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Argentine Territorial Nationalism Revisited: the Malvinas/Falklands Dispute and Geographies of Everyday Nationalism

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Argentine Territorial Nationalism Revisited: the Malvinas/Falklands Dispute and Geographies of Everyday Nationalism Political Geography 30 (2011) 441e449 Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect Political Geography journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/polgeo Argentine territorial nationalism revisited: The Malvinas/Falklands dispute and geographies of everyday nationalism Matthew C. Benwell a,*, Klaus Dodds b,1 a University of Liverpool, School of Environmental Sciences, Roxby Building, Chatham Street, L69 7ZT, UK b Department of Geography, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, Surrey, TW20 0EX, UK abstract Keywords: This paper is concerned with expressions of Argentine territorial nationalism with a specific focus on the Popular geopolitics Malvinas/Falklands dispute. Billig’s(1995)notion of banal nationalism has been widely applied as Malvinas/Falklands Islands a means to understanding the ways in which national identities are learnt and reproduced by the Everyday nationalism populace, through a multitude of ‘mundane’ representations. More recently Billig’s (1995) thesis has Territory been critiqued (Jones & Merriman, 2009) for its rigidity and inability to take account of the different ways these nationalisms are produced and received (Müller, 2008) within and outside of the nation-state. We build on these interventions by arguing that research into territorial nationalism should not ignore the wider temporal, spatial, political and everyday contexts in which such discourses emerge and are consumed. To illustrate this diversity we contend that territorial nationalism and, more specifically, the attention placed on the Malvinas dispute by the Argentine government has varied in its intensity, depending on wider political events and agendas in the South West Atlantic and Latin American regions. Secondly, through the use of interview extracts from a pilot study conducted with 20 young people in Buenos Aires, we suggest that Argentine territorial nationalism is not received uniformly across the nation-state and, rather, should be explored in its everyday contexts. These contexts take into consid- eration things like respondent’s geographical location, personal/familial relationships and generation, amongst other variables, in order to more sensitively appreciate Argentine territorial nationalism’s multifarious reception. Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Introduction throughout this paper but this does not serve to deny or downplay the Islands disputed status. For two British-based geographers seeking to evaluate and Having both lived in Buenos Aires and travelled extensively reflect on various forms of Argentine territorial nationalism is, as around Argentina, our encounters stretch from a period between the Romans might have understood, to enter the Lion’s den. 1992 and 2010, and include formal interviews with Argentine civil Notwithstanding established debates about positionality and servants, academics and journalists to informal conversations with reflexivity (Katz, 1994; Keith, 1992; Rose, 1993, 1997; Townsend, young people, war veterans and political representatives in cafes, on 1995:7e17), the bitter and enduring dispute between Britain and the street and at public events such as the commemorative cere- Argentina over a group of islands in the South West Atlantic, shapes monies marking the Malvinas war. So this is partly a paper informed not only diplomatic, trading and commercial encounters but also by our personal reflections and memories of being identified as more everyday exchanges (Dodds & Manovil, 2001). This extends to British citizens carrying out fieldwork in a country where the expe- the geopolitically sensitive connotations attached to naming the rience of war remains visceral, whether it be either in terms of Islands either the Malvinas or Falklands. We recognise these resentment towards the British state and/or bitterness about the way sensitivities and use the name most contextually appropriate in which the veterans (often called immortal heroes within Argen- tina) have fared in the proceeding years. And it is a place where discussions about Argentina’splace‘within’ the British Empire remain poignant e with some scholars deploying the labels ‘forgotten colony’ or ‘informal empire’ to contemplate the varied contributions * Corresponding author. Tel.: þ44 151 794 2847; fax: þ44 151 794 2866. and connections to Britain and British expatriate communities in ‘The E-mail addresses: [email protected] (M.C. Benwell), [email protected] ’ fi (K. Dodds). Argentine , especially in the nineteenth and rst half of the twentieth 1 Tel.: þ44 0 1784 443563; fax: þ44 0 1784 47283. century (e.g. Graham-Yooll, 2000; Thompson, 1992). 0962-6298/$ e see front matter Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2011.09.006 442 M.C. Benwell, K. Dodds / Political Geography 30 (2011) 441e449 This paper, however, is also a theoretical intervention. It draws There are geographies to these everyday nationalisms. The and extends on Jones and Merriman’s (2009) recent critique of the geographical proximity of the southern provinces of Argentina use of Billig’s (1995) ‘banal nationalism’ to further explore the (on contemporary Argentine maps the Islas Malvinas are always everyday contexts in which Argentine territorial nationalism is (re) included as part of the southernmost province, Tierra del Fuego, produced. It moves beyond the identification of mundane ‘texts’ and therefore as sovereign Argentine territory) and the memories (e.g. postage stamps, monuments, street and plaza names, televi- of people (and the transmission of these memories to younger sion advertisements) as static exemplars of Argentine banal generations) from the region stemming back to the Malvinas war, nationalism (see Child, 2005, 2008; Dodds, 2005; Nuessel, 1992), to have meant that territorial nationalisms are prioritised and framed thinking more sensitively about variations (i.e. temporal, spatial in different ways when compared with the capital Buenos Aires and so on) in the production and consumption of these represen- (see Lorenz, 2006). In a similar vein, we posit the need to recognise tations. Also salient here is Müller’s (2008) timely intervention that individuals will read and engage everyday territorial nation- regarding the ways in which discourses, practices and the everyday alism in multiple ways depending on a whole range of factors co-constitute one another in the formation of geopolitical identi- (physical geography/location as just one of these). For instance, an ties. Thus, we acknowledge the “centrality of representations in the individual with friends or family members who served in the media, in government documents or politicians’ speeches as Malvinas war will likely read geopolitical ‘texts’ relating to the issue formative of identity” (Müller, 2008: 333), but also remain attuned in different ways to those without such explicit connections. We to “the enactment of identities by ordinary people and in micro- tease out some of these distinctions by incorporating several contexts” (Müller, 2008: 335; see also Navaro-Yashin, 2002). The interview extracts from a pilot study of young people conducted in notion of everyday nationalism as posited by Jones and Merriman Buenos Aires in late-2010. The majority of the sample population (2009: 165) places an emphasis on the diverse contexts and ways were current or past students at the Universidad de Buenos Aires in which such geopolitical symbols are constructed and read. (UBA) and other universities within the city. In-depth, semi-struc- Pertinent here is Raento’s(1997:197)demonstration of how public tured interviews were carried out with twenty young people (aged art campaigns and street protests in the Basque Country were between 18 and 27) in cafeterias and/or their homes situated received differently by people living across the territory, depending around Buenos Aires. Through this study, albeit one limited to in part on their political persuasions and geographical location. a relatively small number of university-educated young people Equally, the fascinating strategies of resistance employed by Finns (who nonetheless came from different parts of the country and resisting Imperial Russia explored by Raento and Brunn (2005: 145) thus were not all from the capital city), we aim to show that illustrates how seemingly banal signifiers of the state (e.g. postage readings of banal representations concerning territorial nation- stamps) can be contested and viewed as anything but mundane. alism in Argentina are anything but simple. This is perhaps all the Raento and Brunn go on to point out that, “stamps are everywhere, more important to acknowledge, for two British-based researchers, and their ceremoniality [and indeed their consumption] is perhaps mindful as we are of the long-standing and deeply entrenched view more private, optional and thus uniquely intimate” (Raento of successive British governments that have caricatured Argentina & Brunn, 2005: 146). Rather than being uniformly and passively and Argentine citizens as attracted to hysterical forms of nation- received by the nation’s population, these analyses start to alism, and inhabited by military governments and authoritarian acknowledge and encourage more sensitive understandings of the leaders enamoured with spatial expansionism and the domination ways in which banal geopolitical representations might be read and of place (Dodds, 1993, 1994, 2002). experienced. Using this notion of everyday nationalism with its emphasis on Theorising banal nationalism fluidity and variation the paper highlights the temporal
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