopavawa pro{ireni su na potpunog objavqivawa svih podataka, a u skladu sa formalnim pripremu zasebne monografije, koja je dogovorena dogovorima sa nekoliko nau~nih institucija koje su ustupale na zvani~nim projektnim sastancima u Beogradu. materijal za istraìvawe. Za detaqe o za{titi intelektualne svojine, pogledati http://www.ucl.ac.uk/library/e-theses/restricting. Tako|e, tokom boravka na lokalitetu Belovode, Mi- 14 Radivojevi} et al. 2010. qana Radivojevi} imala je priliku da se upozna sa 15 https://www.ucl.ac.uk/rise-metallurgy-eurasia keramikom iz sondi 3 i 9, iz uvida u statisti~ke 16 https://www.ucl.ac.uk/archaeology/people/research/amicone kartone, i to qubazno{}u koleginice Jasmine @iv- 17 Vidi: [ljivar, Bori} 2014. i odgovor Radivojevi} et al. 2014.

195 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], îja je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016 odgovor priloìli u Radivojevi} i ostali,18 ovde za koje se nadamo da }e ovog puta biti dovoqni da èlimo da prikaèmo i originalne navode iz okon~aju spomenutu debatu. Tako|e, va`no je na- dnevnika iskopavawa Plo~nika iz 2008. godine,19 glasiti prisustvo Julke Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} na

Verodostojnost Str. Tekst komentara Odgovor komentara Prisvajawe navoda Radivojevi} je ovu napomenu iznela u svom doktorskom radu, predatom u o specifi~noj junu 2012. godine. [qivar i ostali (2012) su svoj ~lanak objavili iste 230 dekoraciji na godine. U prethodnim razgovorima sa [qivarom prva autorka je ve} izno- neta~an antropomorfnoj sila svoje ideje o karakteristi~nim ukrasima na figurinama, bazirane na plastici poznavawu metalurgije bakra i neolitske figuralne plastike na Balkanu. Ostava 1 je poklon Direktorata Jugoslovenske @eleznice, wu Grbi} spomiwe u uvodnoj re~i u publikaciji iz 1929. nekoliko praistorijskih i rimskih predmeta koji su prona|eni u useku tokom izgradwe pruge na trasi od Prokupqa i darovani Narodnom muzeju. On nastavqa da iskopava ba{ u delu kod tog useka, {to verovatno navodi Stalio (1964, 33) da poklowenu grupu predmeta nazove Ostavom 1. Ona daqe daje bliè opise bazirane na dokumentaciji koju je ostavio Grbi} u inventarnoj kwizi 1 Narodnog muzeja i pretpostavqa da je prva ostava prona|ena u blizini druge. Nekoliko publikacija u kojima je u~estvovala Kuzmanovi}-Cvetko- vi}, po~ev od sredine 90-tih, ponavqa sli~nu informaciju o ostavama, zajedno sa pretpostavkom da je prva ostava verovatno na|ena u blizini druge, tj. u istoj zoni (vidi [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} i Jacanovi} 2006, 254). Pretpostavka da se radi o sli~nom kontekstu je dakle bazirana Ta~an samo na mi{qewima prethodnih i sada{wih istraìva~a, kao i na decenijskom navod da radu i iskustvu Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} – ko-rukovodioca plo~ni~kih Grbi} ne daje 230 Neta~an opis ostave 1 iskopavawa. Citirana je originalna referenca, a ostale relevantne detaqniju postoje u na{em radu iz 2014. godine u kontekstu generalnog spomiwawa informaciju plo~ni~kih ostava. o ostavi 1. Me|utim, posle ponovnog uvida u dokumentaciju primetile smo dve gre{ke: jednu koja se odnosi na godinu otkri}a ostava 1 i 2, i drugu, gde smo svoju pretpostavku pripisale originalnom Grbi}evom opisu iz 1929. [to se prve gre{ke ti~e, tu ni [qivar ni mi nismo izneli verodostojnu informaciju (obratiti pa`wu na [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} i Jaca- novi} 2006, 254, koji je citiran u radu). Godina otkri}a obe ostave je 1928. @eleznica je darovala objekte koje je prona{la u januaru i februaru 1928, a Grbi} je iskopao drugu ostavu u junu 1928. Druga gre{ka odnosi se na navod Grbi}a (1929) da se ostava 1 nalazila u blizini pe}i. Taj navod je zapravo na{a pretpostavka bazirana na svim sakupqenim informacijama. Ostaci dveju pe}i spomiwu se u Grbi}evim istraìvawima (1929, 9, 15, Abb. 137, 138). Opis koji se slaè sa opisom u Radivojevi} i Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} (2014:19) prona|en je u [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} i Jacanovi} (2006, 255), i ispravno citiran: „… Neta~an opis ostave 2, found in the vicinity of one destroyed fur- … obe lokacije ostave 1 nace the remains of which are scattered over an area five meters long remains

230 i 2 imaju malo veze of destroyed surface and amorphous surface with copper and stone artefacts sug- neta~an !”. Isti autori sa mestom za topqewe gest the assumption that this was some metallurgical structure tako|e dodaju da je situacija vidqiva na originalnim fotografijama u metala Grbi} (1929, T.3). Grbi} (1929, 9, 15) spomiwe frag mente pe}i (koja kao Ofen mo`e biti i za pe~ewe hleba, keramike ili topqewe metala) i konsta- tuje blizinu metalnih nalaza i ovih povr{ina. U potpisu slike 14 iz Radivojevi} i Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} (2014, 22) ve} Prikazan samo deo 230 se navodi da je Ostava 2 prikazana kao nekompletna, te su navodi transpa- neta~an ostave 2 u slici 14 rentni, a komentar redundantan. Celokupan navod o ostavi 3 odnosi se na reference Stalio (1964) i [qivar i Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} (1998b, 82). Stalio (1964, 35) spomiwe Neta~ni podaci za relativnu dubinu od 0.7m, koja je ispravno citirana. Isto se odnosi na ostavu 3, Stalio 230 drugu referencu. Tako|e, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} je bli`e uslove nalaza neta~an navodi samo dubinu ostave 3 saznala od me{tana sela Plo~nik kada je, zajedno sa [qivarom bez uslova nalaza iskopavala kontekst ove ostave, o ~emu oba autora saop{tavaju u mnogim zajedni~kim publikacijama.

Tabela 1. Odgovor na komentare iz [qivar, Starinar LXV/2015

196 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], îja je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016 terenu u svojstvu korukovodioca istraìvawa, kao je, ali unose nove momente u prou~avawe primarne i unutar sonde 21 na dan otkri}a bronzanog lima metalurgije u okviru vin~anske kulture. Iskopa- (23. 9. 2008. g.), {to je pomoglo detaqnoj rekon- vawem je prona|eno par~e bakarnog lima. Dosta strukciji konteksta ovog nalaza po{to ga je kole- amorfan, a prema o~uvanom izgledu deluje kao da ginica otkrila. U spomenutom izvodu iz dnevnika je u pitawu deo oboda neke posude. Ovalni deo savi- iskopavawa sa lokaliteta Plo~nik nalazi se sle- jawa pruà druge mogu}nosti za ma{tovite pret- de}e (nagla{eni su va`ni delovi): postavke. Dve su u opticaju. Prva, da je u pitawu „(23. 09. 2008.) 5. otkopni sloj… Ve} sada je deo oplate oko nekog ukrasnog predmeta, mo`da uo~qiv i otvor pe}i-kade, sasvim izvesno identi- i pojasa. A druga, sli~na prethodnoj, da je u pitawu ~an objektu iz pro{logodi{we sonde XX.20 Ovaj no- deo ukrasa za glavu, dijademe, narukvice ili nano- vi objekat, pe}-kada, je ne{to mawih dimenzija i gvice? Funkcionalna determinacija ovog fragmen- ~ini se lo{ije o~uvan… Sam kvalitet sloja se ne ta i nije toliko bitna, mnogo je va`niji metalo- mewa, po~ev od pedolo{kih karakteristika pa do grafski sastav ovog nalaza. Kao i dva objekta koji uo~enih primesa i pokretnih nalaza… Kerami~ki su dobijeni od na{eg saradnika Milije Raki}a, bar materijal je ne{to brojniji nego u prethodnom slo- prema vizuelnom utisku, da ovde nije u pitawu ~ist ju. U pitawu su nalazi iste kulturno-hronolo{ke bakar! Sva tri nalaza deluju kao da je u pitawu provenijencije…21 Nema promena ni u tipolo{kom bronza! Fragment lima, C-397, je iz 5. otkopnog repertoaru… 5. otkopni sloj je okvirno defini- sloja i prema relevantnim podacima sigurno se sao pravac pruàwa objekta. U ovom trenutku to opredequje u grada~ku fazu vin~anske kulture na je pravac sever-jug, tako da se pe}-kada nalazi na plo~ni~kom nasequ… Svi relevantni nalazi su u wegovom jugoisto~nom uglu… Inventarisan je ve}i Londonu, gde prof. Tilo Reren i Miqana Radivoje- komad bakarnog lima na|en u grumenu mrke kom- vi} treba da potvrde ove navode. A potom da se paktne zemqe. Ovo je izuzetan nalaz sa dosta ne- krene u nove pri~e o primarnoj metalurgiji i novoj, jasnim izgledom i funkcijom u primarnom stawu. jo{ va`nijoj ulozi vin~anske kulture u istoriji Uzorak je savijen sa oblim limom tako da deluje evropske civilizacije.” kao obod posude. Ovaj nalaz, iako amorfnog oblika, Iz navedenog se moè zakqu~iti slede}e: da ukazuje na brojan i raznovrstan repertoar izra|e- nema sumwe u siguran vin~anski kontekst bronza- vina od bakra na plo~ni~kom nasequ (C-397).” nog lima sa Plo~nika, da on oblikom moè da podse- Zavr{na razmatrawa na stranicama 27 i 28 }a na omota~ oboda posude, da je na|en u kontekstu spomenutog dnevnika zna~ajna su za provenijenci- objekta sa pe}i-kadom sli~nom onoj na|enoj u son- ju ovog nalaza, gde je, izme|u ostalog, zapisano i: di 20, ve} objavqenoj.22 Na{a pretpostavka o radi- „Sonda XXI je nanovo potvrdila geomagnetske onici se bazira ba{ na formalnoj i kontekstualnoj osnove otkri}em novog objekta znatnih gabarita sli~nosti, i uzima u obzir rezultate dosada{wih sa raznovrsnim materijalom, pogotovo kada je u analiza, dok se ona koja se ti~e eventualne funk- pitawu arheometalur{ki kontekst… Sasvim ja- cije obrazlaè u svetlu metalografskih analiza u snom stratigrafijom i naàlost, velikim ste- spomenutom ~lanku.23 Kontekst ovog nalaza nije penom o{te}ewa. Objekat je kao i prethodni iz predmet debate u dnevniku iskopavawa, ali ni u sonde XX, stradao u jakom poàru. Blisko rasto- prvoj publikaciji, kada je svrstan u red nesumwi- jawe ove dve situacije, otprilike oko 20 m, dozvo- vih vin~anskih metalur{kih nalaza.24 qava pretpostavku o istovremenom stradawu… Kada je re~ o navodnim kasnijim kulturnim Ono {to je sasvim sigurno je da ovaj gra|evinski „upadima” kojima se pripisuje nalaz bronzanog horizont pripada istoj kulturno-hronolo{koj fazi vin~anske kulture na plo~ni~kom nasequ. Pored konstruktivnih elemenata zastupqenih na 18 oba objekta, o tome svedo~i i prikupqeni pokretni Radivojevi} et al. 2014. 19 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009a. materijal, prvenstveno keramika, potom artefak- 20 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009b, prim. aut. ti od bakra i na kraju, antropomorfna plastika. 21 Vin~anske, prim. aut. Sonda XXI ponavqa nalaze iz prethodnih godi- 22 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009b. na, ~ak i u najva`nijem segmentu. Nalazi bakarnih 23 Radivojevi} 2012; Radivojevi} et al. 2013. artefakata nisu izostali ni ovoga puta. Mawe ih 24 [ljivar et al. 2012, 33.

197 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], îja je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016 lima,25 va`no je naglasiti da su tokom svih godi- {ava sa vin~anskom kulturom i da nikakve kasni- na istraìvawa i D. [qivar i J. Kuzmanovi}- je intruzije nisu konstatovane na istraìvanoj Cvetkovi} tvrdili da se plo~ni~ko naseqe zavr- povr{ini.26

Verodostojnost Str. Tekst komentara Odgovor komentara O batovima [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} i Jacanovi} (2006, 259, T.1/4) prilaù sa Belovoda fotografiju jednog od batova, a u tekstu ovog ~lanka se navodi da su batovi ne postoje podaci u iz sloja Belovode D na lokalitetu (posledwi kulturni sloj na ovom loka- 231 citiranoj publikaciji, neta~an litetu). Na stranici 252: ” , , ne mogu biti iz In the latest cultural layer at Belovode Belovode D ” najmla|ih slojeva na a half of ceramic mould and few stone mallets were found Ne spomiwe se povr{inski nalaz. Belovodama Kontekst olovne zgure prezentovan je u [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} i Proizvoqna @ivkovi} (2012, 33-34) kao nesumwivo vin~anski, i dobro kontekstuali- interpretacija zovan u uslovima iskopavawa: “…the considerable depth and intact layers of olovne «poga~e», the trench do not cause suspicion in the authenticity of this find”. 231 problemati~na Detaqnija kontekstualizacija dolazi iz pa`qivog pregleda dokumenta- neta~an relativna i cije ustupqene za izradu nau~nih analiza i interpretacije ovog nala- predloèna apsolutna za. Datovawe je okvirno, {to je izraèno oznakom „oko“ (circa), proisti~e hronologija iz dobrog uslova nalaza i ispravno je citirana publikacija koja pomaè okvirno datovawe. Radivojevi} je sama izmerila sav malahit na lokalitetu Belovode tokom posete leta 2009. godine, za potrebe doktorskog istraìvawa, {to je poja{weno u napomeni br. 29 u Radivojevi} i Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} Pogre{ni navodi o (2014, 12). Navodi o kerami~kim fragmentima iz sondi 7 i 8 nemaju veze sa Neta~an, teìni prona|enog teìnom minerala, ve} sa analizama koje je prva autorka uradila za potre- izostavqawe 231 malahita, horizont be master rada (Radivojevi} 2007), u kome je koristila dokumentaciju sa relevantnih Vin~a B1 belovodskih iskopavawa. Najva`niji rezultati iz pomenutog master rada referenci objavqeni su u ~lanku Radivojevi} i ostali (2010), gde je me|u ko-autorima i Du{ko [qivar, a koji on ne citira u svojoj kritici nepo{tovawa kolegijalnih dogovora. [qivar svojim komentarom osporava u~e{}e Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} kao ravnopravnog rukovodioca iskopavawa na lokalitetu Plo~nik. [qivar i Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} (2009 ) su ~etvorougaonu strukturu u sondi 20 Nalazi pe} b nazivali ”pe}” po~ev od zajedni~ke publikacije iz 2009. U svojoj kritici, i, hronolo{ka [qivar nepravilno citira [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} i Jacanovi} 231, determinacija i (2006, 253-260), po{to je pe} na|ena tek 2007. godine. [qivar i Kuzmano- neta~an 232 pozicija metalnih vi}-Cvetkovi} su tako|e ko-autori dnevnika iskopavawa, na koji podjed- artefakata, pogre{na nako polaù prava na kori{}ewe i interpretaciju. Nalazi primeraka interpretacija zavr{enih i nezavr{enih bakarnih predmeta analizirani su u sklopu doktorske teze prve autorke (Radivojevi} 2012); interpretacija o radionici je podràna detaqnim tehnolo{kim analizama. Ovaj nalaz zasluùje posebnu pa`wu, {to je razlog wegove detaqnije obrade u tekstu ~lanka, a ne samo u ovoj tabeli. On je ispravno sme{ten u sondu 21 (Radivojevi} i Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2014, 18, Tabla 2) i ispravno citiran u publikaciji i kojoj je objavqen sa detaqnim analizama i Neta~an, Nalaz bakarnog lima nesumwivim kontekstom (Radivojevi} i ostali 2013). Radi se o bronzanom, izostavqawe 231 sme{ten u sondu 20, ne bakarnom limu. Na komentar upu}en ovom radu ([qivar i Bori} 2014), relevantnih pogre{an navod uspe{no je otklowena svaka sumwa u kontekst i interpretaciju nalaza u referenci samom nastavku spomenutog komentara (Radivojevi} i ostali 2014). Ovaj ~lanak [qivar u svojoj novoj kritici ne citira, iako su komentar i odgovor objavqeni zajedno, kao {to je uobi~ajena praksa u renomiranim me|u- narodnim ~asopisima. Nepoznavawe Gra|evinske horizonte poznajemo iz dokumentacije i dugogodi{weg rada 231 gra|evinskih neta~an na lokalitetima Belovode i Plo~nik. horizonata Glava figurine nije Navodi autorki odnose se na premazivawe “ ”-om, koji u procesu pe~ewa 231 slip neta~an bojena daje dvobojni rezultat.

Tabela 2. Odgovor na komentare iz [qivar, Starinar LXV/2015

198 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], ^ija je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Na ovom mikroprimeru se najboqe uo~ava ne- vezu izme|u analiziranih materijala, pored dosa- konzistentnost recentnog [qivarovog komentara da{wih skromnih publikovanih podataka o dato- u Starinaru LXV/2015, a ~itaocima ostaju dve op- vawu, sondi i sloju nalaza. cije kao eventualno obja{wewe: ili je [qivar na- Tabele 1 i 2 nedvosmisleno ukazuju na propu- pravio neta~nu zabele{ku tokom iskopavawa Plo~- ste D. [qivara u kriti~kim osvrtima na na{ rad, nika 23. septembra 2008. godine, ili je neta~an od kojih ve}inu ~ine upravo navodi iz wegovih au- podatak predstavio naknadno u svom komentaru.27 torskih ili koautorskih radova. Jedna zamerka za Iz ove perspektive, namerno beleèwe pogre{nog koju su autorke uvidele da je na mestu jeste ona u konteksta nalaza lima u doba pronalaèwa, sa pred- kojoj se Grbi}u pripisuje detaqniji opis ostave 1, umi{qajem da }e taj podatak navesti grupu istra- iz 1929. godine. Ovi predmeti pripadaju grupi koja ìva~a na pogre{an trag za pet godina samo da bi je darivana od strane @eleznice u februaru 1928. bili izloèni kritikama, jeste neverovatan. Me- godine, a autorke su napravile propust pripisuju}i |utim, ova situacija isti~e pitawa va`nosti ori- detaqniji navod M. Grbi}u,29 a ne Stalio.30 Dakle, ginalne terenske dokumentacije i wenog kori{}e- radi se o tehni~kom propustu koji nikako ne uti~e wa, kako na konkretnom primeru tako i u {irem na generalne zakqu~ke u na{em radu, i predstavqa smislu, koja nas dovode do zakqu~nih razmatrawa samo prate}i navod o slu~ajnim nalazima koji su u ovom ~lanku. otkriveni prilikom izgradwe èlezni~ke pruge kroz naseqe Plo~nik. Diskusija i zakqu~ak Osvrnimo se sada na ostatak kritika koje je D. U ovom tekstu, autorke su se bavile opovrgava- [qivar izneo u ~lanku u Starinaru LXV/2015, na wem navoda o manipulaciji, eti~ki neprimerenim koje je odgovoreno citatima iz wegovih autorskih postupcima, o preuzimawu dokumentacije „bez zna- i koautorskih radova. Kritike iz 2015. godine bi wa” i uzurpaciji autorskih prava, podataka, mate- bile opravdane da je [qivar povukao sve svoje ra- rijala i dokumentacije sa iskopavawa lokaliteta dove pre 2012. godine, zajedno sa zvani~nom doku- Belovode i Plo~nik, iznesenih putem uvreda jezi- mentacijom sa iskopavawa Belovoda i Plo~nika, kom nedostojnim kako renomiranog ~asopisa, tako sa tvrdwom da je pogre{no rasu|ivao kako tokom i decenijskog iskustva u istraìvawu ovih dvaju terenskih radova, tako u publikovanim radovima lokaliteta od strane Du{ka [qivara. Na{a dece- do navedene 2012. godine. Ali ovakvu izjavu jo{ nijska saradwa sa Du{kom [qivarom ni u kom slu- nismo na{li me|u radovima D. [qivara posle ~aju nije mogla da dovede do preuzimawa podataka 2012. godine. Kao rezultat se name}e slede}e: uko- „bez znawa”, pogotovu stoga {to su se zajedno vodila liko [qivar ne veruje sopstvenim navodima, po- terenska istraìvawa i dokumentacija te objavqi- stavqa se pitawe generalnog poverewa prema do- vali nau~ni ~lanci. Izostavqawe va`nih biblio- kumentaciji sa iskopavawa Belovoda i Plo~nika grafskih jedinica kako bi se naglasio nedostatak proizvedenoj pre 2012. godine. Koliko je stvar kooperacije ili originalne nau~ne kontribucije ozbiqna, u trenutnom kontekstu svedo~i situacija istraìvawima lokaliteta Belovode i Plo~nik, u kojoj Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, kao koautor zva- samo svedo~i o nameri da se okolnosti ne prikaù ni~ne dokumentacije sa iskopavawa Plo~nika, po- u svom stvarnom kontekstu. stavqa isto pitawe. Rad M. Radivojevi} i J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetko- Ostavimo ovo pitawe i po|imo od druga~ije pret- vi}28 jeste samo jedan u nizu originalnih doprino- postavke: da su autorke komentarisanog ~lanka31 sa razumevawu arheometalurgije vin~anske kulture koji iznosi nove podatke o karakteru prona|enog materijala na osnovu detaqnih tehnolo{kih ana- 25 Za detaqe videti: [ljivar, Bori} 2014. liza. Budu}i da su dosada{we publikacije o is- 26 Na primer: [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1997, 107; traìvawima sa lokaliteta Belovode i Plo~nik [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998a, 6; [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvet- kovi} 1998b, 79; [ljivar et al. 2006, 256, 257. bile uglavnom fokusirane na nalaze iz pojedina~- 27 [ljivar, Bori} 2014. nih sondi, ili na metalur{ki aspekt, malo je po- 28 Radivojevi}, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2014. dataka koji bi se u ovom trenutku mogli iskoristi- 29 Grbi} 1929. ti za op{tu sliku ìvota na ovim lokalitetima. U 30 Stalio 1964. tom smislu, na{a kontribucija poja{wava dodatnu 31 Radivojevi}, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2014.

199 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], îja je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016 zaista pogre{ile u svim svojim izjavama i da su Umesto da publikovawe i otvarawe depoa za objavile neoriginalan rad pun tehni~kih i drugih razli~ite specijalisti~ke analize budu priori- gre{aka. Da li je Du{ko [qivar, u momentu kada je tet velikog dela terenskih istraìva~a, nalazimo dobio preliminaran nacrt rada za koji je inici- se u okolnostima u kojima se razli~ito mi{qewe jalno pristao da bude jedan od koautora, uradio sve i interpretacija iskopanog materijala susre}e sa {to je bilo u wegovoj profesionalnoj mo}i da osudom, uvredama i optu`bama o uzurpaciji „autor- spre~i „manipulisawe” podacima koje je on saku- skih prava”, kao {to je slu~aj sa Belovodama i Plo~- pqao tokom skoro dve decenije predanog rada na nikom. Reperkusije ovakvog obrasca pona{awa opa- lokalitetima Belovode i Plo~nik? Razvoj situa- snije su od sukoba mi{qewa tri arheologa, po{to cije, u kojoj D. [qivar odlu~uje da svoje mi{qe- demonstriraju {ta se moè desiti kolegama koji we objavi naknadno, putem komentara koji sadrì se okuraè da ponude specijalisti~ko mi{qewe, profesionalne i li~ne uvrede, govori u prilog tena primer o karakteru metalur{kih aktivnosti na zi da profesionalni interesi i dobrobit struke lokalitetima Belovode i Plo~nik, a da se ono ne verovatno nisu bili me|u wegovim prioritetima. ograni~ava samo na tehni~ki izve{taj. Silina kri- Ovakav sled okolnosti i slu~aj koji je predsta- tike, pored profesionalnih i li~nih uvreda, mo- vqen pred ~itala~kom publikom dovodi nas do sle- è i}i ~ak i do, na primer, postavqawa pitawa o de}eg, op{tijeg pitawa: ~ija je srpska arheologija? verodostojnosti doktorskog rada odbrawenog na O pitawu da li terenska istraìvawa dràvnim Univerzitetskom kolexu London, koji se nalazi na sredstvima Republike Srbije omogu}avaju istra- listi deset najboqih univerziteta na svetu. ìva~ima (ili jednom od istraìva~a) ekskluziv- Kakvu budu}nost srpske arheologije moèmo na prava interpretacije nalaza, vaè}i Zakon je onda da predvidimo u okolnostima u kojima se zva- nedvosmislen posle inicijalnog perioda od 12 ni~na terenska dokumentacija i eventualna arheo- meseci. Po tom Zakonu i po prate}im regulativa- lo{ka interpretacija pretpostavqaju autoritetu ma, terenska dokumentacija je zvani~an dokument o arheologa – terenskog istraìva~a, ili uop{te toku istraìvawa, i kao takav je ne samo dostupan jednom licu? Na{e nade u ovom trenutku polaèmo arheolozima za interpretaciju ìvota zajednica u u vladavinu prava, kao i zajedni~ki rad na poja{- (pra)istoriji ve} je i jedini svedok koji tu istu wavawu pravno-formalnih specifi~nosti u vezi arheologiju ~uva od se}awa (ili zaborava) teren- s karakterom na{e profesije. Ukoliko su autorska skog (ili terenskih) istraìva~a. prava po{tapalica kojom se terenski arheolozi Situacija u srpskoj arheologiji je daleko od sluè da odagnaju sumwe u ispravnost sopstvene idealne, i svedoci smo intenzivnog procesa isko- interpretacije, onda je wihovo bliè definisawe pavawa koji prati neznatan procenat obrade i pu- u okviru postoje}e regulative prioritet na{e blikacije. Tako|e smo svedoci prisvajawa iste te struke. Od drugih prioriteta, èlimo da apeluje- dokumentacije i polagawa prava na ekskluzivnu mo na po{tovawe Zakona, koji je nedvosmislen u interpretaciju od strane terenskih arheologa, iako pogledu predaje materijala i dokumentacije nad- im to pravo nije dato u okviru postoje}ih zakon- le`nim ustanovama za{tite. Ovim putem bi se osi- skih regulativa. Rezultat ovog procesa, koji nije gurao pristup materijalu od strane zainteresova- vezan samo za Belovode ili Plo~nik, ve} je ve}in- nih kolega i specijalista iz drugih oblasti i ski, nasle|en obrazac pona{awa u srpskoj arheo- otvorila vrata novim saznawima o ìvotu zajed- logiji u proteklih nekoliko decenija, jesu upravo nica u pro{losti. depoi puni vrednog arheolo{kog materijala koji Na kraju èlimo da zavr{imo u pozitivnoj no- sakupqaju pra{inu. Pored pra{ine, koja je najma- ti. Slu~aj Belovode i Plo~nik je kako pravilo, ta- wi problem, tu su i neadekvatni uslovi ~uvawa, ko i izuzetak u trenutnom stawu u srpskoj arheolo- vlaga u muzejskim depoima i kontaminacija duvan- giji. Veliki broj novijih publikacija svedo~i o skim dimom i drugim isparavawima koji uti~u na otvarawu muzejskih zbirki za istraìvawa novim uni{tavawe iskopanog materijala. Praistorijski metodama. Mi }emo, sa svoje strane, u budu}im pu- depo Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, gde se ~uva naj- blikacijama nastaviti da nudimo hipoteze o ìvo- vredniji materijal sa iskopavawa Belovoda i tu vin~anskih zajednica sa lokaliteta Belovode i Plo~nika, samo je jedan od primera gde je materi- Plo~nik, a i {ire, u nadi da }e one stimulisati jal bio izloèn toj vrsti kontaminacije. konstruktivne diskusije me|u zainteresovanim ko-

200 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], ^ija je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016 legama u budu}nosti. Ovu priliku koristimo da po- pitawa u vin~anskoj arheologiji i ponudi sopstve- zovemo kolegu [qivara da objavqivawem svog dela ne modele razvoja kako vin~anskih zajednica, tako o dvadesetogodi{wem istra`ivawu ispuni profe- i najranijih metalur{kih aktivnosti na lokali- sionalnu obavezu, pomogne u rasvetqavawu va`nih tetima Belovode i Plo~nik.

201 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], ^ija je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016

BIBLIOGRAFIJA:

Grbi} 1929 – M. Grbi}, Plo~nik, eine Prahistorische tractive metallurgy: new evidence from Europe. Journal Ansiedlung a.us der Kupferzeit, Belgrade 1929. of Archaeological Science, 37, 2775–2787. Radivojevi} 2007 – M. Radivojevi}, Evidence for [ljivar, Bori} 2014 – D. [ljivar, D. Bori}, Context early cooper smelting in Belovode, a Vin~a settlement in is everything: coments on Radivojevi} et al., Antiquity Eastern Serbia, Unpublished MSc Thesis, UCL Institute 88, 2013, 1310–1315. of Archaeology, London 2007. [ljivar, Jacanovi}, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2006 Radivojevi} 2012 – M. Radivojevi}, On the Origins – D. [ljivar, D. Jacanovi}, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, of Metallurgy in Europe: Metal production in Vin~a New contributions regarding the copper metallurgy in the Culture. Unpublished PhD Thesis, UCL Institute of Ar- Vin~a kulture, in: N. Tasi}, C. Grozdanov (eds.), Homage chaeology, London 2012. to Milutin Gara{anin. Belgrade 2006, Serbian Academy Radivojevi} 2013 – M. Radivojevi}, Archaeome- of Sciences, Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, tallurgy of the Vin~a culture: a case study of the site of 251–266. Belovode in Eastern Serbia. Journal of Historical Me- [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1997 –D. tallurgy, 47, 13–32. [qivar, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Plo~nik kod Radivojevi} 2015 – M. Radivojevi}, Inventing Prokupqa, naseqe vin~anske kulture. Glasnik srp- metallurgy in western Eurasia: a look through the mic- skog arheolo{kog dru{tva 13, 1997, 103–113. roscope lens. Cambridge Archaeological Journal, 25, [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998a – D. 321–338. [qivar, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Najstarija me- Radivojevi}, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2014 – M. talurgija bakra na Plo~niku kod Prokupqa, nasequ Radivojevi}, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Copper mine- vin~anske kulture, Arheometalurgija 6 Beograd rals and archaeometallurgical materials from the Vin~a 1998, 1–18. culture sites of Belovode and Plo~nik: overview of the [qivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998b – D. evidence and new data. Starinar LXIV, 7–30. [qivar, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Plo~nik kod Radivojevi}, Rehren 2016 – M. Radivojevi}, Th. Prokupqa, iskopavawa 1997. Glasnik Srpskog arhe- Rehren, Paint it Black: The Rise of Metallurgy in the olo{kog dru{tva 14, 1998, 79–85. Balkans. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009a – D. [lji- 22, 200–237. var, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Terenski dnevnik, sonda Radivojevi}, Rehren, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, 21, septembar/oktobar. Nepublikovana dokumentacija, Jovanovi} 2014 – M. Radivojevi}, Th. Rehren, J. Ku- Narodni muzej u Beogradu. zmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, M. Jovanovi}, Context is every- [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009b – D. [ljivar, thing indeed: a response to [ljivar and Bori}. Antiquity J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Plo~nik, arheologija i kon- 88, 1315–1319. zervacija, Diana 13, 2009, 56–61. Radivojevi}, Rehren, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, @ivkovi} 2012 – Jovanovi}, Northover 2013 – M. Radivojevi}, Th. Re- D. [ljivar, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, J. @ivkovi}, hren, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, M. Jovanovi}, J. P. Belovode, Plo~nik: on copper metallurgy in the Vin~a Northover, Tainted ores and the rise of tin bronze metal- culture. Zbornik Narodnog muzeja 20, Beograd 2012, lurgy, c. 6500 years ago. Antiquity, 87, 1030–1045. 27–46. Radivojevi}, Rehren, Pernicka, [ljivar, Brauns, Stalio 1964 – B. Stalio, Novi metalni nalaz Bori} 2010 – M. Radivojevi}, Th. Rehren, E. Pernicka, iz Plo~nika kod Prokupqa, Zbornik Narodnog mu- D. [ljivar, M. Brauns, D. Bori}, On the origins of ex- zeja 4, Beograd 1964, 35–41.

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Summary: MILJANA RADIVOJEVI], Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Belgrade JULKA KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], National Museum of Toplice, Prokuplje

TO WHOM DOES SERBIAN ARCHAEOLOGY BELONG? THE CASE OF BELOVODE AND PLO^NIK

Key words. – Vin~a culture, metallurgy, Belovode, Plo~nik, copyright.

The long-standing archaeological research of the Serbian Vin~a Belovode and Plo~nik by Radivojevi} and Kuzmanovi}-Cvet- culture sites of Belovode and Plocnik has been strengthened with kovi}. In the third accusation, [ljivar argues that his copyright the joint collaborative work with the UCL Institute of Archaeo- was infringed, and that field journals were used without per- logy in the past 6 years. This collaboration yielded scientific de- mission. This is despite the fact that these accusations are legally monstration of the world’s earliest copper smelting amongst the and formally unsupported, and that he shared his data and mate- excavated materials, c. 7000 years old. In the six years since the rials during the course of a long collaboration and co-authorship first publication of this finding in 2010, a number of detailed on a number of articles with both Radivojevi} and Kuzmanovi}- analytical studies followed, together with another breakthrough Cvetkovi} over the course of the last two decades. discovery of the world’s earliest tin bronze artefact. This artefact In other words, in order to validate his accusations and to was excavated in a secure context within a Vin~a culture settle- seek to damage our untainted academic standings, Du{ko [lji- ment feature at the site of Plo~nik, which was radiocarbon dated var has denied all his professional and academic achievements, to c. 4650 BC. On the basis of the early metallurgical results from research articles, field diaries and formal documents that he Belovode, the UK Government funded a large international col- ever (co-) wrote and/or signed on the topic. He even goes as far laborative project from 2012–2015. This included Serbian, as to exclude a landmark joint publication in an international British and German teams all of whom brought substantial expe- peer-reviewed scientific journal (Radivojevi} et al. 2010) from rience and cutting-edge technology to the study of the evolution his citation list in order to support his claim that a formal agree- of the earliest known metal-making in its 5th millennium BC ment on the joint publishing of Belovode metallurgy results has Balkan cultural context. This project’s forthcoming publications, never been fulfilled. [ljivar also omitted the published rebuttal including a major monograph published by UCL Press, which (Radivojevi} et al. 2014) to unsubstantiated claims on alleged will be free to download, promise to shed new light on the life manipulation of contextual data of the tin bronze foil from the of the first metal-making communities in Eurasia, and also out- Vin~a culture site of Plo~nik put forward in a joint article by him line integrated methodological approaches that will serve as a and another colleague ([ljivar and Bori} 2014). In order to end model for similar projects worldwide. this malicious debate, we present our rebuttal from 2014 and The open, balanced and respectful research atmosphere further elaborate upon it by showing the original quotes from within our core project team is currently being challenged by an the Plo~nik field diary on the day that the tin bronze foil in ques- unsubstantiated controversy. This controversy arises from accu- tion was found, and from the concluding remarks of the diary in sations against the project team members by Du{ko [ljivar, a question. We again clearly demonstrate that there has never been once an extremely supportive and prominent member of our any doubt regarding the secure context of the tin bronze foil team. Each of these accusations by Du{ko [ljivar is completely within the Vin~a culture material, that the Vin~a horizon is the contradictory to his own previous documented work, and have only cultural occupation at the site of Plo~nik and that no intru- therefore easily been refuted. The work by Du{ko [ljivar in sion has ever been observed in the context of this find, not on question encompasses: two decades of excavations at the sites the day of the discovery, not in the conclusions or the excava- of Belovode and Plo~nik; including single-authored and joint tion field diary, and not in the first publication of the said find publications prior to 2012, including those with Miljana Radi- by Du{ko [ljivar. vojevi} and Julka Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}; and official field do- We have presented a detailed account of this particular case cumentation, either signed off solely by him, or together with his in order to show [ljivar’s contradictory and inconsistent account co-excavator at the site of Plo~nik, Julka Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}. of the official fieldwork documentation that he co-authored. It The first accusation, published in 2014, saw Du{ko [ljivar deny, would appear that either [ljivar made a false field diary entry together with another colleague, the veracity of his original field regarding the context of the tin bronze foil on the day of its dis- journal notes on the context of the previously mentioned tin covery in 2008, or he presented incorrect information in the later bronze foil, for which he received an immediate and successful joint commentary. The former hypothesis that [ljivar made a rebuttal. In the second accusation, published in Starinar LXV/ false entry in the field diary in 2008 in order to potentially mis- 2015, Du{ko [ljivar continued with the same practice of denying lead later scholarship does not seem plausible, especially as the his own official field journals and publications which he (co-) object of dispute was not identified as tin-bronze on the day of authored with a series of false accusations relating to the mani- discovery, but merely as another copper object from Plo~nik and pulation of the original data from the excavations of the sites of therefore not nearly as important to early metallurgical scholar-

203 RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], ^ija je srpska arheologija? (193–204) STARINAR LXVI/2016

ship. To underline further the absurdity of the situation in which ological materials that they have excavated. The current law on we found ourselves with [ljivar, we should also mention [lji- Cultural Monuments recognizes the exclusive rights of excava- var’s initial agreement to co-author the paper we published in tion directors to publish their research for the period of 12 Starinar XLIV/2014, from which he withdrew without offering months after the excavations ended. After this period, other any constructive comments, only to publicly publish his views interested parties in the field can access the materials and any as well as professional and personal insults directed towards us in related field documentation. This demonstrates, alongside pre- Starinar XLV/2015. The situation where [ljivar had the oppor- viously mentioned scientific arguments, that we have worked tunity to act in his best professional interest was while our article with the Belovode and Plo~nik materials in accordance with the was still in preparation and he chose not to do it; this leads us to valid legal regulations. We conclude that there is no formal sup- assume that professional interests were not his priority on this port for the exclusive interpretation of lives of communities in the matter. Finally, [ljivar’s deceitful and erroneous claims were sites of Belovode and Plo~nik c. 7000 years ago, and emphasise executed in a spiteful language that is unfit for a scholarly jour- the value of our original scientific contribution as illuminating nal, and damages both his reputation and the decision of this a particular economic activity of the inhabitants of these two journal to publish them. prehistoric villages. Finally, we call for the reinforcement of We further elaborate on these developments in the broader existing procedures in Serbia so that our profession can prevent context of Serbian archaeology, quoting the legislation on the any future misconduct such as that exemplified in the attempt intellectual copyright of excavation directors over the archae- by Du{ko [ljivar.

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Dragana Antonovi}, KUPFERZEITLICHEN ÄXTE UND BEILE IN SERBIEN. Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung IX, Band 27; Mainz: Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur: 2014; 131 strana teksta, 59 tabli sa ilustracijama

Pred nama je jo{ jedna monumentalna publikacija u seriji prati kratak pregled eksploatacije kamenoloma sa trago- koju ve} decenijama objavquje Prähistorische Bronzefunde, vima upotrebe u neolitu, a zatim i opis najstarijih rudni- ovaj put sa detaqnim osvrtom na razvoj metalurgije bakra ka bakra u Srbiji – Rudne Glave i Malog [turca. Osim na prostoru Srbije od samih po~etaka do kraja bronzanog i wih, pa`wa je posve}ena rudniku bakra @drelo, za koji je po~etka gvozdenog doba. Dragana Antonovi} obradila je po- zasada samo izotopski potvr|eno da odgovara nalazima sa datke o 400 primeraka bakarnog oru|a i oru`ja sa teritori- obli`weg lokaliteta Belovode, zatim Majdanpeku, Rebequ, je Srbije i predstavila, zajedno sa prilogom o ranom rudar- Jarmovcu i Borskom basenu. Eksploatacija ìve je tako|e stvu i procesu dobijawa metala, stawe nau~nih istraìvawa spomenuta, zbog nalaza kostola~ke keramike na rudniku na poqu metalurgije u metalnim dobima Srbije, postaviv- [upqa Stena na Avali, ali i Vasi}eve pretpostavke da je {i pritom jasne osnove za daqa istraìvawa u ovoj oblasti. ìva bila topqena i na lokalitetu Vin~a. Nalazi rudar- Akcenat kwige je na bakarnim alatkama, ali i retkim skog oru|a, kao {to su batovi i pijuci na vin~anskim lo- primercima legure sa arsenom ili kalajem. Vredni dodaci kalitetima, daqe su potvrde intenzivne eksploatacije i su svakako detaqni crteì svih predstavqenih alatki, ma- obrade minerala i rude bakra u ovom periodu na prostoru pa nalazi{ta, evolucija tipologije bakarnih alatki na Srbije. Ovaj detaqan pregled je ujedno i jedina sistemati- Balkanu, ali i sve analize hemijskog sastava obra|enih zacija neolitskih/eneolitskih rudnika u Srbiji i sam po alatki koje su sakupqene, na samom kraju kwige. sebi ~ini vrednu kontribuciju u okviru kwige o bakarnim Kwiga se sastoji od ~etiri sekcije: uvodne, u kojoj se alatkama. sistematizuju sada{wa saznawa o rudarstvu i procesu do- D. Antonovi} se detaqno posve}uje i razli~itim fa- bijawa metala, zatim kataloga nalaza (Fundstoff), liste zama razvoja metalurgije u Srbiji, po~ev od predmetalur- skra}enica i bibliografije, liste muzeja u kojima se mate- {ke (6300–5400. pre n. e.), preko vin~anske (5400–4600. pre rijal nalazi i indeksa nalazi{ta koja se pomiwu u kwizi. n. e.), do faza koje slede posle vin~anskog perioda (4500/ U prvoj sekciji daje se presek istorijata arheometa- 4400–2500. pre n. e.). lur{kih istraìvawa na teritoriji Srbije, koji obuhvata Predmetalur{ka faza je korektno identifikovana kao kako naseobinsku arheologiju, tako i istraìvawa drevnih faza upotrebe minerala bakra samo za dekoraciju, vezana rudnika. Razvoj metalurgije na prostoru Srbije predsta- za star~eva~ku kulturu. Kada je u pitawu vin~anska kultu- vqen je u nekoliko faza: predmetalur{ka (6300–5400. pre ra, autorka veruje da metalni nalazi prate tu kulturu od n. e.), metalurgija vin~anskog perioda (5400–4600. pre n. e.), samih po~etaka, iako, sem spekulacija o veoma ranim datu- metalurgija eneolitske faze (postvin~anska, 4500/4400– mima za po~etak topqewa bakra (5200 pre n. e) od strane 2500. pre n. e.) i poreklo bakarnih ruda. [qivara i Bori}a (a koje Antonovi} citira), ne postoje Antonovi} se osvr}e na diskontinuitet inicijalnih dokumentovani metalni nalazi koji potvr|uju verodostoj- istraìvawa metalur{kih materijala u vin~anskoj kultu- nost ovih pretpostavki. Velika je verovatno}a, kao {to i ri, koja po~iwu na kraju Prvog svetskog rata od strane Mi- autorka daqe u tekstu navodi, da se nalazi metala bakra loja M. Vasi}a, a pun zamah dobijaju pokretawem istraì- mogu vezati za po~etak grada~ke faze, odakle i poti~u naj- vawa vin~anskog rudnika Rudna Glava i radom akademika stariji dokumentovani dokazi proizvodwe – komadi {qake Borislava Jovanovi}a na pitawu nezavisne evolucije bal- sa lokaliteta Belovode – koji su datovani na sam po~etak kanske metalurgije sa po~etka 5. milenijuma pre n. e. Autor- 5. milenijuma pre n. e., a ne u posledwu ~etvrtinu 6. mileni- ka skre}e pa`wu na sloèn istorijat arheometalur{kih juma pre n. e., kako se tvrdi u spomenutim publikacijama. istraìvawa u vin~anskoj kulturi i zakqu~uje da je ta kul- U tekstu se daqe detaqno opisuju svi navodi nekoliko tura u celosti eneolitska, izraàvaju}i nadu da }e se u bu- istraìva~a vin~anske arheometalurgije o postojawu indu}im istraìvawima obratiti pa`wa na efemerne tragove stalacija za topqewe, pe}i, kalupa za pretapawe i {qake koje su za sobom ostavili trenutno najraniji tragovi pre- na lokalitetima Belovode, Vin~a, Selevac, Fafos, Grivac, rade metala na svetu. Gorwa Tuzla i Plo~nik. Iako su sve tvrdwe i nalazi ver- Saètak geolo{ke podloge Balkana koja je uslovila no predstavqeni, autorka ne iznosi kriti~ki stav prema po~etke prerade bakarnih minerala na prostorima Srbije izjavama arheologa koji, bez analiti~kih studija, name}u

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stav o karakteru neobi~nih nalaza na spomenutim lokali- ti navod lokacije nalaza, konteksta, tipa, preciznih mera, tetima. Tako, na primer, analogija plo~ni~ke ~etvorougao- lokacija crteà, relevantne publikacije i hemijskog sane konstrukcije sa anti~kim pe}ima, ili povr{inski nalaz stava predmeta (gde je informacija dostupna). D. Antonovi} kalupa sa Belovoda nisu najsre}niji primeri interpreta- je uloìla izuzetan napor da sakupi sve informacije na cije namene i datovawa ovih objekata i predmeta od strane jednom mestu, pogotovu ako se ima u vidu ~esta nedostupnost primarnih istraìva~a. nalaza za obradu (na primer, Narodnimuzej u Beogradu, gde Antonovi} daqe verno prenosi izvode analiti~kih stu- se nalazi veliki broj predmeta, zatvoren je, vi{e od 10 go- dija, kao i terenskih situacija sa spomenutih lokaliteta dina, u doba obrade podataka). potencijalno vezanih za metalurgiju, ~ime nas priprema za Istrajnost autorke u ovom poduhvatu je za svaku pohva- impresivan broj nalaza bakarnih alatki koje }e biti pred- lu, jer je pred nama detaqan katalog svih alatki sa rele- stavqene u narednoj sekciji. To ~ini osvrtom na veoma si- vantnim informacijama, koje su odli~na polazna osnova za roma{ne nalaze o proizvodwi metala, te zakqu~kom o name- daqa istraìvawa o ovoj temi. tawu potrebe za daqim analiti~kim radom na ovom segmentu Tre}a i ~etvrta sekcija predstavqaju dodatak pogla- lanca proizvodwe bakarnog oru|a i oru`ja. vqu sa sistemati~nim pregledom alatki – registar loka- Kada je u pitawu faza razvoja metalurgije u Srbiji na- cija, table sa preciznim ilustracijama, mape sa ucrtanim kon vin~anske kulture, Antonovi} daje iscrpan izve{taj o lokacijama nalaza, podeqene prema tipovima, evolucija stawu arheometalur{kih nalaza iz ovog perioda, konstatu- tipova alatki i table sa hemijskim sastavom obra|enih ju}i da dokazi o proizvodwi i daqe ~ine proporcionalno alatki – i zaokruùju ovaj tip publikacije kao izvrstan nesrazmernu skupinu nalaza u odnosu na broj metalnih ar- katalog razvoja rane metalurgije bakra u Srbiji. tefakata. Ovaj period poznaje i prve legure sa arsenom i Iako se na ovu publikaciju dugo ~ekalo, wen obim, si- kalajem, koje se hronolo{ki opredequju gotovo iskqu~ivo stemati~nost i rezolucija detaqa prilikom opisa nalaza po poznatoj tipologiji iz {ireg balkanskog prostora. je zapohvalu, a kvalitet ukazuje na to da je bila vredna ~e- U zakqu~ku prve sekcije spomiwu se izotopske anali- kawa. Iscrpan katalog nalaza koji je D. Antonovi} pripre- ze olova u bakarnim alatkama i rudama iz isto~ne Srbije i mila svedo~i o sloènosti ranog razvoja metalurgije na mogu}a provenijencija metala koji je kruìo Srbijom u ovim prostorima, ali i o sloènosti tipolo{kih odred- praistoriji. Iako su potvrde za upotrebu rude iz isto~ne nica. Nadam se da }e ova publikacija posluìti kao in- Srbije oskudne kada je u pitawu Rudna Glava, Majdanpek je, spiracija za budu}e radove o ranoj metalurgiji Srbije i sude}i po analizama, igrao zna~ajnu ulogu u organizaciji Balkana, sa akcentom na sna`nije integrisawe analiza ma- eksploatacije rude bakra u eneolitskom periodu. terijala sa kontekstualnom analizom metalnih predmeta u Druga sekcija sastoji se od iscrpnog i detaqnog uvi- ciqu izgradwe dopuwenih/novih modela interpretacije da u bakarna oru|a i oru`ja sa prostora Srbije o ~ijem je ìvota prvih metalur{kih zajednica na ovim prostorima. arheolo{kom kontekstu raspravqano u prethodnom pogla- Do tada, kwiga Dragane Antonovi} stoji kao glavna bibli- vqu. U ve} prepoznatqivom stilu izdawa Prähistorische ografska odrednica i verodostojan prikaz stawa u istra- Bronzefunde, artefakti su predstavqeni kroz tipove, koji ìvawu ove teme. se opisuju u okviru arheolo{kog konteksta i relativnih i apsolutnih hronolo{kih odrednica. Svaki artefakt pra- Miqana RADIVOJEVI]

Hrvoje Vuli}, Karmen Farac, OSTAVAANTONINIJANA IZ VINKOVACA / A HOARD OF ANTONINIANI FROM VINKOVCI, Vinkovci 2014; 261 strana: 61 strana teksta sa prilozima i 260 strana kataloga sa ilustracijama

U izdawu Gradskog muzeja iz Vinkovaca iza{la je krajem ja je pouzdanija ukoliko je zasnovana na pore|ewu sa drugim, 2014. godine dvojezi~na monografija (hrvatski-engleski) istovremenim ostavama novca. Najve}i problem za istra- „Ostava antoninijana iz Vinkovaca / A hoard of antoniniani `iva~e predstavqa ~iwenica da je ve}ina otkrivenih osta- fromVinkovci”, autora Hrvoja Vuli}a i Karmen Farac. Obja- va rimskog novca u mawoj ili ve}oj meri rasuta, pa se u vqena je u ediciji ACTA MUSEI CIBALENSIS 6 (Nova se- ovim slu~ajevima dobijeni terminus post quem mora uzeti sa rija, broj 3). izvesnom dozom obazrivosti. Stim problemom su se susre- Ostave rimskog novca predstavqaju va`an izvor za pro- li i autori monografije ostave iz Vinkovaca. u~avawe ekonomske i politi~ke istorije pojedinih pro- U kratkom Uvodu, autori se osvr}u na burna doga|awa vincija ali i Carstva u celini. Prilikom interpretaci- na podru~ju ~itavog Carstva tokom 3. veka n.e. koja su za poje razloga za wihovo pohrawivawe neophodna je odre|ena sledicu imala sakrivawe novca. Zakqu~uju da ni anti~ke doza obazrivosti, koja iziskuje analizu vojno-politi~kih Cibale nisu bile po{te|ene opasnosti i nesigurnosti tog (kako unutra{wih, tako i spoqnih), privrednih, monetar- vremena, {to potvr|uje nalaz ostave antoninijana otkri- nih i poreskih okolnosti u datom vremenu. Interpretaci- vene 2009. g. Kako je ostava rasuta (prepostavqaju da je u

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pitawu oko 100 primeraka novca), oni izraàvaju, prirod- puno gre{aka u citirawu (uglavnom su u pitawu brojevi no, zabrinutost da }e odre|ena pitawa ostati bez odgovora. strana citiranih dela) ili u naslovima tabela (npr.: str. U narednom poglavqu (Povijesni kontekst) izloèn je 18: O{tra Luka I, tpq. 205–254; str. 19: O{tra Luka II i III, u kratkim crtama hronolo{ki kontinuitet ìvota na pod- tpq. 238; str. 25: Tabela sadrì brojne gre{ke uglavnom ve- ru~ju Vinkovaca i wihove okoline od neolita do sredweg zane za tpq. navedenih nalaza; pored toga, nedostaju neke od veka. Osvr}u}i se, u najve}oj meri, na istorijske okolnosti ostava navedenih u tekstu ispred itd.). u Rimskom carstvu tokom 3. veka n.e., autori smatraju da je Naredno poglavqe (Ostava iz Vinkovaca u kontekstu inflacija u to vreme dovela do tezauracije novca i posle- ostava Galijenovog doba na prostoru jugoisto~ne Panoni- di~no do ve}eg broja ostava novca. je) svodi se na analizu zastupqenosti pojedinih kovnica u Slede}e poglavqe se odnosi na okolnosti nalaza osta- vinkova~koj ostavi i u ostavama navedenim u prethodnom ve koja je prona|ena marta 2009. g. prilikom komunalnih poglavqu. U ovom odeqku je jasno ispoqeno neiskustvo au- radova u ulici Kraqa Zvonimira br. 14. Iako se mesto na tora u publikovawu numizmati~ke gra|e, koja iziskuje spe- kojem su izvo|eni radovi nalazi u arheolo{ki za{ti}enoj cifi~nu metodologiju (npr., nedostaju uobi~ajene analize zoni, izvo|a~i su ih obavqali bez dozvole i nadzora Muze- koje se odnose na frekvenciju, godi{wi koeficijent, godi- ja iz Vinkovaca. Kustosi Muzeja su za otkri}e ostave sa- {wi procenat vinkova~ke ostave i analognih ostava, kao i znali po{to je jedan od radnika doneo u Muzej izvesnu ko- wihove uporedne analize vezane za sastav ostava itd.). U li~inu novca. Pri izlasku na teren su ustanovili da je uvodnom delu poglavqa autori jasno postavqaju ciq da je ostava bila pohrawena u kerami~ku posudu koja je o{te}e- „…potrebno komparirati materijal prona|en u Vinkovci- na radovima mehanizacije. Deo novca je sakupqen, ali je ma s materijalom u ostalim ostavama tog doba”, ali se wi- ustanovqeno da je najve}i deo nalaza ostao u zemqi iz is- hova alanaliza zadràva samo u okvirima zastupqenosti kopa koja je deponovana u Marincima. Pomo}u detektora za kovnica (sa dva prate}a grafikona), dok ostali aspekti metal, kustosi Muzeja su uspeli da sa deponije spasu najve- ostaju bez obja{wewa. U ina~e korektnoj analizi kovnica, }i deo nalaza. s druge strane, skoro sasvim izostaju citati (jedino citi- Naredno poglavqe je posve}eno kra}oj analizi sastava rano delo je Kos 1998: 154, 156). To se naro~ito odnosi na ostave po vladarima i kovnicama. Od ostave iz Vinkovaca zakqu~ke vezane za kovnicu „Sirmijum” u kojima autori, je sa~uvano 1183 primerka antoninijana u rasponu od Gor- verovatno povode}i se za mi{qewima Alfeldija i Gebla dijana III do samostalne Galijenove vladavine. Ukupno je (Alföldi 1931: 23–24; Göbl 1953: 27), zakqu~uju da kovnica zastupqeno sedam vladara i devet ~lanova wihovih poro- radi „od oko 265. godine”. Poznato je da je problem kovni- dica. Zabeleène su emisije pet kovnica, {est primeraka ce „Sirmijum” ve} decenijama predmet rasprave u nau~noj su autori pripisali nekoj od azijskih kovnica, dok za {est javnosti. Budu}i da su u pitawu male emisije, a i na osno- nije bilo mogu}e utvrditi kovnicu. Nedostatak u analizi vu ~iwenice da se ovi tipovi pojavquju u ostavama sa pod- sastava ostave predstavqa izdvajawe primeraka kovanih za ru~ja zapadne Evrope (Germanija, Galija, Britanija), pa ~ak ~lanove porodice od ukupnog broja datog izdava~a zastu- i na podru~ju Jonije, novija mi{qewa zastupaju tezu o po- pqenog u ostavi –na primer, Filip I (22 kom.), Otacilija stojawu posebne oficine u okviru rimske kovnice (Besly, Severa (4) i Filip II (8), {to ukupno iznosi 34 kom. Uobi- Bland 1983: 23, 121–122). Vuli} i Farac navode u biblio- ~ajeno je da se procentualne analize vr{e na ukupnom broju grafiji, dodu{e, novija i dopuwena izdawa (Göbl 2000; primeraka jednog izdava~a, ~ime se dobija ta~niji i boqi Bland, Besly, Burnett 2009), ali ih u tekstu ne citiraju. pregled procentualne zastupqenosti u okviru vladavine Posledwi odeqak se odnosi na datovawe ostave. U ovom (ali i frekfencije i godi{weg priliva) nego {to vidimo veoma kratkom delu, autori su izneli najva`nije ~iweni- u grafikonima 2 i 3 na str. 13. Poseban problem u sagleda- ce: da su najmla|i primerci u sa~uvanom delu ostave kova- vawu sastava ostave predstavqa neizdvajawe primeraka za- ni izme|u 260. i 268. g.; da se na nekima od wih uo~avaju jedni~ke vladavine Valerijana I i Galijena i kasnije samo- tragovi izlizanosti, {to upu}uje na to da su bili jedno stalne Galijenove vlade, {to je ina~e uobi~ajena praksa. vreme u opticaju; s obzirom na to, datovawe ostave bi se U najop{irnijem poglavqu (Ostave Galijenovog doba moglo pomeriti i na kraj 60-ih ili po~etak 70-ih g.; s dru- na podru~ju jugoisto~ne Panonije) navedene su druge pozna- ge strane, u prilog ranijem datumu pohrawivawa govori ~i- te ostave iz vremena Galijena sa podru~ja sredwe i isto~- wenica da u ostavi nema zabeleènih primeraka iz kovni- ne Slavonije, severoisto~ne Bosne i Hercegovine i Srema. ce Sisak (koja je po~ela sa radom najverovatnije 262. g.). Autori opisuju 17 ostava i u tabelama daju pregled wiho- Autori pravilno upozoravaju na ~iwenicu da je ostava de- vog sastava kao i zastupqenost kovnica. Od navedenih lom rasuta, te da se ne moè iskqu~iti mogu}nost da je sa- ostava ve}ina pripada periodu zajedni~ke vladavine Vale- dràvala i novac nekih kasnijih vladara. O~ekivalo bi se rijana I i Galijena ili samostalnoj Galijenovoj vladi. da se u ovom odeqku pojavi detaqnija analiza najmla|ih Ostaje, me|utim, nejasno za{to se u ovoj skupini pojavqu- primeraka u vinkova~koj ostavi, kao i poku{aj wihovog ju: ostave iz okoline Poège (tpq. 282 – Prob), ostava Vo- preciznijeg datovawa i odre|ivawa wihovih emisija (ne |inci (tpq. ? – Klaudije II/Aurelijan ?), kao i ostava Orqa- samo prema RIC V.1), {to bi, verovatno bar delimi~no, do- vac (pretpostavqa se da su u pitawu bronzani primerci – prinelo razja{wewu nedoumica u pogledu vremena pohra- 26), a ni o jednom izdava~u novca ne postoje nikakvi poda- wivawa nalaza. Pored toga, nedostaju, po na{em mi{qewu, ci, osim da je ostava pohrawena u III veku. Ove tri ostave, pore|ewa sa analognim ostavama i wihovim najmla|im osim {to poti~u sa istog podru~ja koje su autori analizi- primercima, kao i detaqniji istorijski kontekst 60-ih go- rali, ne mogu biti analogne vinkova~koj ostavi. Pored to- dina 3. veka u jugoisto~noj Panoniji u poku{aju da se na|u ga, ne moèmo a da ne primetimo da je ~itavo poglavqe pre- razlozi pohrawivawa vinkova~ke ostave.

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Nakon engleskog teksta sledi obimna bibliografija ko- odre|ena prema referentnim katalozima RIC IV.3 i RIC V.1, ja sadrì 55 jedinica, od kojih se 16 citiranih dela ne poja- pa ostaje sasvim nejasno za{to primerci nisu sloèni u vquje nigde u tekstu (npr.: Arsenijevi} 1997; Bori}-Bre{kovi} katalogu prema referencama iz RIC, ve} se niù u potpuno i dr. 2008, 2009, 2012; Broz 1953; Brun{mid 1901; Göbl 2000; nelogi~nom redosledu (npr.: Gordijan III RIC IV.3, no. 144, Klemenc 1938; Reece 1995; [eparovi} 2001 itd.), dok se tri no. 84, no. 69, no. 92 itd.). Jo{ jedan veliki nedostatak u kon- citata u tekstu ne pojavquju u bibliografiji (Lenski, str. 9; cepciji kataloga je pomenuto nerazdvajawe primeraka zajed- Southern i Potter, str. 27). ni~ke vladavine Valerijana I i Galijena i wegove potowe Sledi op{iran katalog sa 1183 jedinice i sa fotogra- samostalne vlade. Svi primerci Galijenovih antoninijana fijama aversa i reversa svih primeraka iz ostave. Svaka niù se od kat. br. 658 do kat. br. 851, pri ~emu se ponavqa katalo{ka jedinica je obra|ena prema uobi~ajenoj praksi praksa nepo{tovawa redosleda iz RIC, te tako najmla|i za publikovawe ostava. Sadrì sve potrebne podatke: o o~u- Galijenov primerak u ostavi nosi kat. br. 668. Isti problem vanosti primerka, aversnu i reversnu legendu i opis pred- se ponavqa i sa primercima Salonine, da bi na samom kra- stava, podatke o kovnici, godini emitovawa, pre~niku, te- ju kataloga bili dati primerci Valerijana II i Salonina ìni, inv. broju, kao i broj referentnog kataloga (RIC IVc, koji pripadaju periodu zajedni~ke vladavine. RIC V.1). S jedne strane, autorima se mora izraziti pohva- U zakqu~ku ovog prikaza, neophodno je pohvaliti pola na detaqno izra|enom katalogu svakog pojedinog pri- `rtvovawe kolega iz vinkova~kog Muzeja u èqi da spasu merka novca, ali s druge strane, ovo je istovremeno i deo nalaz u {to ve}em obimu. Tako|e, za pohvalu je i angaòva- monografije na koji imamo najvi{e primedaba. Najpre ne- we autora na obradi materijala i odli~no ura|enim pojedi- dostaje uvodni deo u kome se uobi~ajeno daju obja{wewa o na~nim katalo{kim jedinicama. S druge strane, naàlost, tome kako je katalog koncipiran, o kori{}enim skra}eni- moramo re}i da je sasvim malo nedostajalo da ova monogra- cama, referentnoj literaturi itd. U najve}em broju kata- fija bude koncipirana po svim vaè}im standardima. Ipak, lo{kih jedinica, kod aversnih i reversnih legendi potpu- ako vagamo nedostatke i zna~aj publikovawa ostave, mora- no izostaju uglaste zagrade u primerima gde se tekst ne mo re}i da je weno predstavqawe {iroj nau~noj javnosti ~ita. Samo u nekoliko primera (najvi{e 10) opazili smo svakako bitnije. Vinkova~ka ostava antoninijana, na taj obi~ne zagrade, a ne uglaste. Najve}i nedostatak kataloga na~in, upotpuwuje sliku o doga|ajima iz 60-ih godina 3. ve- je u na~inu razvrstavawa pojedinih katalo{kih odredni- ka na podru~ju jugoisto~ne Panonije i pruà mogu}nost za ca, {to u velikoj meri oteàva kako wegovo kori{}ewe daqa nau~na istraìvawa. drugim istraìva~ima, tako i pore|ewe tipova sa analognim ostavama. Kao {to je pomenuto, vinkova~ka ostava je Mirjana VOJVODA

Sebastian Messal, GLIENKE. EINE SLAWISCHE BURG DES 9. UND 10. JAHRHUNDERTS IM ÖSTLICHEN MECKLENBURG (mit Beiträgen von Almuth Alsleben und Ralf-Jürgen Prilloff), Frühmittelalterliche Archäologie zwischen Ostsee und Mittelmeer Band 5, Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden 2015; 363 S., 114 Abb., 19 Tab., 120 Taf., 11 Beil.

Tokom dosada{wih prou~avawa sredwovekovnog materijal- serije „Ranosredwovekovna arheologija izme|u Balti~kog nog nasle|a Zapadnih Slovena ostvareni su veoma zna~ajni mora i Sredozemqa”, koju prire|uje Rimsko-germanska ko- rezultati, s tim {to postoji izvesna nesrazmera u stepenu misija Nema~kog arheolo{kog instituta u Frankfurtu. istraènosti naseqa i nekropola. Najboqe su istraène Autor pripada mla|oj generaciji nema~kih istraìva~a utvr|ene naseobine sa bedemskim konstrukcijama od zem- koji je na poqu arheologije ranog sredweg veka ve} ostvario qanog nasipa i drveta, poznate kao „slovenska gradi{ta”. zapaène rezultate. Prema nekim statisti~kim podacima, u zemqama sredwe Naseqe u Glinkeu predstavqa najdetaqnije dosad istra- Evrope je poznato preko tri hiqade gradi{ta iz perioda èno slovensko gradi{te na podru~ju nema~ke pokrajine ranog i razvijenog sredweg veka, od kojih je najve}i broj Meklenburg – Zapadna Pomeranija. Wegovo vreme trajawa, evidentiran na podru~ju Poqske i Nema~ke, dok ih je znat- od druge ~etvrtine 9. do sredine 10. veka, prili~no je pouz- no mawe u Slova~koj i ê{koj (Brather 2008, 119–121). Tra- dano odre|eno na osnovu dendrohronolo{kih analiza i hro- govi ovih naseobina su naro~ito dobro o~uvani u ravni- nolo{ki indikativnih nalaza. Kratkotrajna naseobina se ~arskim predelima pribalti~kog pojasa, zahvaquju}i pripisuje plemenu Retara, koje je pripadalo jednom od sa- specifi~noj klimi i povoqnom tlu sastavqenom od pesko- veza Polapskih Slovena poznatog u istoriografiji pod vitog i mo~varnog zemqi{ta. U publikaciji koja je pred imenom Quti}i (Lutizen/Wilzen). Quti}i su nastawivali nama prezentovani su rezultati iskopavawa jednog gradi- oblasti izme|u reka Labe i Odre, zajedno sa drugim slo- {ta u toj regiji, na severu Nema~ke. Glinke. Slovensko gra- venskim zajednicama poput Obodrita/Bodri}a i Luì~kih di{te iz 9. i 10. veka u isto~nom Meklenburgu, autora Se- Srba. Ova plemena dolaze u teritorijalni kontakt sa mo}- bastijana Mesala, peta je monografska publikacija iz nom Frana~kom dràvom oko 800. godine, da bi u kasnijim

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istorijskim etapama, posle brojnih borbi, bili asimilo- informacije o metodologiji iskopavawa lokaliteta u Glin- vani od strane svojih germanskih suseda (Brather 2008, keu i stawu raspoloìve dokumentacije, kao i o postupcima 62–66, 80–84). obrade otkrivenog arheolo{kog materijala. Na ovom mestu Nakon uvodnih napomena, vratimo se samom nalazi{tu autor ukazuje na izvesne propuste u na~inu istraìvawa i u Glinkeu. Re~ je o vi{eslojnom lokalitetu na kome su ot- u dokumentovawu arheolo{kih celina, {to je uzrokovalo kriveni materijalni tragovi iz kamenih praistorijskih neka ograni~ewa i nedoumice prilikom pripreme publi- razdobqa, ranog i poznog sredweg veka i novog doba. Lokali- kacije. Ipak, sude}i po prikazanim skicama, planovima i tet je istraìvan u periodu od 1999. do 2001. godine pod ru- fotografijama sa iskopavawa, kao i tuma~ewima koja su kovodstvom Valtera [mita, a u okviru projekta izgradwe proistekla iz raspoloìvih podataka, moglo bi se zakqu- jedne deonice nema~kog Isto~nog auto-puta. Tom prilikom ~iti da su radovi u celini uzorno sprovedeni. je ispitan kompletan prostor ranosredwovekovnog utvr|e- U kratkom drugom poglavqu kwige prezentovani su mawa, kao i isto~ni i ju`ni deo spoqa{weg naseqa, budu}i terijalni tragovi praistorijskih kultura na nalazi{tu da su oni u najve}oj meri bili ugroèni izgradwom puta. (S. 13–19). Oni su malobrojni, jer su zna~ajno o{te}eni ka- Me|utim, prerana smrt je spre~ila V. [mita da publikuje snijim kori{}ewem ove lokacije. Naredno, najobimnije po- rezultate istraìvawa. Takva okolnost je, sasvim sigurno, glavqe monografije, posve}eno je slovenskom nasequ (S. uticala na pregala{tvo i upornost S. Mesala da oni ugle- 21–212). U prvoj celini su prikazani nepokretni objekti daju svetlost dana u {to boqem izdawu. Stoga se ve} na sa- utvr|enog dela naseqa, po~ev od fortifikacija, a potom su mom po~etku slobodno moè konstatovati da je pred nama komentarisani ostaci stambenih, ekonomskih i drugih is- publikacija vredna hvale kako u metodolo{kom smislu, ta- traènih objekata na prostoru koji je brawen bedemima. ko i u pogledu ponu|enih odgovora na raznovrsna pitawa Autor se najpre upustio u kra}u uvodnu raspravu o poreklu koja se name}u u savremenom prou~avawu ranosredwovekov- uzora gotovo kvadratnog oblika fortifikacije u Glinkeu nih naseobina. (spoqne dimenzije iznose pribli`no 80 x 80 m, a unutra- Kvalitetno od{tampana monografija, tvrdog poveza, u {we 70 x 60 m). Naspram fortifikacija kru`ne ili ovalne A4 formatu, sadrì osnovni tekst na nema~kom jeziku, ko- forme, tvr|ave ~etvorougaonog oblika predstavqaju rela- ji je oboga}en fotografijama, crteìma, kartama i tabe- tivno retku pojavu na zapadnoslovenskom prostoru, za raz- larnim prikazima. Slede kratki rezimei na engleskom i liku od susednih frana~kih oblasti gde se uo~avaju brojna ruskom jeziku, ~etiri tekstualna priloga i spisak obimne takva re{ewa. Me|utim, S. Mesal napomiwe da su na rub- bibliografije, citirane u ~ak 2.039 napomena. Na kraju nom frana~kom podru~ju koje se nalazilo u neposrednom kwige se nalaze katalo{ki pregledi nepokretnih i pokret- susedstvu Slovena takve tvr|ave ipak veoma retke, te da bi nih arheolo{kih nalaza kao i table. mo`da pre trebalo ra~unati na uslove prirodnog okruè- Rezultati istraìvawa su detaqno i studiozno pre- wa kao presudne faktore za izgled slovenskih fortifika- zentovani. Tekst rasprave ~ine ~etiri osnovna poglavqa cija. On je mi{qewa da se frana~ki uticaji jasnije osli- koja sadrè brojne odeqke povezane u koherentne tematske kavaju kroz neke druge arheolo{ke pojave, pre svega bogato celine, zavr{ene kratkim rezimeima. Jedan od osnovnih me- ukra{enu keramiku, importovano oru`je, opremu i dr., o todolo{kih principa da se podjednaka pa`wa posveti sva- ~emu se detaqno raspravqa u daqem tekstu. Autor prenosi i kom segmentu obra|ivane teme, ovde je dosledno sproveden. zanimqive izve{taje o slovenskom na~inu ìvota iz pera Posebno treba pohvaliti autorov koncizan stil i jasno iz- arapskih putopisaca 10. veka, koji su pored ostalog zabele- lagawe gra|e, iako se sti~e utisak da su pojedini delovi ìli da Sloveni ìve „unutar kru`nih ili ~etvorougaonih kwige optere}eni detaqnom arheolo{kom faktografijom, prostora”, na osnovu ~ega pretpostavqa da su ova potowa koja je ionako prikazana u katalo{kom delu. Me|utim, ovo ipak bila znatno zastupqenija nego {to to pokazuje trenut- zapaàwe nikako ne treba shvatiti kao primedbu. Publi- na arheolo{ka evidencija. kacija je o~igledno veoma ambiciozno zami{qena i autor Tvr|avu u Glinkeu je {titio {iroki vodeni rov sa tri je uloìo ogroman trud da svaki raspoloìvi podatak is- strane, dok je sa severa bila prirodno brawena, budu}i da se koristi u raspravi. na toj strani nalazilo jezero koje je danas isu{eno. Bedem- S. Mesal je izneo svoja razmatrawa u veoma dobro ski zidovi, na~iweni od nabijene zemqe, imali su drveno je- osmi{qenom redosledu. Po~etak monografije je posve}en zgro re{etkastog sklopa, a sa spoqne strane su bili opla}e- geomorfolo{kim odlikama i istorijatu istraìvawa na- ni horizontalno postavqenim oblicama. Autor je detaqno lazi{ta i okoline. Lokalitet se nalazi na svega 30 m nad- razmatrao gra|evinske faze utvr|ewa. Naime, putem den- morske visine i leì na peskovito-glinovitom tlu. Svakako drohronolo{kih analiza uzoraka drveta iz bedemskih kon- je veoma indikativan sam naziv mesta Glinke, koji predsta- strukcija i na osnovu stratigrafskih zapaàwa, utvr|ene vqa slovenski toponim o~uvan do dana{wih dana, a upu}u- su ~ak ~etiri faze u rasponu od oko 120 godina trajawa na- je upravo na odlike zemqi{ta gde je formirano naseqe. U seqa. Tokom tih prepravki, bedemski prostor se {irio na uvodnom poglavqu, ~itaoci se mogu uputiti u stepen istra- ra~un odbrambenog rova, jer su obnove podrazumevale po- ènosti i razvoj slovenske arheologije na tlu severne Ne- merawe ka spoqa{wem prostoru. Na ovom mestu vaqa pome- ma~ke od sredine 19. veka pa do dana{wih dana. Od 2004. nuti i to da se dendrohronolo{ka ispitivawa u centralnoj godine, istraìvawa na ovom poqu odvijaju se u okviru in- Evropi primewuju od devedesetih godina pro{log veka kao terdisciplinarnog projekta „Sloveni na sredwoj Labi”, redovna metoda, uglavnom radi pouzdanijeg datovawa be- koji je usmeren pre svega ka prostornoj analizi nalazi{ta demskih konstrukcija, ali i drugih gra|evinskih ostataka i razumevawu odnosa izme|u utvr|enih naseobina i wiho- (e.g. Henning 1998; 2004; Machá~ek et al. 2013; Herold 2012, vog neposrednog okruèwa. Posledwi odeqak uvoda donosi 75–76).

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Pomalo iznena|uje to {to u ovako bogato ilustrovanoj odgovaraju onima iz utvr|ewa. Posebno je va`no spomenuti publikaciji nisu prikazane rekonstrukcije bedemskih zida ovde nisu dokumentovane velike jame za skladi{tewe ì- dova i tvr|ave (kakve se ina~e veoma ~esto mogu videti u tarica, jer su zalihe hrane sme{tane unutar tvr|ave kako bi radovima o ranosredwovekovnim fortifikacijama), kako bi bile za{ti}ene u slu~aju opasnosti. Ju`ni deo spoqa{weg ~itaoci stekli celovitiju predstavu o wihovom izgledu. naseqa imao je ekonomski karakter i tu su evidentirani Ovo tim pre {to se u narednim odeqcima kwige nalaze re- radni prostori za obradu metala i drveta, pe} za proizvod- konstrukcije nekih objekata ili pak na~ina upotrebe poje- wu }umura i dr. Pojedini objekti su otkriveni i zapadno dinih vrsta alata. îni se da S. Mesal nije imao dovoqno od tvr|ave, ali taj prostor nije detaqno istraìvan po{to podataka za formirawe kompletne slike o izgledu bedem- nije bio ugroèn izgradwom puta. skih konstrukcija. Ipak, sasvim je izvesno da Glinke pri- Analiza pokretnih arheolo{kih nalaza iz slovenskog pada tipu fortifikacije Plankenwände, gde je zemqani zid naseqa zauzima zna~ajan deo tre}eg poglavqa kwige (S. obloèn drvenom gra|om, naro~ito osobene za severne obla- 75–179). Kako je to i uobi~ajeno, prvo je predstavqen najo- sti Nema~ke i Poqske (Brather 2008, 133–135, Abb. 30). bimniji kerami~ki materijal, u kome preovla|uju lonci i Prilikom istraìvawa unutra{wosti tvr|ave doku- duboke zdele prete`no bikoni~ne forme. Retki su ulomci mentovani su ukopi razli~itih oblika, dimenzija i dubi- poklopaca i tawira/crepuqa, mada su u Glinkeu ipak za- na, kod kojih gotovo po pravilu nedostaju otisci rupa od stupqeniji nego na drugim istovremenim nalazi{tima su- drvenog koqa. Wihovo funkcionalno odre|ewe je ponekad sednih oblasti. Autor je jo{ u uvodnom delu objasnio da je bilo oteàno zbog nepotpune dokumentacije, pa je sprovo- grn~arija sakupqana prema dokumentovanim celinama, ali |eno na osnovu odre|enih formalnih karakteristika. u okviru wih nije vr{eno detaqno stratificirawe koje Prema S. Mesalu, ostatke ku}a predstavqaju plitki ukopi, bi, primera radi, trebalo da pokaè kakav materijal poti- ve}ih dimenzija i ne{to pravilnijeg, ~etvorougaonog ili ~e iz nivoa kori{}ewa objekata, odnosno wegovog zasipa- ovalnog oblika. Re~ je, zapravo, o ukopanim prostorima koji wa. Na nalazi{tu su prisutne ~etiri tehnolo{ki i stil- su se nalazili u sredi{wem delu nadzemnih brvnara (Block- ski razli~ite kerami~ke grupe – Feldberg, Menkendorf, bauten), ~iji su zidovi bili gra|eni od horizontalno re|a- Sukov i Glinke. Statisti~ke i prostorne analize su poka- nih brvana povezanih zasecawem na uglovima. Tragovi tih zale apsolutnu dominaciju Feldberg keramike. Najrepre- zidova ipak nisu konstatovani tokom iskopavawa, kao {to zentativniju grupu pak predstavqaju posude tipa Glinke. je to bio slu~aj na nekim drugim zapadnoslovenskim naseqi- One su, za razliku od ostalih, sasvim jedinstvene u regionu ma (e.g. Donat 1980, 37–38, Abb. 13, 47–48; [alkovskú 2001, (cf. Messal 2011). Bogato su dekorisane plasti~nim traka- 57, Abb. 31, 47). Utvr|eno je da su u najmla|oj fazi podiza- ma, geometrijskim ornamentima, motivima svastike i ptica. ni i nadzemni objekti sa kamenim supstrukcijama. Neobi~- Smatra se da su ti detaqi nastali preplitawem razli~itih no je {to ku}e u Glinkeu retko imaju ogwi{ta ili pe}i, s uticaja iz okolnog slovenskog i germanskog sveta. Delovi obzirom da su to osnovni elementi unutra{wosti rano- samo 15 posuda prona|eni su na prostoru tvr|ave, dok u sredwovekovnih stani{ta. Treba napomenuti i to da me|u spoqa{wem arealu naseqa takva keramika sasvim izosta- stambenim celinama nisu prepoznate one koje bi mogle da je. Budu}i da je kori{}ena jedino u elitnijem delu naseqa, pripadaju nekom od uglednijih ~lanova zajednice. Pokre- autor pretpostavqa da je Glinke keramika, uz izvesno reli- tan arheolo{ki materijal i neki drugi objekti o kojima se gijsko ili apotropejsko zna~ewe, mo`da imala i heraldi~- govori u daqem izlagawu, me|utim, nedvosmisleno pokazu- ko-porodi~no obele`je, {to bi, i pored autorove detaqne ju da je utvr|eni deo naseqa bio namewen vi{oj socijalnoj argumentacije, ipak trebalo prihvatiti sa rezervom. grupi stanovni{tva. Nakon kerami~kog materijala prikazane su grupe pred- Na prostoru utvr|ewa je otkriveno jo{ objekata razli- meta vezane za poqoprivredne i zanatske delatnosti. O~u- ~ite funkcije – jame za skladi{tewe hrane, ~ija je namena van je znatan broj zemqoradni~kog i zanatskog alata, ali su utvr|ena na osnovu arheobotani~kih ostataka, nekoliko tu i delovi naoruàwa, ratni~ke i kowske opreme, metalne bunara i cisterna za vodu, u kojima su se o~uvale drvene kon- posude, ko{tani predmeti i dr. Posebno su interesantni strukcije u vidu ~etvorougaonih kaseta, potom kova~nica, nalazi mamuza karolin{kog tipa i jedne jabuke rukohvata jama za katran, grn~arska pe} i dr. Ti objekti su uglavnom ma~a, ukra{ene srebrnim nitima, koji predstavqaju im- raspore|eni u isto~nom i severoisto~nom delu utvr|ewa, port iz susedne Frana~ke. Istom kulturnom krugu mogu da odvojeno od stambenih celina, {to sasvim jasno upu}uje na pripadaju i tau{irani delovi kowske opreme. Specifi~- prostorno planirawe tvr|avskog prostora. ne vrste nakita poput posrebrenih perli i jedne kru`ne Sledi odeqak u kome su prezentovani rezultati istra- fibule najverovatnije poti~u sa skandinavskog podru~ja. ìvawa naseobinskog prostora oko tvr|ave (S. 65–75). We- Ina~e, nakitni oblici i delovi pojasnih garnitura ~ine ga su sa svih strana ogra|ivali uski vodeni rovovi. Osim malobrojne grupe nalaza u Glinkeu. S druge strane, brojni mogu}e za{titne funkcije, ti rovovi su najverovatnije su nalazi ko{tanih ~e{qeva, koji su tokom ranog sredweg sluìli za dovod vode i/ili drenaù. Najvi{e podataka veka masovno kori{}eni u balti~kim i ju`nim skandinav- dalo je ispitivawe isto~nog dela naseqa, gde se ìvelo inskim oblastima. Po svoj prilici su dobavqani iz tih sused- tenzivnije. Istraèn je veliki broj ukopa razli~ite name- nih regija, jer u samom nasequ nisu evidentirani tragovi ne, pe}i, ogwi{ta i povr{ina sa kamenom, koje najverovat- proizvodwe ~e{qeva. Primetno je i da u Glinkeu nedosta- nije predstavqaju ostatke poplo~awa dvori{ta. U tom delu ju proizvodi sa prostora ipak ne tako udaqene kneèvine naseqa su otkriveni otisci jama za stubove, pore|ani u Velike Moravske. pravilnim nizovima, koji upu}uju na ogra|ivawe parcela. Sledi rasprava o prostornoj distribuciji nekerami~- Po obliku i povr{ini, ukopi stambenih objekata sasvim kih kategorija nalaza koja vodi ka zakqu~ku da je utvr|ewe

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predstavqalo neagrarni, zanatski deo naseqa, gde je stano- liza i geofizi~kih snimawa (S. 217–239). Analiza biqnih vao bogatiji sloj qudi, dok je u okolini ìvelo stanovni- ostataka Almut Alsleben je pokazala koje su doma}e i di- {tvo koje se bavilo poqoprivredom. Pretpostavka je da su vqe vrste bile zastupqene u ishrani ìteqa slovenskog poqoprivredne i zanatske aktivnosti namirivale jedino naseqa. Od ìtarica je u najve}oj meri kori{}ena ra`. potrebe stanovnika naseqa, odnosno nije bilo vi{kova za Upotreba doma}ih ìvotiwa je bila apsolutno dominant- {ire trì{te. Pomalo ~udi to {to je zemqoradni~ki alat, na u ishrani stanovni{tva, a naro~ito sviwe i gove~eta, poput srpova i kosira, u najve}em broju nalaèn na prosto- kako pokazuju analize ìvotiwskih kostiju Ralf-Jirgena ru tvr|ave (Taf. 112). Autor se opravdano pita da li takva Prilofa. Divqe vrste su bile zastupqene u sasvim skrom- slika svedo~i o tome da je alat ~uvan u zatvorenom prosto- nom procentu, ba{ kao i na drugim slovenskim gradi{ti- ru kao svojevrsna vrednost ili je tu zate~en po{to se pro- ma u severnoj Nema~koj. izvodwa i popravka gvozdenih predmeta odvijala u tamo- Autor kwige je priredio tre}i i ~etvrti prilog – o {woj kova~nici. Zanimqivo je, na primer, i to da najve}i dendrohronolo{kim analizama i geomagnetnoj prospekci- procenat pr{qenaka poti~e sa istog prostora (Taf. 113), ji. Dendrohronolo{ki uzorci su obezbedili apsolutne da- {to pokazuje da je ~ak i proizvodwa tekstila bila razvije- tume za vremensko odre|ewe tre}e i ~etvrte gra|evinske nija u okvirima prostora brawenog bedemima. faze fortifikacije, kao i vreme prestanka kori{}ewa na- Utvr|eno gradi{te u Glinkeu predstavqalo je cen- seqa. Uzorci drveta iz prve i druge gra|evinske faze su tralno mesto ka kome je gravitiralo nekoliko neutvr|enih bili kontaminirani, tako da nisu pruìli odgovaraju}e naseobina raspore|enih na povr{ini od oko 15–20 km². Za rezultate. Geomagnetna ispitivawa vr{ena u isto~nom seg- sada je registrovano najmawe sedam takvih naseqa (Abb. mentu neutvr|enog dela naseqa pruìla su zna~ajne smerni- 101). Prime}eno je da su ranoslovenska nalazi{ta sme{te- ce u planirawu strategije iskopavawa, dok su, zbog nepovoq- na na ne{to vi{im nadmorskim visinama (do 100 m), dok nih geolo{kih uslova, ova ispitivawa bila mawe uspe{na tokom sredwoslovenskog perioda, kome pripada i ovo grana prostoru ju`nog sektora. di{te, dolazi do umnoàvawa naseqa i tendencije iskori- Monografija Glinke. Slovensko gradi{te iz 9. i 10. {}avawa zemqi{ta i prirodnih resursa u oblastima sa veka u isto~nom Meklenburgu jeste odli~an pokazateq ka- mawom nadmorskom visinom. kvi se zna~ajni rezultati mogu posti}i interdisciplinar- U zavr{nim redovima tre}eg poglavqa S. Mesal sumi- nim prou~avawem sredwovekovnih naseqa. Imaju}i u vidu ra rezultate i tuma~i kulturno-istorijske uslove koji su izvestan vremenski razmak izme|u iskopavawa i publiko- uticali na formirawe naseqa u Glinkeu (S. 199–204). Is- vawa nalazi{ta, kao i to da su autoru stajali na raspola- ti~e da je i ono, poput niza drugih utvr|enih naseobina, gawu nepotpuni terenski podaci, ~ini se da je ova publi- nastalo sredinom 9. veka, kada opada dominacija Frana~- kacija dostigla maksimalne domete. kog carstva u centralnoj Evropi. S druge strane, to vreme Prezentovani arheolo{ki nalazi iz Glinkea nisu kom- je obeleìla i decentralizacija vlasti u okviru sloven- parativni sa materijalom iz ranosredwovekovnih naseqa skih zajednica i stvarawe lokalnih elita (cf. Kleingärtner u Srbiji, budu}i da poti~u iz prili~no udaqene oblasti sa 2009; Klammt 2013). Pojava lokalne vlastele dovodi do po- sasvim druga~ijim kulturnim i istorijskim razvojem. Ipak, rasta ekonomske mo}i i stvara se radijus uticaja pojedi- S. Mesal je detaqno razmatrao dru{tvene i ekonomske pro- nih grupa, te se i utvr|ena mesta podiù kao simbol wiho- cese koji su prema sli~nom obrascu mogli da se odvijaju na vog poloàja. Stoga autor smatra da je nastanak ve}eg broja ~itavom slovenskom prostoru. U tom pogledu, osim odli~- gradi{ta tokom 9–10. veka pre svega u vezi sa promenama nog metodolo{kog pristupa, ova kwiga }e svakako biti ve- koje su zahvatile slovensko dru{tvo, a ne sa spoqnim uti- oma korisno {tivo za na{u ~itala~ku publiku. Rezultati cajima, odnosno ratnim opasnostima, kako se ranije naj~e- izloèni u monografiji predstavqaju vredan podsticaj za {}e pomi{qalo. Naseqe je stradalo sredinom 10. veka u budu}e poku{aje da se defini{u prostorne strukture i na- jednom od mnogobrojnih sukoba Retara i germanske vojske. ~in funkcionisawa ranosredwovekovnih naseqa, te je tre- Elitni sloj qudi iz Glinkea se najverovatnije povukao u ba preporu~iti kao uzoran model za ostvarivawe sli~nih ~uveni civitas Rethra, gde je bio politi~ki centar Quti}a poduhvata i na na{em prostoru, bez obzira na malobrojnost sve do 12. veka. nalazi{ta ovog konkretnog tipa. Posledwe, ~etvrto poglavqe monografije donosi po- Naime, gradi{ta se mogu o~ekivati jedino na ograni- datke o materijalnim tragovima iz razdobqa kasnog sred- ~enim podru~jima Posavine i Pomoravqa, gde su odlike weg veka i novog doba na lokalitetu (S. 205–209). Otkrive- reqefa sli~ne onima iz centralnoevropskih oblasti (Po- no je nekoliko pe}i, jama i rovova. Po obimu skromni, povi}, Biki} 2009, 7). Prema dosada{wim saznawima, jedno kerami~ki materijal i gvozdeni predmeti opredeqeni su u takvo naseqe iz 10. veka nalazilo se u Kova~evcu kod Mla- veoma {irok vremenski raspon, od 12. do 15, odnosno od 15. denovca. Tu su sonda`no ispitani mawi delovi naseqa ob- do 19. veka. Autor pretpostavqa da je ova lokacija u kasni- uhva}eni zemqanim i drvenim bedemskim konstrukcijama jim periodima samo povremeno kori{}ena, a da se stalno i odbrambenim suvim rovovima. Dokumentovani su i nase- naseqe nalazilo na prostoru dana{weg sela Glinke, koje je obinski tragovi u neposrednoj okolini, koji najverovatni- udaqeno nekoliko stotina metara od nalazi{ta. Wegovo je ~ine celinu sa utvr|enim prostorom (Kati} 2003). Meto- postojawe je posvedo~eno u pisanim izvorima ve} krajem dologija koja je, iz objektivnih razloga, primewena tokom 13. stole}a. istraìvawa u Kova~evcu ne moè se meriti sa istraì- Kako je napred pomenuto, osnovni tekst prate ~etiri vawima nema~kih kolega, pa je te{ko porediti i ostvarene priloga u kojima su prezentovani rezultati arheobotani~- rezultate, ali svakako treba razmi{qati o (aktivnijoj) pri- kih i arheozoolo{kih ispitivawa, dendrohronolo{kih ana- meni nekih od ponu|enih metoda tokom budu}ih radova na

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ranosredwovekovnim nalazi{tima u Srbiji. To se odnosi pitivawa ostvaruju veoma zapaèni rezultati. Za dendro- na geofizi~ku prospekciju terena, iskopavawa u {irokom hronolo{ka ispitivawa jo{ nema uslova. iskopu i analize prostorne distribucije nalaza. Prilikom Najzad, uz posebnu pohvalu autoru za posve}enost i istraìvawa naseobina, neophodno je posvetiti odgovara- uspe{nu „borbu” sa obimnom gra|om, iskreno verujemo da ju}u pa`wu sakupqawu ìvotiwskog osteolo{kog materija- }e ovu kwigu ~esto i rado koristiti stru~waci iz oblasti la i biqnih ostataka, s obzirom na to da se u novije vreme arheologije ranog sredweg veka ne samo u Nema~koj nego i i kod nas na poqu arheozoolo{kih i arheobotani~kih is- mnogo {ire.

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Brather 2008 – S. Brather, Archäologie der westlichen Messal 2011 – S. Messal, Zur slawischen Keramik des Slawen. Siedlung, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft im früh- und hoch- Typs “Glienke”, in: F. Biermann, T. Kersting, A. Klammt (Hrsg.), mittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa, Berlin – New York 2008. Der Wandel um 1000, Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Donat 1980 – P. Donat, Haus, Hof und Dorf in Mitteleuropa Mitteleuropas 60, Langenweissach 2011, 347–359. vom 7. bis 12. Jahrhundert, Berlin 1980. Popovi}, Biki} 2009 – M. Popovi}, V. Biki}, Vrsenice – Kati} 2003 – V. Kati}, Divi~me| – ranosredwovekov- kasnoanti~ko i srpsko ranosrednjovekovno utvr|enje, Beograd no naseqe, utvr|ewe ili grad, Glasnik Srpskog arheolo{kog 2009. dru{tva 19, 197–221. Henning 1998 – J. Henning, Archäologische Forschungen Klammt 2013 – A. Klammt, Soziale Gruppen und Gesell- an Ringwällen in Niederungslage: die Niederlausitz als Burgen- schaftsstrukturen im westslawischen Raum. Überlegungen zum landschaft des östlichen Mitteleuropas im frühen Mittelalter, in: Schwerpunktthema des Treffens, in: F. Biermann, T. Kersting, J. Henning, A. T. Ruttkay (Hrsg.), Frühmittelalterlicher Bur- A. Klammt (Hrsg.), Soziale Gruppen und Gesellschaftsstrukturen genbau in Mittel- und Osteuropa, Bonn 1998, 9–29. im westslawischen Raum, Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Henning 2004 – J. Henning, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern Mitteleuropas 70, Langenweissach 2013, 7–31. und die Dendrochronologie zur slawischen Besiedlungsgesc- Kleingärtner 2009 – S. Kleingärtner, Kulturtransfer und hichte Ostmitteleuropas – “Verwicklungen” und “Verwirrungen”, Eliten im Gebiet der südwestlichen Ostseeküste in früh- und in: G. Fusek (ed.), Zborník na po~est Dariny Bialekovej, Nitra mittelslawischer Zeit, in: A. Klammt, S. Rossignol (Hrsg.), Mittel- 2004, 129–135. alterliche Eliten und Kulturtransfer östlich der Elbe. Interdiszi- Herold 2012 – H. Herold, Fortified Settlements of the 9th plinäre Beiträge zu Archäologie und Geschichte im mittelalter- and 10th Centuries AD in Central Europe: Structure, Function lichen Ostmitteleuropa, Göttingen 2009, 11–25. and Symbolism, Medieval Archaeology 56, 60–84. Machá~ek et al. 2013 – J. Machá~ek, P. Dresler, M. Ryb- [alkovsky 2001 – P. [alkovsky, Häuser in der frühmitte- ní~ek, Dendrochronologische Datierung der frühmittelalterlic- lalterlichen slawischen Welt, Nitra 2001. hen Agglomeration in Pohansko bei Breclav und der so genannte Blatnica-Mikul~ice – Horizont, in: M. Dulinicz, S. Mozdzioch Milica RADI[I] (eds.), The Early Slavic Settlement in Central Europe in the light of new dating evidence, Wroclaw 2013, 151–167.

212 IN MEMORIAM (213–219) STARINAR LXVI/2016

IN MEMORIAM

VOJISLAV TRBUHOVI] (5. oktobar 1930 – 24. oktobar 2015)

„Pred hladni Venusov kip, pod senkom pitome no}i Tibulo, kvirit mlad, za~u|en zastade nemo, I ~udni gleda{e lik…”

Vojislav Trbuhovi}, nazvan Tibulo jo{ u mladim danima, predstavqa posebnu pojavu u srpskoj arheologiji. Ro|en u Zemunu 5. oktobra 1930, poha|ao je osnovnu {kolu i gimnaziju u Zemunu i Beogradu, gde je maturirao u Drugoj mu{koj gimnaziji. Rano je otkrio arheologiju, zavoleo je i potpuno joj se posvetio. Kao sredwo{kolac u~estvovao je 1948 g. sa grupom volontera u iskopavawima Beogradske tvr|ave koja su vodili Milutin Gara{anin i Jovan Kova~evi}. Godine 1949. upisao je studije arheologije a 1953. je diplomirao. Od 1954. do 1957. radio je kao kustos Zemunskog muzeja, a onda je zbog mawka finansijskih sredstava za kustose otpu{ten, te je kra}e vreme proveo u Zavodu za za{titu spomenika kulture Vojvodine. U januaru 1958. primqen je za asistenta u Arheolo{ki institut u Beogradu. Posle uspe{no odbrawe- ne disertacije o bronzanom dobu Srbije izabran je 1965. za nau~nog saradnika i potom 1973. unapre|en u zvawe vi{eg nau~nog saradnika, a 1985. postao je nau~ni savetnik. Pen- zionisan je 1994, sa 63 godine ìvota i 40 godina radnog staà. Preminuo je u Beogradu 24. oktobra 2015. Vojislav Trbuhovi} je bio preduzimqiv, ma{tovit i svestran arheolog. U upitniku o nau~nom radu, koji je ispunio upravo pred penziju, napisao je da mu je glavna tema is- traìvawa arheologija indoevropskih naroda, a zatim naj- ranije melioracije u praistoriji, odnosno u ranom neolitu. Daqe je naveo da se bavi arheo-etno-antropolo{kim i lin- gvisti~kim istraìvawima starog sveta, no tako|e inter- niku, opasane rovom, u mo~varnom predelu, najverovatnije disciplinarno vezom astronomije – matematike sa arheo- porodi~na stani{ta s kraja neolita: „Obrovci”. Poseban logijom. I on je zaista bio aktivan na svim tim poqima. tip neolitskih naseqa u zapadnoj Srbiji, Starinar 24–25 Rane melioracije u neolitu istraìvao je najvi{e u (1973–74, 157–161). severozapadnoj Srbiji, u saradwi sa Muzejom u [apcu, a sa Trbuhovi} se mawe bavio eneolitskim periodom, ali Milivojem Vasiqevi}em obi{ao je veliki broj lokalite- je i o wemu napisao nekoliko radova, od kojih isti~emo Die ta u Posavqu i Podriwu i prou~io celu Ma~vu, o ~emu je Beziehungen zwischen der Balkan und Appeninnenhalbinsel objavio sa M. Vasiqevi}em vi{e zna~ajnih radova: Prais- während des Aeneolithikums und der Frühbronzezeit, Praistoria torija, u monografiji [abac u pro{losti ([abac, 1970, Alpina 10 (1974, 209–217). 65–72); monografiju Najstarije zemqoradni~ke kulture u Wegovo zna~ajno poqe istraìvawa bilo je bronzano Podriwu ([abac, 1983); Importovani predmeti u nasequ doba, o ~emu pre svega svedo~i wegova doktorska disertaci- vin~anske kulture Jela u [apcu, Starinar 23 (1972, 15–22); ja Problemi porekla i datovawa bronzanog doba u Srbiji Arheolo{ka nalazi{ta i spomenici u slivu reke Dobrave, (1968), gde je bronzano doba sagledao iz jedne nove perspek- Starinar 27, (1976, 153–166). Tu je otkrio poseban oblik tive na zanimqiv i upotrebqiv na~in, no, kako je ovaj pe- neolitskih naseqa – Obrovce, male telove, do 50 m u pre~- riod bio mawe prou~en od drugih, ~ini se da teza nije imala

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mnogo odjeka u na{im arheolo{kim krugovima, gde se radije {kih spomenika na podru~ju ju`ne obale Boke Kotorske, lagano kretalo po utabanim putevima i ugledalo na strane Starine Crne Gore 6 (1978, 141–175, sa Majom Parovi}- proverene metode. O bronzanom dobu je dosta pisao, a ovde Pe{ikan, Jovanom Martinovi}em i Leposavom Trbuhovi}) navodimo neke radove: O hronolo{kom odnosu lokaliteta –, kao i u Makedoniji: Ranohal{tatska nekropola na lo- ranog bronzanog doba u Negotinskoj Krajini, Starinar 17 kalitetu Saraj u Brodu, Starinar 11 (199–208, sa Petrom (97–103, sa Qubinkom Vukovi}); Neka razmatrawa o stra- Ma~ki}em i Dragicom Simoskom). tigrafiji na naseqima bronzanog doba u Vojvodini, Stari- Bio je svestran u svojim interesovawima za arheolo- nar 18 (175–180); Plastika vr{a~ko-ùtobrdske kulturne giju, pa se bavio i naukama koje su pomagale arheologiji, grupe, Starinar 7–8 (131–139); Praistorijska nekropola u ili je arheologija pomagala wima, kao {to su lingvistika Belegi{u, Starinar 11 (163–180); Jo{ jedan prilog prou~a- – Jo{ jedan prilog prou~avawu anti~kog imena Beograda, vawu dupqajskih kolica, Starinar 13–14 (177–179); Ekspan- Starinar 15–16 (169–171); Sprächliche Vorgeschichte Euro- zija ili infiltracija luì~ke kulture u oblasti severne asiens im Lichte neueren archäologischen Forschungen, Arch. Jugoslavije, Starinar 13–14 (181–184); Zu den Problemen Iugoslavica XIV (1973, 45–47), demografija – Pregled gustine der späten Bronzezeit und frühen Eisenzeit im Zentral- und naseqenosti kroz praistoriju Srbije, Starinar 19 (39–46), Westbalkangebiet, Festschrift W. U. Guyan (Schafhausen 1981, ili antropologija – Novi pogledi na antropolo{ke grupe u 33–35). U ovaj period praistorije spada i Prilog prou~ava- praistoriji Balkana i predwe Azije, Starinar 20 (373–376), wu hal{tatske kulture u sredwem Podunavqu, Starinar ali tako|e astronomija i matematika – Primena Milankovi- 9–10 (197–201), pre svega zahvaquju}i hronologiji Pala }evog metoda na postpaleolitske epohe, Starinar 24–25 Rajnekea po kojoj pozno bronzano doba pripada hal{tatu pa (13–15); Doprinos M. Milankovi}a rasvetqavawu nekih posu ga mnogi ranije, a neki i sada, tako tuma~ili. java u praistoriji, Zbornik radova simpozijuma „@ivot i Uz ovu grupu radova treba navesti i monografiju Dowa delo Milutina Milankovi}a” (Beograd, 1982, 171–179). Toponica, Dardanska i slovenska nekropola (1970, sa L. Tek kada se sagleda ~itavo delo Vojislava Trbuhovi}a, Trbuhovi}), o lokalitetu koji je sadrào praistorijsku i shvata se wegova koli~ina i veli~ina. On nije bio pedant- sredwovekovnu nekropolu. Praistorijska nekropola se sa- ni nau~nik koji se stalno bavio samo jednim periodom, jed- stojala od grobova brwi~ke grupe iz kasnog bronzanog doba, nom kulturnom grupom ili jednim lokalitetom – on je i{ao u kojoj je na|eno i nekoliko grobova s kraja starijeg gvozde- u {irinu, posmatrao probleme sa distance i poku{avao da nog doba sa srebrnom {arnirskom fibulom i gvozdenim ih sveobuhvatno re{i. Bio je zainteresovan za razli~ite oru`jem. Ina~e, Trbuhovi} se ogledao i u gvozdenom dobu, fasete arheologije i srodnih nauka, i verovatno je zbog toga o ~emu svedo~i wegov ~lanak Grob metalnog doba u Starom izabrao kao glavnu temu svojih istraìvawa – arheologiju Kostolcu, Starinar 9–10 (277–279, sa Georgijem Orlovom). Indoevropqana, veliku i sloènu. Radio je dugo i istraj- Sa Milivojem Vasiqevi}em napisao je poglavqe Sta- no na toj temi koja je mnogo godina figurirala u wegovom ri vek u monografiji [abac u pro{losti (1970, 65–82), nau~nom programu u Institutu, pokatkad pone{to o tome i gde je obra|en anti~ki period na teritoriji Ma~ve, pa je objavquju}i (Ka poreklu Luvita, Starinar 21, 23–30), ali tako imao prilike da, osim o vin~anskim zdelama i ùto- je nije dovr{io sve do odlaska u penziju. brdskim pticama, govori i o statuama i statuetama rim- A onda, neo~ekivano za arheolo{ki svet, iza{la je skih boànstava. Staroj istoriji treba dodati i wegove 2006. godine, u izdawu ku}e „Pe{i} i sinovi”, wegova kwi- oglede o paleobalkanskim narodima, kao {to su Die Illyrier ga Indoevropqani, na preko 300 strana, uz kratku najavu: als protohistorisches Volk, Actes XIX Congres int.d. sc.preh. et Ovo je prva kwiga objavqena kod nas koja na sveobuhvatan protohist. (Prague 1971, 861–864) i Agatirzi – Tribali– na~in saìma sve {to je do sada istraèno o temi Indoev- Dardanci–Peonci, Starinar 15–16 (163–167). ropqana, sa posebnim osvrtom na Balkan, kolevku prve Ovde je naveden samo jedan deo obimne arheolo{ke bi- Evrope i prvih Indoevropqana. bliografije Vojislava Trbuhovi}a, koja uz monografije, Trbuhovi} zaista saìma temu na sveobuhvatan na~in, studije i priloge obuhvata i wegove izve{taje sa mnogo- prvo u kratkim tekstovima o arheologiji Indoevropqana a brojnih iskopavawa i rekognoscirawa, nastupe na stru~- onda u op{irnoj analizi indoevropskih jezika i istoriji nim i nau~nim sastancima u zemqi i inostranstvu kao i wihovog prou~avawa od samih po~etaka, stavqaju}i nagla- prikaze i kritike. A tih iskopavawa i rekognoscirawa, sak na Viqema Xonsa i wegovu pretpostavku iz 1786. da je gde je bio ~lan ekipe, rukovodilac iskopavawa ili direk- postojao zajedni~ki izvor pri wihovom nastanku. Zatim tor projekta, bilo je nebrojeno, po~ev{i od okoline Zemu- govori o arheologiji, paleolitu, neolitu, bronzanom dobu, na i celog Srema, za{titnih radova na kanalu Dunav–Ti- zemqoradwi i sto~arstvu, kerami~kim formama i stilovi- sa–Dunav, preko Banata, Posavine, Podriwa, Kolubarskog ma, oblicima sahrawivawa, kulturi poqa sa urnama i kultu- bazena i Isto~ne Srbije, do za{titnih radova na \erdapu ri sahrawivawa pod tumulima. U odeqku o istoriji najvi- itd. itd. {e se bavi starim narodima u Evropi – Ilirima, Keltima Osim u Srbiji, radio je i u Crnoj Gori gde je sa Majom i Panonima, dok je deo o etnologiji i religiji indoevrop- Parovi}-Pe{ikan vr{io rekognoscirawa Boke kotorske i skih naroda posve}en najvi{e antropomorfnoj skulpturi iskopavao tumul u Maloj Grudi, grob mo}nog velmoè sa neolita i bronzanog doba, kao i razli~itim mogu}im in- srebrnim i zlatnim oru`jem i nakitom – Iskopavawa tu- terpretacijama uloge te skulpture u ìvotu praistorijskih mula ranog bronzanog doba u Tivatskom poqu, Starinar 22, qudi, i tu predlaè neka zanimqiva re{ewa. Sledi ode- (1971, 129–141, sa Majom Parovi}-Pe{ikan); Nekoliko na- qak o antropologiji, posve}en prete`no razvoju jezika, od pomena o nalazu iz tumula Mala gruda u Tivatskom poqu, neandertalaca do dana{weg ~oveka, gde citira na jednom Zbornik Narodnog muzeja 8 (1975, 31–35); Pregled arheolo- mestu Andre Leroa Gurana koji iznosi da ve} od 30-ih go-

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dina 20. veka, zahvaquju}i stalnom napretku tehnike, raz- u uvodu kaè „da je daleko od pomisli da wegova kwiga voj jezika staje i jezik po~iwe da se degeneri{e. Kona~no, predstavqa re{ewe velike zagonetke Indoevropqana ali na osnovu ovih interdisciplinarnih prou~avawa, Trbuho- se nada da }e se pokazati kao dobar poku{aj da se na nov, vi} oprezno zakqu~uje da kolevku Indoevropqana treba interdisciplinarni na~in potraè i neka nova re{ewa”. traìti u Evropi, u nosiocima neolitske linearno traka- U tome je, kako kwiga pokazuje, svakako imao pravo. ste keramike, koji su je preko Balkana preneli na istok. Zbog toga se moè re}i da je ovom kwigom Vojislav Trbu- Iz svega {to pi{e, govori, analizira ili pretpostavqa hovi} uspeo da ispuni jedan veliki ciq svoga ìvota kome u ovoj kwizi vidi se poznavawe, znawe materije, stru~nost, je teìo vi{e decenija i da je Tibulo, kvirit mlad, uspeo da, erudicija, kriti~nost, opreznost i uop{te veliki napor da uprkos prekornim glasovima iz Romulovog ve~nog grada, se do|e do jedne zaokruène slike o Indoevropqanima. On odsneva svoj san, o kome je pevao Vojislav Ili}. sam zna da u tom poku{aju ima neodre|enosti, nesigurnosti, pa i praznina, da se ovim ne stavqa kona~na ta~ka, pa Rastko VASI]

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BORISLAV JOVANOVI] (22. jun 1930 – 13. novembar 2015)

Odlaskom akademika Borislava Jovanovi}a sa ovog sveta, novembra 2015, ostali smo bez jednog od najve}ih srpskih, jugoslovenskih i evropskih arheologa, ~ija su istraìva- wa ostavila zna~ajan i prepoznatqiv uticaj na arheologiju druge polovine 20. veka. Tragovi wegovog rada vidqivi su u prou~avawu svih praistorijskih perioda na tlu biv{e Jugoslavije, {to ga danas ~ini jednim od najplodotvornijih arheologa Balkana i svakako jednog od najzaslu`nijih za upotpuwavawe znawa o praistoriji na ovim prostorima. Pripadao je generaciji prvih posleratnih {kolovanih arheologa u SFR Jugoslaviji, sa zadatkom da unapredi arheolo{ka istraìvawa koja su bila u stagnirawu izme|u dva svetska rata, naro~ito na prostoru Srbije. U toj generaciji su bile i druge velike li~nosti doma}e arheologije, a s nekima od wih je Borislav Jovanovi} tesno sara|ivao, o ~emu svedo~e neke od arheolo{kih publikacija nezaobila- znih u prou~avawu praistorije ove teritorije. @ivot Borislava Jovanovi}a podse}a na jednu od onih filmskih pri~a u kojima se glavni junak, nakon te{kog de- tiwstva i mladosti pune patwi i stradawa, vine do zvezda. Ipak, wegov je uzlet u nau~ne visine trajao dugo, a svoj ka- pacitet velikog arheologa, iskazan ve} na po~etku karijere, morao je neprestano da dokazuje tokom celog ìvota. U Srp- sku akademiju nauka i umetnosti u{ao je nezasluèno kasno – sa 73 godine kao dopisni ~lan, a sa 79 je postao wen redov- ni ~lan. Ro|en je u Kavadarcima, u Makedoniji, u porodici èlezni~kog slu`benika koja se, prema zahtevima o~eve slu`be, selila prvo u Skopqe (\or~e Petrov) a zatim u Kra- qevo. Porodica je do~ekala Drugi svetski rat u Kraqevu, gde je mladi Borislav izgubio oca u masovnom streqawu eneolita u Jugoslaviji”, odbranio je 1964. godine na Filo- 1941. godine. Do kraja rata je ostao i bez majke, tako da je zofskom fakultetu u Beogradu. kao ratno siro~e ìvot nastavio kao pitomac Povereni- Svoj radni vek je i zapo~eo i zavr{io u Arheolo{kom {tva za socijalno starawe u Novom Sadu. Tamo je zavr{io institutu u Beogradu. Na konkursu za arheologa Arheolo- gimnaziju 1949. godine, kao vanredni |ak, paralelno rade- {kog instituta SANU 1959. godine primqen je kao najkva- }i kao administrativni slu`benik. Godine 1950. upisuje litetniji kandidat od nekoliko prijavqenih. Tu je ostao arheologiju na Filozofskom fakultetu u Beogradu i zavr- do svog penzionisawa 1995. godine, konstantno napreduju}i {ava je 1955. sa visokim prosekom, {to mu u naredne ~eti- u slu`bi – od asistenta I vrste, preko nau~nog saradnika ri godine donosi stipendiju za postdiplomske studije iz (dobio zvawe 1964. godine) i vi{eg nau~nog saradnika (od praistorijske arheologije. Pripadao je onoj posleratnoj 1968. godine), do nau~nog savetnika (od 1978. godine). Ubr- generaciji mladih stru~waka od kojih se o~ekivalo da brzo nakon prijema u Institut postao je desna ruka dugogodi- zo dostignu nivo nau~nika koji samostalno mogu da vode is- {weg direktora \ur|a Bo{kovi}a, koga je na tom poloàju traìvawa, pa je, kao i mnogi drugi iz te generacije, nakon i zamenio 1978. godine. Na poloàju direktora Instituta postdiplomskih studija odmah doktorirao, bez prethodne proveo je dva mandata – od 1978. do 1986. Tokom svog radnog magistrature. Doktorsku tezu, pod naslovom „Pojava i razvoj veka je bio rukovodilac ili jedan od vode}ih ~lanova mno-

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gih zna~ajnih arheolo{kih projekata u zemqi: rekognosci- Borislav Jovanovi} je svoj put arheologa istraìva~a rawe i istraìvawe podru~ja ugroènog izgradwom hidro- zapo~eo jo{ tokom studija u~estvuju}i na brojnim rekogno- elektrane \erdap I, od 1962. do 1970. godine (iskopavao je scirawima i iskopavawima {irom tada{we Jugoslavije. lokalitete Padina, Hajdu~ka Vodenica, Stubica i Mrfa- Od prijema u Arheolo{ki institut po~iwe wegov uzlet u na- ja), istraìvawe starog rudarstva i metalurgije u okviru u~ne visine i niù se uspesi zbog kojih je danas uvaàvan u iskopavawa Rudne Glave kod Majdanpeka (1968–1985), „Arhe- svetu, ali do kojih je ponekad upravo u svojoj sredini dola- olo{ka istraìvawa starog rudarstva na Rudniku u prais- zio uz te{ko}e usled nedovoqnog razumevawa wegovog rada. toriji, antici i sredwem veku” (1980–1989), za{titno i si- Oblast koja }e ga vinuti u vrh evropske arheologije je- stematsko iskopavawe Gomolave kod Hrtkovaca (1965–1985) ste arheometalurgija, ~iji je on i utemeqiva~ na ovim pro- i iskopavawe lokaliteta Pe}ine kod Kostolca u okviru za- storima ali i jedan od pionira u ovoj disciplini u svetu. {titnog istraìvawa na ugqenokopu Kostolac (1981–1982). Prou~avawu po~etaka metalurgije i wenom uticaju na raz- Osim toga, naj~e{}e u saradwi s kolegama iz oblasnih mu- voj qudskog dru{tva posvetio se ve} tokom doktorata, a de- zeja i zavoda, vodio je i brojna iskopavawa maweg obima love teze u kojima se bavi tom problematikom objavio je ali ne i mawe zna~ajna: ilirska kneèvska humka u Ateni- 1971. godine u monografiji Metalurgija eneolitskog perioda ci kod â~ka, Kormadin u Jakovu kod Beograda (eneolitsko Jugoslavije, koja je i danas, posle vi{e od 40 godina, veoma naseqe), Fafos II u Kosovskoj Mitrovici (naseqe vin~an- citirana publikacija u radovima o ranoj metalurgiji u ske kulture), Trnova~a u Barandi (naseqe vin~anske kultu- Evropi. U vreme izlaska kwige iz {tampe, on je ve} bio pore), tumul u Vojlovici (rano bronzano doba), Kuzwica kod znat van granica Jugoslavije po istraìvawu rudnika ba- Majdanpeka (gradina iz starijeg gvozdenog doba), Trwane kra iz doba vin~anske kulture kod Rudne Glave, vo|enom sa kod Brestova~ke Bawe (nekropola para}inske grupe sred- Ilijom Jankovi}em, iz Muzeja rudarstva i metalurgije u weg bronzanog doba). Nakon 2003. godine rukovodio je i na- Boru, koga je sam Bora Jovanovi} smatrao najzaslu`nijim u~nim projektima u SANU, kao {to su „Neolitske i eneo- za to {to je Rudna Glava otkrivena i spasena od uni{tava- litske kulture i bakarni nalazi u Isto~noj Srbiji” i wa {irewem savremenog rudnika. Jo{ na po~etku istraìva- „Metalurgija u praistoriji i antici”. Bio je nau~ni kon- wa je Borislav Jovanovi} nagovestio ono {to }e egzaktnim sultant na brojnim projektima (za{titno istraìvawe na analizama biti dokazano tek po~etkom 21. veka – da je naj- ugqenokopu Kolubara, sistematsko istraìvawe Belovoda, starija metalurgija ponikla upravo na prostorima Srbije. Plo~nika, Kraku-lu-Jordana, Zaja~ka kod Kopaonika itd.), Me|unarodno priznawe za wegov rad stiglo je iz Velike dugogodi{wi ~lan redakcije Starinara a zatim i wegov Britanije, od Kolina Renfrua koji je 1969. godine, u pre- urednik, jedan od urednika Srpske enciklopedije – kapi- sti`nom nau~nom ~asopisu objavio rad (The Autonomy of talnog projekta SANU, jedan od urednika vi{etomnika Pra- the South-East European Copper Age. Proceedings of the Pre- istorija Banata – u okviru me|unarodne saradwe SANU i historic Society 35) u kome je izneo teoriju o autohtonosti Rumunske akademije nauka. Predsedavao je Odborom za Vin- metalurgije bakra na Balkanu i time dao potvrdu i snaàn ~u pri SANU, pod ~ijim je nau~nim nadzorom od 1998. vr- podsticaj daqem radu Borislava Jovanovi}a. Ovo je naro- {eno istraìvawe lokaliteta Belo Brdo, osnovao je Ko- ~ito bilo zna~ajno zbog tada vaè}eg difuzionisti~kog misiju za kulturna dobra arheometalurgije i industrijske pogleda na poreklo metalurgije, za koju se smatralo da se arheologije pri Republi~kom zavodu za za{titu spomenika {iri iz jednog centra – sa Bliskog istoka. Takvo mi{qe- kulture i u okviru we pokrenuo 1995. ~asopis Arheometa- we je bilo uvreèno i u doma}oj sredini gde se, pored toga, lurgija, predsedavao je nau~nim ve}ima Balkanolo{kog in- nije posebno cenilo istraìvawe ostataka starog rudar- stituta SANU i Centralnog instituta za konzervaciju u stva (zbog oskudnih i neatraktivnih nalaza), ponekad nazi- Beogradu (CIK). Bio je ~lan Nema~kog arheolo{kog institu- vanog i „arheologijom lisi~ijih jama”. U godinama koje su ta (Deutsches Archäologisches Institut) u Berlinu, doìvotni usledile nizali su se novi i atraktivni nalazi koji su u ~lan Dru{tva za istoriju arheometalurgije (The Historical potpunosti potvrdili autohtono vin~ansko poreklo meta- Metallurgy Society – HMS) u Londonu, a u periodu od 1995. lurgije bakra u Evropi, a Borislav Jovanovi} je svoje re- do 1999. i predsednik Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva. Na- zultate prezentovao na nau~nim skupovima {irom sveta: u pisao je oko 250 nau~nih radova i vi{e od 50 prikaza, od Varni 1975. godine, Dablinu 1978, Mastrihtu 1979, Krako- toga 7 kwiga kao autor ili koautor, kao i vi{e velikih povu (Mogilani) 1984, Madridu 1985, Atini 1987, Sarbrike- glavqa u dva toma Praistorije jugoslavenskih zemaqa. U~e- nu 1988, Sen @ermen en Leju 1989, Forliju 1996, kao i na stvovao je na doma}im i me|unarodnim nau~nim skupovima svakako najzna~ajnijem skupu u êng ûu u Kini 1986. godi- i ostvario niz studijskih boravaka u Velikoj Britaniji, ne, na koji je pozvan kao jedan od najzna~ajnijih arheologa Francuskoj, Belgiji, Italiji, Bugarskoj, Gr~koj, [paniji, iz Evrope. Paralelno je publikovao radove u presti`nim Ma|arskoj, Poqskoj, Rumuniji, Irskoj, Holandiji, Nema~- nau~nim glasilima i zbornicima u Velikoj Britaniji, Ne- koj, Sovjetskom Savezu (Gruziji, Moldaviji), Meksiku, Sje- ma~koj i Americi: B. Ottaway, B. Jovanovi}, Copper Mining diwenim Ameri~kim Dràvama i Kini. Dobitnik je Okto- and Metallurgy in the Vin~a group, Antiquity 50 (1976); The barske nagrade Novog Sada (1975. godine), Septembarske technology of Primary copper mining in South-East Europe, nagrade Skup{tine op{tine Majdanpek (1990), kao i broj- Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 45 (1979); The Origins nih poveqa i zahvalnica (Filozofskog fakulteta u Novom of Copper Mining in Europe, Scientific American 245-5 (1980) Sadu, Republi~kog zavoda za za{titu spomenika kulture, itd. Svoj rad u arheometalurgiji je krunisao objavqivawem Narodnog muzeja u Vr{cu, Saveza dru{tava konzervatora monografije o rudniku u Rudnoj Glavi 1982. godine – Rudna Jugoslavije, Vojvo|anskog muzeja u Novom Sadu, Muzeja ru- Glava: Najstarije rudarstvo bakra na Centralnom Balkanu, kao darstva i metalurgije u Boru i Muzeja grada Beograda). i organizacijom me|unarodnog skupa Ancient Mining and

217 IN MEMORIAM (213–219) STARINAR LXVI/2016

Metallurgy in South East Europe u Dowem Milanovcu 1990. javqivawa – nakon otkri}a brojnih nalazi{ta koja su po- godine, na kome su se okupili najve}i svetski autoriteti u kazala da je teritorija centralnog Balkana bila gusto na- toj arheolo{koj disciplini. seqena jo{ od vremena gorweg paleolita i da nije bila po- Borislav Jovanovi} nije bio ni{ta mawe poznat i u luprazna oblast koja je zaìvela tek nakon kolonizacije sa drugim oblastima praistorijske arheologije. Zna~ajan je jugoistoka. Eneolitom }e se baviti tokom celog svog veka, a wegov doprinos u prou~avawu kasnomezolitskih i ranone- wegovo posledwe veliko delo vezano za taj period je mono- olitskih nalazi{ta u \erdapu, Padine i Hajdu~ke Vodeni- grafija o eneolitskom horizontu na Gomolavi, na kojoj je ce, a wegovo prvobitno pogre{no opredeqivawe lokaliteta radio kao jedan od vode}ih istraìva~a (J. Petrovi}, B. Jova- Padina u gvozdeno doba nije ga omelo u kvalitetnom istra- novi}, Gomolava: naselja kasnog eneolita, 2002). ìvawu ta dva zna~ajna nalazi{ta. Rezultate svog istraì- Iskopavawe nekropole iz sredweg bronzanog doba u vawa je prezentovao u brojnim radovima i na me|unarodnim Trwanima kod Brestova~ke Bawe potvrdilo ga je kao stru~- skupovima: Die Architektur und Keramik der Siedlung Padina B waka za sve praistorijske periode. Problemima koji se od- am Eisernen Tor, Germania 65-1 (1987); Padina and Hajdu~ka nose na bronzano doba posvetio je nekoliko radova, od kojih Vodenica: Sites of the Lepenski Vir Culture in the Upper and Lo- treba ista}i one pod naslovom Indoevropljani i stepska kul- wer Gorges of the Iron Gates, Acts of the XIVth UISPP Congress tura grobova jama u ranom bronzanom dobu Podunavlja, Istra- Liège (2004); Microregions of the Lepenski Vir Culture: Padina ìvanja – Filozofski fakultet u Novom Sadu 3 (1974) i Nekropola in the Upper Gorge and Hajdu~ka Vodenica in the Lower Gorge para}inske grupe u Trnjanima kod Brestova~ke Banje, Zbornik of the Danube, Documenta Praehistorica 33 (2008). Pripremi radova Muzeja rudarstva i metalurgije (1991). Bave}i se bron- finalnih publikacija o ova dva zna~ajna nalazi{ta kultu- zanim dobom, najvi{e pa`we je posve}ivao tako|e razvoju re Lepenskog Vira posvetio se tek nakon penzionisawa, metalurgije na ovim prostorima. okupiv{i tim tada perspektivnih mladih arheologa koji Istraìvawe humke u Atenici kod â~ka, u saradwi su u me|uvremenu izrasli u me|unarodno priznate stru~- sa Milenom \ukni} iz Narodnog muzeja u â~ku, donelo mu wake i objavili znatan broj radova baziranih upravo na je ve} na po~etku karijere, pored profesionalnog izazova wegovim istraìvawima. da bude jedan od retkih koji je imamo priliku da na ovim Vin~anskom kulturom se bavio od po~etka svoje kari- prostorima istraùje ilirske kneèvske grobnice, pri- jere, najpre u preglednim radovima o kamenom i ko{tanom znawe da je stru~wak za gvozdeno doba centralnog Balkana. oru|u, a kasnije stratigrafijom i posebno wenim tehnolo- Monografija o ovoj humki, sa sloènom arhitekturom i ve- {kim aspektom – rudarstvom i proizvodwom metala.Upra- oma bogatim prilozima zbog kojih je neki autori smatraju vo wegovom zaslugom se vin~anska kultura danas smatra kraqevskom grobnicom, objavqena je 1966. godine (M. \uk- jednom od najnaprednijih praistorijskih kultura u Evropi ni}, B. Jovanovi}, Ilirska kneèvska nekropola u Atenici). u kojoj je ponikla najstarija metalurgija bakra u svetu. Zna- Problemima ilirskih grobova Borislav Jovanovi} }e se ~ajni su wegovi radovi o stratigrafiji vin~anske kulture vra}ati i kasnije u nekim svojim radovima: Atenica i kne- sagledane upravo sa aspekata wenog tehnolo{kog razvoja èvski grobovi na Glasincu, Zbornik radova „Sahrawivawe koji su je opredeqivali u rani eneolit (Gradac – phase in kod Ilira” (1979); @rtvena konstrukcija iz kneèvske ne- the relative chronology of the Late Vin~a culture, Starinar n. kropole u Atenici kod â~ka, primer merewa vremena u sta- s. 43–44, 1994; Gradac Phase of the Vin~a Culture: Origin of a rijem gvozdenom dobu centralnog Balkana, Zbornik radova typological innovation, Homage to Milutin Gara{anin, 2006). Konferencije „Razvoj astronomije kod Srba” III (2005). Naro~ito treba ista}i wegovo istraìvawe na lokalitetu Oblast koja mu je tako|e donela svetsko priznawe jeste Fafos II u Kosovskoj Mitrovici (Stratigrafija naselja vin- keltologija. U krug stru~waka za kasno gvozdeno doba u{ao ~anske grupe kod Kosovske Mitrovice. Glasnik Muzeja Kosova je prvo preko istraìvawa latenskog horizonta na Gomola- i Metohije 6, 1961), gde se u okviru naseqa vin~anske kultu- vi, a kasnije i nekropole Skordiska u Pe}inama kod Ko- re susreo sa tragovima primitivne metalurgije bakra i gde stolca. Priznawe o stru~nosti u ovoj oblasti do{lo je je pokazao da je metalurgija u to doba bila ve} op{tepri- opet prvo iz inostranstva – pozivawem da rezultate svog hva}ena privredna grana. rada prezentuje na me|unarodnim skupovima i publikuje u Eneolitom se bavio jo{ od postdiplomskih studija. vode}im ~asopisima i zbornicima iz oblasti keltologije Poreklo i razvoj tog arheolo{kog perioda je obradio u svo- (Elements d’art latenien dans le Balkan du centre aux III et Iie joj doktorskoj tezi. Delove disertacije je objavio u svojoj siecle avant notre ere, P.-M. Duval, V. Kruta (eds.) L’art celtique kwizi iz 1971. godine, u kojoj u prvom delu, pod naslovom de la période d’expansion IVe et IIIe siècles, 1981; Le nécropole „Postanak kulturnih grupa mla|eg neolita na Balkanu”, d’un grand camp militaire à Pe}ine en Serbie. L’expansion des iznosi teoriju o gradacionoj migraciji mla|eg neolita, Celtes de la Gaule vers l’Orient, Les Dossiers 77, 1983), a za- ~ija je su{tina u tome da se osvajawe novih prostora vr{i tim i u posledwem tomu Praistorije jugoslavenskih zema- po stepenima, tako da nova grupa uvek zavisi od svoje sused- qa posve}enom gvozdenom dobu (poglavqa: Isto~na grupa i ne migracione grupe i lokalne domoroda~ke osnove. Iako Zaklju~na razmatranja o keltskoj kulturi, Praistorija jugosla- ova teorija nije na{la svoje mesto u nastavnim programi- venskih zemalja V: @eljezno doba, 1987). Sa Marijom Jovano- ma na studijama arheologije, niti se pomiwe u kapitalnom vi} je 1988. godine objavio monografiju o latenskom hori- delu Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja III: Eneolitsko doba zontu na Gomolavi (Gomolava: naselje mla|eg gvozdenog (1979) u kome je Borislav Jovanovi} napisao nekoliko po- doba). Posledwe godine ìvota je, u nau~nom pogledu, poglavqa (Rudarstvo i metalurgija eneolitskog perioda Jugosla- svetio upravo finalizirawu rezultata svog istraìvawa vije; Stepske kulture u eneolitskom periodu Jugoslavije), wen kasnog gvozdenog doba na centralnom Balkanu. Smrt ga je smisao je postao jasan tek posle mnogo godina od wenog ob- prekinula u pripremi za {tampu monografije o istraì-

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vawu nekropole na Pe}inama. Ipak, rezultate svog dugogo- govornicima, nenametqiv kakav je uvek bio, on je u tim raz- di{weg prou~avawa Skordiska kod nas predstavio je u pri- govorima nesebi~no iznosio svoja razmi{qawa i predloge stupnoj besedi za redovnog ~lana SANU u maju 2010. godine za budu}e projekte, tro{e}i vreme koga je imao sve mawe za (Pohodi Isto~nih Kelta na Gr~ku i helenisti~ka kraqev- dovr{avawe brojnih poslova zapo~etih tokom duge i plod- stva Male Azije, Glas SANU 414. Odeqewe istorijskih na- ne karijere. Neki od mladih qudi koji su nau~no sazrevali uka 15). pored wega su danas priznati stru~waci u SAD, Kanadi i Izuzetnom stru~waku kakav je bio Borislav Jovanovi} Velikoj Britaniji. Svoje ideje i razmi{qawa Borislav `ivot nije bio dovoqno duga~ak da bi iskazao svoju inte- Jovanovi} je ponekad prepoznavao u tekstovima svojih mla- lektualnu veli~inu. Wegovu smrt smo kao preuraweni ~in |ih kolega, zadovoqan {to je, nakon stru~nih opovrgavawa primili svi mi koji smo kao arheolozi stasavali pored i nepriznavawa u pro{losti, na{ao potpuno prihvatawe i wega i imali privilegiju i zadovoqstvo da sa wim provo- nastavqawe svog rada upravo u onima koji dolaze. dimo vreme u dugim arheolo{kim diskusijama. Nesvestan svoje veli~ine i intelektualne dominacije nad svojim sa- Dragana ANTONOVI]

219 CIP – Katalogizacija u publikaciji Narodna biblioteka Srbije, Beograd

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STARINAR Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva / urednik Miomir Kora}. – God. 1, br. 1 (1884) – god. 12, kw. 1/4 (1895) ; novi red, god. 1, br. 1 (1906) – god. 4, br. 2 (1909) ; novi red, god. 5, br. 1/2 (1910) – god. 6, br. 1/2 (1911) ; tre}a serija, kw. 1 (1922) – kw. 15 (1940) ; nova serija, kw. 1, god. 1 (1950) – . – Beograd : Arheolo{ki institut, 1884–1895; 1906–1911; 1922–1940; 1950– (Novi Sad : SP Print). – 30 cm Godi{we. – Naslov: od br. 1 (1906) Starinar; od 1923. Starinar = Starinar. – Tekst na srp. (}ir.) i engl. jeziku. – Drugo izdawe na drugom medijumu: Starinar (Online) = ISSN 2406-0739 ISSN 0350-0241 = Starinar COBISS.SR-ID 8111874