Notes to the Introduction

Home , Andrew Marvell, George Herbert, Metaphysical poets, Richard Crashaw

Notes

1. In the interest of readability, following this note I will cease my use of scare-quotes around `nature' and related terms; I hope that the ideological weight of these concepts will, nevertheless, remain apparent. 2. Yachnin's suggestion that courtlyliterature and non-literaryprose were probablymore `volatile' than dramatic texts tallies with myown understanding of non-dramatic writing (see Yachnin, pp. 54±6). 3. George Held's discussion of the relationship between the Herbert siblings is a good example of the traditional valorization of the pious vicar of Bemerton against the supposedlybrash and somewhat nastycourtier/ dilettante/gayblade. 4. Mydeployment of quotation marks around this ®rst use of the term `lesbian' signi®es a recognition that, though criticallyuseful today, the word would not have carried the same meaning in earlymodern England; the term will go unmarked throughout the rest of the book. 5. A sampling of the scholarly®eld indicates the prevalence of the usual group. Joan Bennett's Four Metaphysical Poets (1934) includes Crashaw, Donne, George Herbert, and Vaughan; her revised edition, Five Metaphysical Poets (1964), adds Marvell to the mix. Barbara Lewalski and Andrew Sabol's anthology Major Poets of the Earlier Seventeenth Century (1973) reiterates the group of ®ve, as does Donald Mackenzie's more recent study The Metaphysical Poets (1990). Richard Willmott's collection, Four Metaphysical Poets (1985), drops Crashaw. The Modern Language Association of America's pedagogical guidebook, Approaches to Teaching the Metaphysical Poets (1990), includes essays which usefully illuminate the connections between Metaphysical authors and, amongst others, Ben Jonson, Tottel's poets, and seventeenth-centuryemblematists; however, in the `Approaches to Speci®c Poets' section of the text, the ®ve canonical Metaphysicals are again selected for in-depth scrutiny. Frances Austin's The Language of the Metaphysical Poets (1992) substitutes Thomas Traherne for Marvell, while Janis Lull's The Metaphysical Poets: A Chronology (1994), includes Donne, George Herbert, Crashaw, Marvell, Vaughan, and Traherne. 6. On Gardner's canonizing and critical in¯uence, see Nigel Smith's essay`The Metaphysical Penguin'. While I agree with Smith that Gardner's Introduction and selection need to be reconsidered, I am dismayed by his view that Metaphysical literature is mere `distraction' for young writers (p. 112). 7. Helgerson, for instance, remarks that `in earlymodern England the language of politics was most often the language of religion' (Nationhood, p. 252); see also Shuger, Habits of Thought in the English Renaissance.

157 158 Notes

8. Konrad Eisenbichler discusses mystical sublimation in Michelangelo's religious poetry, usefully adding an awareness of how homoeroticism complicates the picture. For correlative commentary, see James Saslow's introduction and notes to his translation of Michelangelo's poems. 9. See, for instance, George Herbert's condemnation of `this world of sug'red lies' in `The Rose' and `Dullness'. Richard Rambuss, Michael Schoenfeldt, and Richard Strier challenge entirelyspiritualized readings of manyof Herbert's lyrics, notably `The Pearl', `Sinnes Round', `The Flower', `Love (III)', and `Perirrhanterium'. 10. Mark Breitenberg's study Anxious Masculinity is a rare and welcome exception to the practice of separating homo- and heteroerotic matters. 11. For more on Natural Law, see Heinrich Rommen's The Natural Law: A Study in Legal and Social History and Philosophy and the papers gathered together in Natural Law Theory: Contemporary Essays (ed. Robert George). Especially in terms of sexuality(a concern that White acknowledges as the most vexed for Natural Law [p. 11]) I have also bene®ted from Richard McCabe's Incest, Drama and Nature's Law, 1550±1700. 12. This illustration of Emblem LXXX from Alciati's Emblemata has been supplied courtesyof Glasgow UniversityLibrary, Department of Special Collections. 13. For an in-depth discussion of the Christian injunction against `unnatural' (especiallyfemale±female) sexual relations, see Bernadette Brooten's exemplaryanalysis of St Paul's Epistle to the Romans 1: 18±32 (pp. 215±66). Brooten argues that accusations of homoerotic unnaturalness in the ancient Roman/earlyChristian world were rooted in culturallycontrived gender asymmetry (pp. 216, 234±7, 256, 264, 281, 301). Her ®ndings on the connections between gender and sexualityhelp to illuminate manifestations of negative evaluations in later times and other places. While the topic is beyond the scope of my study, early modern conceptualizations of gender and sexual nature and disorder are also deeplyindebted to mediaeval precursors. JeffreyRichards's wide-ranging studyis an excellent introduction to this subject. More speci®cally, one might also consider Dame Nature's pronouncements in Alan of Lille's The Plaint of Nature (e.g., Metre 1, Prose 4, and Prose 5) and the learned tradition of moralized interpretations of Ovid (the so-called ovide moralise). On the former, see Jan Ziolkowski's book and a rather different reading byMark Jordan (pp. 67±91). On the latter, Fausto Ghisalberti provides a good introduction. 14. The classic debunking of Jonson's myth-making is found in Raymond Williams's The Country and the City. 15. The secondaryliterature on the misogynist exemplars of the querelle des femmes is now relativelyvast. The question of the naturalization of gender inequalityis, however, discussed with particular depth byMerryWiesner , Linda Woodbridge, and AnthonyFletcher (who offers a comparative analysis of masculinity and femininity; on women's supposed natural inferiority, see esp. his chapter entitled `The Weaker Vessel' [pp. 60±82]). 16. Knox bases his misogynist rhetoric principally on the authority of Aristotle and St Paul. The immediate inspiration for his sblast wa the Notes 159

objectionable rule of the two queens of Scotland and England, òur mischeuous Maryes' (p. 41v). His comments are also spiced with anti- Catholic prejudice (see p. 30rÀv). 17. R. S. White situates More and his text within a Natural Law framework, with particular regard to the political considerations of the earlysixteenth- centurystruggle between Natural Law and positive law (pp. 107±33). 18. In a letter to Sir Henry Goodyer (May±June 1609), Donne employs similar imageryto make an analogybetween `the Primitive diet and custome' of eating Àkornes' and `such formes, and dressings of Religion, as would distemper and misbecome us, and make us corrupt towards God' (Letters, p. 101). Donne's point here is not to disparage religious practices that do not conform to his own, but to posit the culturallydetermined nature of devotional habits. While it is less vehementlystated, Donne's position shares much in common with his earlier `Paradox IV'. Helgerson's discussion of the symbolic opposition between the barbarity and naturalness of acorns and the civilityof wheat bread in earlymodern cultural debates (Nationhood, pp. 29±33) provides a contextr fo Donne's declarations which align him, at least provisionally, with men like Roger Ascham, Sidney, and Spenser, who advocated an àctive model of self-fashioning' based on a knowledge of historical difference (Nationhood, p. 29). 19. Arthur Marotti brie¯yaddresses how, in his unpublished treatise Biathanatos, Donne steers a discussion of the cultural basis of moralityin ways that subvert King James's political prerogative (pp. 189±90). 20. Jonathan Dollimore explores the Montaignean `decentring of man' in relation to earlymodern English drama and cultural materialist theory (Radical Tragedy, pp. 14±21, 173±4). 21. Earlymodern courtesyliterature is replete with testimonies to the instabilityof nature and the hegemonyof culture. One of the most trenchantexamplesofthisisfound in Galateo, a mid-sixteenth-century dialogue written bythe Italian archbishop and papal nuncio, Giovanni Della Casa, and ®rst translated into English byRobert Peterson in 1576. Della Casa credits the humanist belief in social and intellectual improvement, at the same time as he takes a sceptical attitude towards custom and the emptiness of courtesyrituals. `Ceremonies', he sighs, are not onlylies, `but also Treacheries and Treasons' which too often lead people to ruin (p. 42; cf. pp. 43±4). For an exploration of courtesybooks in the English context which pays attention to the highly scripted and strategic dimension of aristocratic conduct, see Frank Whigham's excellent study. 22. See also Traherne's poem Ìnnocence'.

Notes to Chapter 1: Strangeness and Desire

1. Despite Johnson's importance in the history of employing `Metaphysical' as a literaryterm, in his Dictionary of the English Language he onlyde®nes the word and its cognates according to their philosophical/scienti®c senses. 160 Notes

2. Other cognates for Metaphysical that one ®nds in the early seventeenth centuryinclude `transnatural' and `preternatural'. The de®nitions by Bullokar and Cockeram remained the standard models for Thomas Blount's Glossographia (1656), Elisha Coles's An English Dictionary (1676), John Kersey's A New English Dictionary (1702) and Dictionarium Anglo-Britanni- cum (1708), and James Buchanan's Linguae Britannicae Vera Pronunciatio (1757). Florio tinkers with these de®nitions but leaves their core meanings intact in his Vocabolario (1611; rev. edn 1659) and Queen Anna's New World of Wordes (1611). 3. John Partridge writes in a related manner in his mid-sixteenth-century pamphlet, The Great Wonders That Are Chaunced in the Realme of Naples.In the preface he notes that monsters, natural disasters, and other eerie phenomena are `signes and tokens, and things more than naturall' (preface; quoted in Brammall, p. 7, n.12). 4. On the debate over literature's moral legitimacy, see Peter Herman's excellent study. 5. Sidneydirectlyconfronts the principal Puritan and Platonic complaints in his Apology; note especiallyhow he deftlytransforms Plato from a foe into an ally(pp. 55±68). 6. See W. Rosskyfor an account of the mixed earlymodern appreciations of the imagination. 7. Outside of Britain, the ®rst recorded use of the term `Metaphysical' in conjunction with literature is the Italian poet Fulvio Ludovico Testi's (1593±1646) notice of `concetti metaphysici ed ideali' in the work of Giambattista Marino and related poets (Nethercot, p. 13). 8. On the relevant mid-sixteenth-centuryshift in the discourse of monstrosity from signifying outward deformity to inward unnaturalness, see Kathryn Brammall's discussion. 9. Arthur H. Nethercot records a number of uses between Dryden and Johnson of the term `Metaphysical' in relation to poetry. Comments by John Oldmixon, Elijah Fenton, Alexander Pope, Joseph Warton, and others, show that Johnson's deployment was a public and elaborate expression of a longstanding critical heritage (Nethercot, pp. 13±17). 10. The values Johnson expresses in his life of Cowleyare not so far removed from ones held bymanysixteenth- and seventeenth-centurypeople. Lodowick Bryskett's Discourse of Civill Life (1606) is but one example of a widelycredited theoryof self-knowledge (stretching back at least as far as the earlymodern `rediscovery' of Plato) that placed great emphasis on as man' rational control of the self as the foundation for `the well gouerning of himselfe, of families, and Common-wealths' and of `the making of lawes and ordinances for the maintaining of vertue and beating downe of vice' (p. 166). Bryskett, Sidney, Dr Johnson, and many others agreed that the representation of this rational and natural order was the correct subject of good writing. 11. On the eighteenth-centuryideologyof sentiment, see Robert Markley's discussion of it as `a subtlycoercive strategyof defusing class con¯ict', a subordination endeavour that `explicitlypromotes narrowlyconservative and essentialist views of class relations' (p. 212). Notes 161

12. Edward Young provides a classic and in¯uential account of literary originalityin his Conjectures on Original Composition (1759), a text surely known to Johnson before he wrote the ®rst volume of Lives (1779). In this treatise, Young explicitlyassociates good literature with those who bring `their Imprimatur from sound Understanding,and the Pub lic Good' (p. 4). A notion of the `public good' underwrites centuries of critical statements on the social function of art and the possibilities of original expression. See Joel Weinsheimer on Young's relation to neoclassical aesthetic principles. 13. Despite his general admiration, on occasion Johnson admits that even Shakespeare was susceptible to literarymisdemeanours: À quibble is to Shakespeare, what luminous vapours are to the traveller: he follows it at all adventures; it is sure to lead him out of his way, and sure to engulf him in the mire. It has some malignant power over his mind, and its fascinations are irresistible' (Preface, p. 19; cf. pp. 15±20). Shakespeare's blunders of aesthetic decorum entangle him in pursuits that resemble the sort which Johnson would later label Metaphysical. Not long after Johnson's Preface appeared, William Richardson defended England's bard as a `genuine and original Poet, peculiarlyfavoured bynature', and one who knew the human mind byìmmediate intuition', not byà long trainofMetaphysicaldeductions'(p.5;cf. pp. 18, 29). One wonders to what extent these comments are the result of a Johnsonian in¯uence. See also Nethercot's quotation from an anonymous Dialogue on Taste (1762), which asserts that with the disappearance of Metaphysical literature, nature can be revealed in poetrythat `re¯ect[s] the things that are' (p. 16). 14. Closer to our own time, Eliot's continuing in¯uence ± particularlyhis emphasis on the unifying aspirations and perspectives of Metaphysical writers ± is also evident in, for example, Donald Mackenzie's general handbook to the Metaphysicals and Gregory Dime's dismissal of the relevance of `countercultural' criticism to Metaphysical studies (p. 14). Rather surprisingly, Eliot's shadow looms even over studies of Donne by John Careyand Jonathan Goldberg. The historian Blair Worden rehearses an Eliotian understanding of seventeenth-centurypoetry when he aligns Metaphysical and Cavalier poetrywith the Royalist cause (p. 178). In what follows, it will become clear that critics who discuss literaryMetaphysicalityoften devote most of their attention to Donne, the author who is frequentlycharacterized as a `father' of other writers or the leader of a `school' of poetry. On Donne's popularity and his overshadowing of other authors in Metaphysical studies, see Gary Waller (p. 224) and Annabel Patterson (`Tradition',p.39).While Donne's work receives the most attention in the present chapter, I hope that mycomments will provide a useful orientation to writings byother Metaphysicals. 15. Smith's perspective on religion in conjunction with Metaphysical literature is also based on that of White's predecessor, S. L. Bethell; on Bethell's work, see Smith's discussion (pp. 5, 67±8). 162 Notes

16. GaryWaller argues that Donne's reputation soared in the twentieth centurybecause the narrative of his transformation from Jack Donne into Doctor Donne appealed to twentieth-centuryliberal values (p. 224). On the topic of Donne's idealized life history, Haskin notes that for numerous late nineteenth- and earlytwentieth-centurycritics (such as Grosart and Gosse) who chose to read Donne's poems as entirelyself-referenti al, the poet's life revealed an attractive Augustinian conversion from moral dissolution to spiritual redemption (pp. 880±1). Smith's reiteration of the storyappears to derive from both the liberal and Augustinian perspectives. 17. David Norbrook also shares Strier's perspective on Donne's work; he discusses the `genuine radical impulse' in the Songs and Sonnets (pp. 13, 17) and Donne's anti-classical interests in medieval and Spanish literature and theology(p. 6). 18. Strier explicates the Empson±Tuve debate carried out in letters and published essays (pp. 13±26). See also John Haffenden's introduction to his edition of Empson's essays (pp. 5±7); Haffenden also offers numerous insights into Empson's related opposition to Gardner's ìmaginative limitations' (pp. 9±15, 17±19, 21, 23±5, 47, 50±61). 19. The impact of Tuve's approach can still be felt today, for instance in Frances Austin's The Language of the Metaphysical Poets, in which the author presents style as re¯ective of an apolitical universe of thought, a supposition that is underscored byher consistent resolution of each writer's concerns to a quest for religious securityfree from worldlycare. 20. Empson was not entirelyalone in his evaluations; for instance, at about the same time, the language historian Richard Foster Jones noted that seventeenth-centurylinguistic borrowing possessed à different spirit [than the Elizabethan habit], something akin to the Metaphysical, a seeking for the strange and out of the way' (p. 272). 21. Nashe's editor points out that this Latin epigram belongs to St Augustine (`The habit of sinning takes awaythe sense of sin') (p. 117, n.305). 22. See also Maggie Kilgour's related discussion of the creation of the modern, uni®ed subject in terms of a Protestant internalization of religion that led to `the replacement of God bythe individual, both person and author, as source and guarantee of meaning' (p. 167). 23. See Kevin Sharpe for an analysis of the largely condemnatory reception of Machiavelli in England, as well as Machiavellianism's contribution to the destabilization of of®cial state ideology( Politics and Ideas, pp. 25±8). See also Hobbes's Machiavellian comments on pagan religion and its social utility( Leviathan, p. 177). Sin®eld quotes Robert Burton and Louis Althusser in order to make a similar point (Faultlines, p. 165). 24. Foucault explains his theoryof the mutual implication of power and resistance in The History of Sexuality, vol. 1 (pp. 92±102). See Ryan's related discussion of how liberalism provides `levers' and ìnstruments of struggle' that can be used against the system itself (p. 150). Like Sin®eld, Ryan also uses the metaphor of `fault lines' (sic) to explain the place where `material desire and cultural representation intersect' and out of which dissidence can emerge (p. 133; cf. p. 141). See also Giddens's analysis of how Notes 163

`competent' social agents can interrogate and potentiallyundermine the systems within which they exist (pp. 70±1). 25. Chambers's view of change is supported bywhat Giddens notes of the contingencyof social systems; even a minor change, Giddens argues, ìmplicates the totality' (p. 114). My understanding of cultural change has also been in¯uenced byClifford Geertz's anthropological approach to an èthnographyof thinking' (see pp. 45±9, 102±9, 154). 26. The Augustinian relation of desire to morality®nds its most trenchant articulation in relation to sexualityand the shame with which it is associated. See John M. Bowers's comments on Augustine, shame, and sexuality(pp. 404±5). On Augustine's formative in¯uence on post- classical Western sexual mores, see the work byPeter Brown and as well as that byElaine Pagels; Mark Jordan discusses Augustine's concept of `disordered desire' (libido) in relation to the mediaeval ìnvention' of sodomy(pp. 35, 63, 148±9). 27. The representation of `The Author being caried byhis horse Will to the palace of disordered liuers', found in Stephen Bateman's The Travayled Pylgrime (a text on which Spenser draws in Book I of The Faerie Queene) provides a clear visual and verbal example of desire's long-standing association with moral disorder (G1r).

Notes to Chapter 2: Edward Herbert

1. For Walpole's other epistolaryreferences to Herbert's text, see his Correspondence (2:139±40; 30:175; 35:342). 2. In his introduction to Herbert's Autobiography, Sir SidneyLee points out that Dr John Leland (1691±1766) `christened' Herbert as the arch-Deist in his View of the Principal Deistical Writers (p. lv). Herbert's status as a Deist primarilyrests on his treatise De Religione Gentilium (1663). John Butler illuminates the relations between Herbert and Deism, basicallyarguing that while the label does not exactly®t, Herbert's dissatisfaction with seventeenth-centuryChristianityand his support of private reason and intuition do align him with numerous Deist sentiments and principles (Lord Herbert, pp. 209±25). As Butler comments elsewhere, De Religione Gentilium (translated byButler as Pagan Religion) is `certainlynot another Christian apology, but a real polemic, a call for religious rethinking if not for complete reorganisation' (`Introduction', Pagan, p. 22). Myown study does not take up Herbert's Deistic thread, though I do consider his dissident philosophyof religion to be part and parcel of his denaturalizing orientation generally. 3. Jonson is referring to Donne's elegyon Prince Henrywho died in 1612. Both poets' laments appeared in the third edition of Joshua Sylvester's elegiac collection, Lachrymñ Lachrymarum (1613). 4. Although I would not want to rule out the possibility, I am not claiming here that De Veritate is the direct source of inspiration for later Metaphysical writings. My point is merely that Herbert's text makes 164 Notes

explicit certain epistemological and cultural tenets which inform to varying degrees the work of others studied in this book. 5. On the sceptical or Pyrrhonian background to Herbert's thought, see Bedford (pp. 35±62). 6. Herbert discusses the Common Notions in De Veritate (pp. 289±303) and again in his later treatise, De Religione Gentilium (pp. 52, 59; all DRG citations are to Butler's translation of the text under the title Pagan Religion). 7. Butler provides an excellent discussion of the philosophical background to, and content of, De Veritate (Lord Herbert, pp. 123±237); see especially his concise explication of the Common Notions (pp. 154±7, 168±9). My understanding of Herbert's eirenicism has bene®ted from Butler's introduction to Pagan Religion (see esp. pp. 11±16). Andrew Tadie also draws connections between Herbert's religious tolerance and William Davenant's deployment of the tenets of natural religion in his 1656 opera The Siege of Rhodes. 8. Herbert's defence of free will also possesses a moral dimension; countering the Calvinist doctrine of predestination, he asks in the same part of the treatise, `How could anyone be good who is incapable of wickedness?' (DV, p. 164). 9. In his essay on Cowley, Johnson de®nes Metaphysical discordia concors as `a combination of dissimilar images, or discoveryof occult resemblances in things apparentlyunlike' (p. 11). 10. Herbert's odoriferousness associates him with no less a ®gure than Alexander the Great. Plutarch recounts that the Macedonian's `skin had a maruelous good sauor, & . . . his breath was veryswete, insomuch, that his bodyhad so swete a smell of it selfe, that all the apparell he wore next vnto his body, tooke thereof a passing delightful sauor, as if it had bene perfumed' (p. 723). 11. As Lawrence Stone notes, aristocratic self-regard was not all sunshine and erudition; it could lead to unpleasant demonstrations of inhumanity, as it did when Herbert and his friend Sir Thomas Lucyabandoned a sinking ship and its plebeian crew bycommandeering (at sword-point) the only rescue boat (Autobiography, pp. 109±10; see Stone, Crisis, p. 18). 12. SidneyLee provides an account of these events in his continuation of Herbert's life appended to the Autobiography (pp. 251±302); see also Butler (pp. 455±62). 13. Rossi prints the principal documents relating to Herbert's surrender of MontgomeryCastle to Sir Thomas Middleton (pp. 521±6); except for seven beds, some `hangings', and bits of furniture, Herbert kept most of his possessions. In addition, all the occupants of the castle were guaranteed the `free libertyto goe out of the said castle, and carryawaytheir goods and moneywhensoever theywill' (Rossi, p. 523); these and other documents relating to the `capitulation' to `Parliament's protection' and Herbert's attendant ®nancial losses (amounting to thousands of pounds) can also be found in W. J. Smith's Herbert Correspondence (pp. 115±31). SidneyLee narrates King Charles's pecuniaryneglect and mistreatment of Herbert and the latter's unsuccessful bids to gain royal favour (pp. 257±71). Notes 165

14. See Mervyn James's discussion of this aspect of aristocratic dissidence (p. 410) and McCoy's full account of Essex's arrogant, `dangerous' chivalry (pp. 79±102). See also Herbert's manuscript ruminations on the limits of the nobility's duty to defend an ìll governor', yet another re¯ection of, as Mario Rossi notes, `lo spirito feudale' (pp. 493±5). James points out that Tudor monarchs had sought to deploythe symbol of a godlyprince's providential rule in large part to contain the potential dissidence provoked bya chivalric honour system (pp. 310±38). 15. This discussion of chivalry's potentially dissident orientation ought to be balanced bya recognition that, as J. S. A. Adamson notes, Ìn earlyStuart England, chivalrywas a rhetoric of ideals and values, not a precise political or moral code' (p. 164). Thus, amongst the social elite in Caroline England, Adamson shows, various models drawn from à diverse and pluralistic chivalric culture' (p. 193) were successfullyrecon®gured to support not onlythe king and his policies, but eventuallythe Parliamentarians as well. 16. Herbert's autobiographyis chock-a-block with the cult of duelling; see, for instance, pp. 116±26. Using French examples, Jorge Arditi analyses earlymodern duelling in terms of aristocratic honour and symbolic capital. Arditi notes that duelling occupied a ®ne line between reaf®rming noble self-worth and imperilling both the aristocracyand the monarch through chaotic departures from a harmonious ideal of a `collective self' (pp. 129±32). SidneyLee appends to Herbert's biographya useful account of duelling during the earlyseventeenth century, again emphasizing the perceived danger `private quarrels' posed to social stability(pp. 321±5). For more on duelling in the period, see V. G. Kiernan. 17. Masuch locates the fully-¯edged development of the ìndividualist self' in eighteenth-centuryEngland, particularly(and no doubt controversially) with the appearance in 1791 of the popular autobiography, Memoirs of the First Forty-Five Years of the Life of James Lackington. 18. Cole's comment mayhave been sparked byWalpol e's own intriguing prefatoryclaim that readers of Herbert's autobiography`will ®nd, that the Historyof Don Quixote was the Life of Plato' (Life A3v). 19. Oliver's portrait of Herbert has been supplied courtesyof the Earl of Powis and the National Trust Photographic Library(photographer: John Hammond). Alas, Herbert does not mention this portrait in his memoirs. He does, however, discuss the rather racyhistoryof another Oliver miniature (copied from an original byWilliam Larkin) that, in 1611, seems to have engendered some verybad blood between himself and Sir John Ayres. Their blood feud arose because Lady Ayres `caused it [i.e., Herbert's portrait] to be set in gold and enamelled, and so wore it about her neck so low that she hid it under her breasts' (p. 128). Sir John's jealousyultimatelyerupted in a `bloodyhistory' between the two men (pp. 129±40). It seems likelyto me that this trouble, sparked byOliver's reproduction of another painter's work, led to Herbert's commissioning of the chivalric cabinet miniature to be executed byOliver himself; the recent historyof hand-to-hand combat with Sir John would, in part, explain the sitter's selection of the tournament motif. The gothicism of 166 Notes

this martial imageryis probablyalso indebted to the importance of tournaments and related functions at the court (and in portraits) of Prince Henrywho had died unexpectedlyin 1612; on Henry's imageryand the related `chivalric heyday of the tournament,' see Adamson (pp. 162±3, 165±6). It should also be noted that Isaac Oliver swa frequentlyemployed in Henry's courtly demimonde. 20. Tabitha Barber notes that the `traditionalism' of the subject is òffset bythe innovatoryand Dutch-inspired realism of the landscape setting' (p. 139). Katherine Coombs's chapter on English miniature painting from the mid- sixteenth to the earlyseventeenth centuries provides excellent background information on the styles, techniques, and social importance of portraits such as the one considered here (pp. 28±45). In this chapter she also discusses Oliver and his refreshing endeavours. Strong's examination of Oliver's life and work is also essential to grasping the cultural importance of the Herbert miniature (pp. 142±85). 21. Strong provides a parallel example of a winged heart from George Wither's 1635 collection, Emblemes; there, it signi®es an ascent to `sublime' knowledge and `Heavenlywisedome' (p. 184). While Wither's book post- dates Oliver's painting byabout twentyyears, the highlytraditional nature of European emblematics makes it likelythat Herbert and his artist intended some sort of related meaning bytheir devices. 22. I am indebted to Elizabeth Sauer for sharing with me her thoughts on Herbert's Cavalier traits. 23. Herbert's Autobiography offers an entertaining account of his participation in the siege. If one believes him, his time was principallyspent performing reckless feats of derring-do and searching out opportunities to ®ght duels (pp. 112±24). This behaviour was repeated at the second siege of Juliers in 1614 (pp. 142±51). 24. Among his own writings, the tone and content of Donne's epistle resembles most closely`Metempsycosis' and the socially-mocking satires. 25. Herbert's editor provides a useful precis of `The State-progress', one of the poet's most recondite texts (pp. 142±4). While Smith frequentlytranslates ìll' as èvil', I prefer to retain Herbert's word because it conveys a sense of inward rottenness that is a major aspect of the poem's vitriol. 26. Herbert's antipathytowards normative religious practices and forms remained with him for the rest of his life. De Religione Gentilium, for instance, is replete with dissident commentaries on the ill-effects of priestly ìnventions'; i.e., adulterations of true belief and worship in pre- and non- Christian societies (see pp. 52, 60, 63, 199, 284±5, 297, 299, 339, 344, 346). Towards the end of this text Herbert glanced at similar practices amongst Christians (pp. 347±50), a topic to which he returned in A Dialogue between a Tutor and his Pupil. 27. Other highlyPlatonic poems byHerbert include À Meditation upon his Wax-Candle burning out', and `The Idea, Made of Alnwick in his Expedition to Scotland with the Army, 1639'. 28. Herbert's short Èpitaph on Sir Philip Sidney' testi®es to the younger poet's deep admiration for the Elizabethan poet-warrior. Notes 167

29. Hall verybrie¯ysituates Herbert's `blackness' poems as part of what she identi®es as a post-Petrarchan `subgenre' indebted to his brother George's Latin poem, Àethiopissa ambit Cestum' (p. 120). While the younger Herbert's poem is remarkable for its defence of multiracial eroticism and is thus a good example of Metaphysical cultural dissidence, except for Edward's Herbert's `La Gialletta Gallante, or, The Sun-burn'd Exotique Beauty' I remain unconvinced byHall's assertion that her selection of his poems shares this lineage and topical referentiality. If any relation does exist between the brothers' work, it seems more probable that inspirational prioritybe given to the elder's philosophical sonnets; Àethiopissa' was probablywritten c. 1620 (Hutchinson, pp. 551, 596±8), a date that leaves ample time for a prior composition of Edward's texts. 30. G. C. Moore Smith offers ìrradiated' as a probable gloss on `diapred' (p. 153). 31. These ®ve poems on blackness also appear in the same sequence as a group in the most important Herbert poetrymanuscript (corrected in the author's hand), Add. MS 37157, now at the British Library. 32. See St John's Èn una noche obscura' (Ònce in the dark of night'). 33. MaryNorton supposes that the poem rejects typical Christian consola- tion for a `reassurance of the symbiotic relationship between life and earth' (p. 168). Although Herbert does speak of the dead person as having ènrich'd' the earth as well as heaven with her/his beauty, the ®nal stanza reveals that this is onlyone possibilityand not a certainty. 34. Arthur Marotti also labels Herbert as Donne's `poetic disciple' (p. 199). I am not, though, altogether comfortable with discipleship as a wayof conceiving of their relationship. While it is clear that the younger man at times did look to the elder poet for a model and inspiration, to call Herbert a `disciple' of Donne too easilycontributes to a traditional marginalization of Herbert's work in the English literature canon by rendering his voice and insights at best secondaryand derivative. Herbert's inclusion in this book reveals other aims on mypart. 35. Butler is probablycorrect to read Herbert's focus on linguistic insuf®ciency as a complaint directed at Charles I for not patronizing true poets (Lord Herbert, p. 468); however, I believe that the philosophical considerations engulf anyspeci®c historical references. Herbert mayalso be echoing the opening of Donne's own poem, Àn Elegyupon the Death of Mistress Boulstred': `Language thou art too narrow, and too weake/To ease us now; great sorrow cannot speake' (ll. 1±2). 36. Butler notes the similarities between Herbert's commentaryon detractors and part of Donne's funeral sermon for his friend's mother, which condemns àspersions' against the living and `calumnies' and `whisperings' against the dead (Lord Herbert, pp. 469; 6±7).

Notes to Chapter 3: Green Desires

1. Some of the more notable sex-gender researchers in the ®elds of early modern English historyand literature are Alan Bray(a pioneer in this 168 Notes

area), Jonathan Goldberg, Bruce Smith, Claude Summers, and Valerie Traub. 2. In a subsequent essay(`Perversion'), Traub elaborates on seventeenth- centurylesbian invisibility(in particular the `femme' role) and relates it to heteronormative strategies of abjection. 3. Although it discusses the cultural and political historyof same-gender female desire at a later date than the poems I examine, Emma Donoghue's Passions between Women: British Lesbian Culture, 1668±1801 complements myown work bydispelling `the myth that seventeenth- and eighteenth- centurylesbian culture was rarelyregistered in language' (p. 3). Similarly, in her studyof same-gender female desire in historyand literature from the eighteenth to the twentieth century, Terry Castle effectively rebuts what she calls `the no-lesbians-before-1900 myth' (p. 96). 4. George Klawitter offers the most sustained reading of male homoeroticism in Donne's poetry; though generally insightful (see especially his chapter on Donne's verse correspondence with `T.W.'), Klawitter proposes many readings that are unwarranted bythe texts, including one which maintains that `Sapho to Philñnis' is about love between two men. 5. Mycommon practice is to speak of gender rather than sex; however, it seems to me that the latter is more appropriate in the case of Aristophanes' quite embodied (indeed genital-focused) account of human desire and destiny. 6. Empson claims further that once Marvell had sex with his supposed wife (it is unclear how Empson knows that theycopulated), he would have been `much relieved' to ®nd that his `reactions' were `entirelynormal; . . . [s]o he now felt equipped to get drunk with men, and thus coax them into doing what he wanted' . (p. 87) Although the language of his essayis extremelyambiguous, it sounds as though Empson is implying a coercive, predatorysort of homosexualitya, conclusion that resembles the ad hominem Restoration vili®cations of Marvell. Paul Hammond has recently published a superb account of these pamphlet attacks which portray Marvell as sexuallybizarre, `a ®gure of incoherence and excess' who illicitlyand sodomiticallydeparts from a heteronormative version of masculinity(p. 99). 7. Paul Hammond's interpretations of Marvell's poetryin the light of Restoration calumnies discovers a number of homoerotic elements (largely routed through the ®gure of Narcissus) in the texts; his observations and suggestions support and, at times, coincide with myown attempt to understand erotic complexityin Marvell's work. Same-gender female sexuality, though, does not enter into Hammond's discussion. 8. Not unlike Crewe, Hammond posits a `suave misogyny' in the narrator's yearning; he does discern, though, evidence of a `homoerotic subtext' in certain other lines (pp. 110±11). 9. In his surveyof pastoral precursors for Marvell's poems, Wilcher neglects to mention the genre's ancient homoerotic tradition (pp. 29±31). On homoeroticism in pastoral writings from the Greeks to the twentieth century, see my essay in The Gay and Lesbian Literary Heritage. Notes 169

10. Bruce Smith's discussion of male friendship in classical and Renaissance moral philosophyand culture illuminates Montaigne's and Marvell's thoughts on homoerotic male bonds (pp. 33±42). See also JeffreyMasten's exploration of earlymodern male friendship and similitude in the context of literaryproduction (pp. 28±37). Smith also provides a clear outline of earlymodern legal and ethical condemnations and proscriptions of same- gender male erotic interaction (pp. 42±53); his account of a `narrowing' of focus in sodomylaws from religious to personal life provides a background for Marvell's probable disquiet over being prohibited to love whomever he pleased. 11. Informative political readings which have furthered myunderstandi ng of the poem include Don Cameron Allen's Image and Meaning (pp. 201±12); Michael Wilding's contextualization with regard to the 1650 Scots campaign, Royalism, threats from the Levellers, and the possibility that Fairfax might switch sides (pp. 138±72); Thomas Healy's poetically orientated interpretation of social and political anxiety; and Derek Hirst and Steven Zwicker's discussion of the poem's historical topicality vis-a-vis Lord Fairfax's controversial position during the summer of 1651. 12. Between 1650 and the autumn of 1652 Marvell resided at Fairfax's Nun Appleton House, tutoring his patron's daughter Mary(Maria in the poem) and writing some of his best-known poetry, including his panegyric on the estate. See Hunt and Pierre Legouis for more biographical details. 13. Surveying the many shapes Nun Appleton House took over the years, Hunt points out that when Marvell sojourned with them the Fairfaxes were `living ``in a modest house cobbled up out of part of the nunnery'' ' (p. 83). 14. As Marvell no doubt knew, he was writing in the context (and against the grain) of a widespread European habit of regarding conventual homoeroticism as a sign of iniquity. See, for example, Erasmus's colloquy `The Girl with No Interest in Marriage' (Virgo o o) and Clement Marot's livelyFrench translation, `La vierge mesprisant mariage'. For literary contextualizations of these men's opinions, see Graciella Daichman's Wayward Nuns and Lillian Faderman's Surpassing the Love of Men. Judith Brown's studyof the sixteenth-centurylesbian nun, Sister Benedetta Carlini, provides useful historical information on the topic. 15. Despite her numerous insights, Nardo exceeds textual evidence when she claims that Marvell shows cloistered life to be `a narcissist's paradise, where infantile fantasies of grandiositycan come true' (p. 125). Her reading derives from a psychoanalytic telos of personality`maturity' that informs virtuallyher entire study, and which she bases strictlyon cross-gender paradigms of erotic desire (see, e.g., pp. 119, 130). 16. As Jonathan Goldberg observes, in the earlymodern period the meanings attached to sodomyalway relateds to perceived disturbances of social alliances ± in particular, marriage (Sodometries, p. 19). Focusing on women's relationships, Traub similarlyremarks that theywere onlyconsidered to be oppositional when theywere imagined to threaten reproduction within a conjugal union (`(In)signi®cance', p. 164). 170 Notes

17. Marvell telescopes historybymerging together the dates of Isabel's marriage (1518) and the convent's dissolution (1542). In its unreality, Marvell's mythic description of the dissolution (ll. 269±72) resembles most a Spenserian fairy-tale moment. Wilding remarks that this temporal collapsing represents àn anxious need to defend the land-grab' (p. 148), though I would argue for an additional dissident reading of this legitimation tactic. 18. Erickson points out that Lord Fairfax's entailment provoked considerable controversywithin the family(p. 161). He also notes the `hard historical irony' that Mary and her husband George Villiers, 2nd Duke of Buckingham ± a `scheming dissolute philanderer, and the epitome of the Restoration rake' ± were miserable together, lost a great deal of money, and died childless (p. 163). 19. Crewe's point gains additional support from the narrator's later observation, made as he enters the surrounding meadow, that `now to the Abbyss I pass' (l. 369). Particularly if read aloud, this statement potentiallyembeds a homophonic association between àbyss' and àbbess' that helps to af®rm the similarities between the narrator and the of®ciallydemonized nuns.

Notes to Chapter 4: Rich Chains of Love

1. Salve Deus Rex Judñorum is a composite book made up of nine dedicatory poems, two dedicatoryepistles, a long central verse meditation bearing the same name as the volume, a ®nal poem entitled `The Description of Cooke-ham' (the ®rst country-house poem published in England), and a brief prose coda. 2. See Arlene Stiebel for a discussion of Philips's homoeroticism. 3. MerryE. Wiesner's international and interdisciplinarysurveyof women and gender in earlymodern Europe discusses at length women's opportunities to achieve self-expression and to question prevailing norms. See especiallyher chapters on `Women and the Creation of Culture' (pp. 146±75), and `Gender and Power' (pp. 239±58). Hilda Smith's Reason's Disciples usefullycomplements Wiesner's work. 4. Lanyer provides dedicatory poems to Queen Anne; Princess Elizabeth; LadyArbella Stuart; LadySusan, Countess Dowager of Kent; LadyMary, Countess of Pembroke; LadyLucy, Countess of Bedford; LadyMargaret, Countess Dowager of Cumberland; LadyKatherine, Countess of Suffolk; and LadyAnne, Countess of Dorset. These dedications should not be construed as unproblematic assertions of the middle-class poet's comfort with a hereditarysocial hierarchy. As Ann Baynes Coiro shows, Lanyer numerous times questions the privileges and authority of a matriarchythat she, in part, resents (pp. 365, 369±73). Coiro overstates the case, though, when she claims that because of Lanyer's criticisms Salve Deus is a `subversive' (p. 372; cf. p. 369) `radical manifesto' (p. 370; cf. p. 365). Notes 171

5. Susanne Woods argues that through Salve Deus Lanyer attempted `to make a bid for restoration of her place, however peripheral, among the great' (p. xxvii). Woods's introduction to her edition of Salve Deus outlines fullywhat is known of Lanyer's life and the virtuallyunnoticed publication of her book (see especiallypp. xxv±xxvii). See also Woods's account of Lanyer's understanding of her role as a public poet within the con®nes of a patronage system (`Vocation and Authority'). 6. Henricus Cornelius Agrippa's allusion to this biblical warrant for equality in the conclusion to his Declamation on the Nobility and Preeminence of the Female Sex (p. 96) highlights the importance of St Paul's promise to generations of defenders of women's rights. 7. On religion's special role in women's lives, see McGrath (p. 341), Mueller (`Feminist Poetics', pp. 222±3, 228), Roper (passim), Warnicke (140), and Woods (Introduction, p. xxxi). 8. If it is unclear from the context which of Lanyer's poems I am quoting, I parentheticallygive before the line numbers either SD for `Salve Deus Rex Judñorum', CH for `The Description of Cooke-ham', or a shortened title, such as `To the Ladie Lucie'. 9. Minerva, the goddess of wisdom, is an apt guide for women who seek other women's love through contemplation, study, and art. In Jorge de Montemayor's romance La Diana, for instance, the temple of Minerva near the river Duerus is the site of a yearly celebration in which young `Shepherdesses' and `faire Nymphes' from the neighbourhood gather, free from men, `to celebrate the feast, and to make merrywith one another' (p. 33). De Montemayor's depiction of the complicated relations between Selvagia and Ismenia, which involve `mutuall imbracings' and `loving speeches to one another', brings to the fore the homoeroticism of Minerva's shrine and festival. 10. In his continuation of Christopher Marlowe's epyllion Hero and Leander, George Chapman makes a similar distinction between the two goddesses (see IV. 315±44). I am indebted to Claude Summers for this observation. 11. Wiesner discusses at length the appeal of convents (as well as less- structured religious communities and anchoritic conditions) for women during and after the Reformation and the Tridentine reforms (pp. 192±201; see also Roper passim). Because, as Wiesner points out, the relative openness to women's writings and political involvement during the early years of the Protestant Reformation contrasted with a rapid vanishing of opportunities to publish and speak (pp. 186±9), it is not surprising that Lanyer turned to Catholic-inspired imagery as a way to express women's solidarityand power. 12. The fact that Lanyer's father, Baptist Bassano, was a Venetian (Woods, `Introduction', p. xv) and her husband, Alfonso Lanyer, a Roman Catholic (Coiro, p. 362), might suggest Lanyer's awareness of, and interest in, Catholic devotion. Lanyer's portrayal of the Virgin Mary ± a ®gure who possesses particular resonance in Roman Catholicism ± in the polyvalent roles of mother, wife, daughter, subject, servant, and nurse (SD, ll. 1023, 1087) mayalso indicate a fascination with opportunities to use religion in 172 Notes

order to unsettle women's traditional, unitaryidenti®cations and desires. It is clear from `Salve Deus' that Mary's lack of `desire' for `any man' symbolized for Lanyer the coupling of perfect virtue with absolute freedom from male tyranny (see SD, ll. 107±78). 13. On Lanyer's Christ as feminine, see McGrath (pp. 342±3) and Mueller (`Feminist Poetics', p. 222). 14. Richard Rambuss explores a similar bifurcation in critical responses to the poetryof seventeenth-centurymen such as John Donne, Richard Crashaw, and George Herbert. Myreading of Lanyer's work accords with Rambuss's contention that readers should not `turn awayfrom regarding the bodyas always at least potentially sexualized, as a truly polysemous surface where various signi®cances and expressions ± including a varietyof erotic ones ± compete and collude with each other in making the body meaningful' (p. 268). Although Michael C. Schoenfeldt reads all eroticism in Donne and Herbert as heteroerotic, he also contributes to an understanding of the ways in which these poets meld the erotic and the religious. 15. Christ, of course, also appears in Salve Deus as a humanized `man' (e.g., the `good old man', l. 1347). I am not arguing for the exclusivityof Christ's femininityor women's homoerotic appreciation; Lanyer's spiritual homoeroticism is but one vital wayfor women to love God and other women. 16. Lanyer's feminization of the ungendered biblical raven (Song 5: 11) also contributes to her portrayal of Christ. 17. See, for example, `To the Ladie Susan' (l. 42), `To the Ladie Lucie'(passim), and `To the Ladie Anne' (ll. 118±20, 143). Though she does not note its erotic component, Mueller points to internalization as fundamental to Lanyer's religious devotion (`Feminist Poetics', p. 222). 18. Achsah Guibbory's discussion of Donne's use of memory in The Anniversaries to `counter... the degenerative process of time' (see pp. 88±95) helps one to understand Lanyer's own use of memory as an important restorative and, paradoxically, future-orientated faculty. 19. Margaret's taking of Lanyer's hand when she guides her to the tree may echo MarySidney's offer to take Diana's hand in `The Authors Dreame', a parallel that, byturning the poet into a Dianic ®gure herself, would similarlymake her an eroticized protector of women.

Notes to Chapter 5: The Science of Possession

1. For notice of the manuscript appearance of `Mary', see the McDonald and Brown edition of Southwell's poetry(p. 143, n.14). McDonald and Brown note that the poem is `traditionallyassociated' with the Scottish queen; in his recent printing of the poem, Emrys Jones provides the `Mary' version of the text and identi®es the speaker as the beheaded monarch (p. 398, n.14). The encomiastic `cult' surrounding Queen Elizabeth I also invokes hagiology; for instance, in Walter Ralegh's poetic observation, `For knowing that I sue to serue / A Saint of such Perfection . . .' (`Sir Walter Ralegh to the Qveen', ll. 15±16). Notes 173

2. In a related but more literaryuse of ®gures from the earlyday ofs Christianity, Thomas Dekker and Philip Massinger's play The Virgin Martyr (1621±2) is a spirited allegoryof earlyseventeenth-centuryreligious antagonisms. The courageous martyrdom of Dorothea and the ability of her purityand steadfastness to convert several pagans, including the vile persecutor Theophilus ± he ultimatelyacknowledges her as `the holyVirgin Martyr' (V.i.146) ± strongly suggests the triumph of Protestantism over wicked and heathen Roman Catholicism. 3. Knott discusses the ways in which Bale shaped Askew's voice to conform to a paradigm of victorious Protestantism. The published record of Askew's tribulations helped to consolidate the martyr `role' and the importance of resistance under interrogation for later English reformers (see Knott, pp. 55±9). For more on Askew's importance to Protestant hagiology, see Elaine Beilin's introduction to The Examinations of Anne Askew (esp. pp. xxxiii±xlii). See also Boyd Berry's discussion of the gender politics of Askew's turbulent encounters with male authority. 4. Pseudo-Martyr was widelydisseminated in its day. It was printed onlyonce during Donne's lifetime, but survives in a remarkable eighty-two known copies (Raspa, pp. lv±lvi). Today, however, it is a sadly marginalized text, even in the ®eld of Donne studies. P. G. Stanwood, for instance, describes it as ùnapprochable' (an honour he also confers on Biathanatos) and one of the `most tedious works of the English Renaissance' (pp. 44, 47). I hope that mydiscussion can help to erase such unwonted attitudes. 5. Richard Tuck (pp. 260±2) helpfullydiscusses the ways in which the furore over the Oath of Allegiance embroiled legislators, clergymen, and pamphleteers in a war over the verynature of the British monarchy. For an historical summaryof the anti-Catholic penal laws and their relation to the Gunpowder Plot and the Oath controversy, see Lockyer (pp. 281±8). 6. The 1608 edition of Triplici Nodo appeared anonymously (though everyone knew who its author was), while the expanded 1609 version bore the king's name. Donne's theological de®nition of martyrdom is similarly conventional (see Pseudo-Martyr, p. 150). 7. David Jones addresses the relations between allegiance and the law of nature in his studyof Sir Edward Coke's pronouncements on loyalty and their rami®cations through the century's various constitutional crises. 8. On a similar, albeit less Machiavellian understanding, Jonathan Goldberg takes Pseudo-Martyr as proof that Donne was whollyindebted to James as an originaryfont of wisdom, preferment, and even language: À single metaphor ± the metaphor of the hand, sustaining, leading ± describes James's role in Donne's life and works, recreating him, giving him words to write' (James, p. 213). David Norbrook, too, contends that Pseudo-Martyr is clear evidence of Donne's ìnsatiable ambition' and strategic `¯atteryand ingratiation in his attempts to gain royal favor' (p. 16). 9. Myunderstanding of Donne's endeavour is related to Dennis Flynn's characterization of him as a `survivor'. For Flynn, the term replaces Carey's notion of apostasyand signi®es Donne's psychological response to the persecution of Roman Catholics (`Survivor', p. 17 and passim). While I 174 Notes

agree with Flynn on several points, the texts I examine in this chapter show survival for Donne to have been both an interior and a political phenomenon. 10. A few pages later in his study, Marotti brie¯y notes that Donne incorporated `certain subversive material' into Pseudo-Martyr and Ignatius His Conclave (p. 190). Instead of commenting on the presence of these critical elements in Pseudo-Martyr, however, Marotti addresses one of Donne's private letters on the Oath of Allegiance controversy(which I also discuss below) and then moves on to a page-long analysis of Ignatius (pp. 191±2). 11. On James's self-identi®cation as the ancient Hebrew king, see Boehrer (p. 92) and Maurice Lee (pp. 146, 153), whose excellent recent biographyis entitled Great Britain's Solomon. In his funeral sermon for the dead king, Donne movinglyexpounds on the associations between Solomon and James ± àn abridgement of that Solomon in the [biblical] Text' (Sermons, VI.290). Here too he includes a brief allusion to the political contentions of over ®fteen years earlier: `you cannot devest your allegiance to the Church, though you would; no more then you can to the State, to whom you cannot say, Iwillbenosubject' (p. 283). See also William Tate's discussion of James's Solomonic self-image and the storyof the Queen of Sheba's visit as it ®gured in a lost 1606 masque and Francis Bacon's New Atlantis.Tatenotes that in a1609sermonon Sheba's journey, Richard Crakanthorpe cited the Oath of Allegiance as evidence of James's Solomonic wisdom (p. 569). 12. King James's vision of himself as an absolute and godlymo narch is clear in writings that appeared both before and after he assumed the English throne. See, for instance, his 1598 treatise The Trew Law of Free Monarchies (pp. 54±5, 64) which was intended to quell seditious opposition byCalvinist clerics and their supporters, as well as his ®rst speech to the English Parliament on 19 March 1603, and the one he made following the Gunpowder Plot's discoveryin 1605. Stephen Greenblatt observes that James's self-presentation as husband, father, monarch, and deitywas politicallyexpedient because `No one who actuallyloved and feared God would allow himself to rebel against an anointed ruler' (Negotiations,p.25). 13. On Hooker's vision of ecclesiastical-political order and unity, see Helgerson (Nationhood, pp. 269±83) and Peter Lake (pp. 146±51). A more directly political and jural context is provided by, principally, Sir Edward Coke's reformulations of English law, changes that engendered the growth of a new emphasis on political participation for quali®ed male subjects; Norbrook refers to this as `civic humanism' (p. 5). While King James supported the tradition of rex est lex loquens, Coke and his followers upheld the common law and placed juridical power in the hands of a professional coterie of lawyers and judges trained in the àrti®cial reason' of legal administration. Byensuring that the king was as bound to historyas were the people, Coke produced what Helgerson calls an ìdeological weapon' that could be used to combat absolutist suzerainty(see Helgerson, Notes 175

Nationhood, pp. 84±5, 99±100). Coke's endeavours so disturbed James's sense of inviolable authoritythat, in 1616, after Coke had served for ten years as England's Chief Justice, he was sacked from the bench (the only judge the king ever dismissed). See Maurice Lee on the anxieties Coke sparked in James (pp. 87±9). See also Richard Tuck's comments on Coke's ideal of a `non-sceptical science' of law (p. 207). 14. While Strier initiallyassociates Donne's advocacyof intellectual `promis- cuity' in Pseudo-Martyr with the author's stance in `Satire III' (p. 122), he thereafter distances Pseudo-Martyr from anydeep commitment to the àutonomyand autarchyof the individual' (p. 155), preferring instead Biathanatos as the `best guide to the satire'. I agree with Strier that Pseudo- Martyr is less forthright than Biathanatos in its arguments for the authority of the individual conscience; however, I believe that the two texts ± probablywritten within one or two years of each other ± are more similar than Strier suggests and that their differences are attributable more to conditions of reception than authorial transformation. Pseudo-Martyr is a published text intended, in large part, to engage the sympathies and patronage of the king, while Biathanatos is a more private document that, during Donne's lifetime at least, was onlycirculated in manuscript form amongst a circle of friendlyreaders. Patterson also recognizes a `libertarian' strain connecting Biathanatos and Pseudo-Martyr (`Kingsman', pp. 255±62). 15. Earlyon in the Reformation, Thomas Starkeyhad advocated a similar spiritual and temporal distinction. Starkeywrites that people should ìn amite and mekenes euer be obedient to all such thingesasshallbe thought by our polytyke hede to the common quietnes conuenient'; in religious matters, however, Starkeyhopes that, despite anydoctrinal differences, all Christians `shall of our spirituall hede onelyloke for our felycitie', thus making themselves às membres of one body coupled to gether [sic] with the heuenlyknotte of charytie' (87r [i.e., 89r]). Starkey's approach to the nature and function of saints is similarly¯exible and tolerant (see sig. 76v [i.e., 78v]). 16. The king's arguments seem to have hit a nerve with English Catholics who, Maurice Lee notes, became `decidedlydepoliticized' during the Jacobean period (pp. 175±7). Rather ironically, before James became king of England he had experienced heated con¯icts with Scottish Calvinists who believed in the separation of church and state (Lee, p. 66). In addition, from at least the 1604 Hampton Court conference onwards, James made a similar distinction between the `quiet, ``doctrinal'' varietyand the politically minded' Puritans (Lee, p. 113). An indication of the perceived danger of separating the king's secular and sacred authorityappears in a little volume published two years after Pseudo-Martyr. In his rather panickytract, Eclogarivus, John Panke, a Protestant divine from Salisbury, urges that just because the current controversyconcerns the Oath of Allegiance, `his Maiesties supremacie in spirituall matters should neither lie forgotte[n], as though it were not, nor be mistaken through ignorance bythose who vnderstand it not' (p. 3). 176 Notes

17. Byinvoking the heart as the seat of allegiance or rebellion, James drew upon imagerythat Parliament had put forth in the Oath itself (see Kenyon, pp. 458±60). 18. It was out of a similar, frank admission that men and women can and do break their word that Thomas Hobbes concluded that oaths were only effective control mechanisms if oath takers feared supernatural or juridical punishment (Leviathan, p. 200). 19. In his discussion of King James's writings on private conscience and public duty, Kevin Sharpe points out that the Oath's separation between inward belief and political allegiance re¯ects the king's pragmatic approach to maintaining public peace. In manyother texts, Sharpe observes, James advances the union of religious and civic commitment and the intersection of the king's beliefs and those of his subjects; see Sharpe's `Private Conscience and Public Dutyin the Writings of James VI and I' (passim). In Pseudo-Martyr, Donne does quietlynote that both the church and the state are best governed (as theyare in England) bythe same person (p. 143). 20. In Pseudo-Martyr's Àn Advertisement to the Reader' Donne defends himself against rumoured charges of criticizing Catholic martyrs because he overvalues life and material comforts. He grounds the moralityof his convictions upon familial history: Ì have been ever kept awake in a meditation of Martyrdome, by being derived from such a stocke and race, as, I beleeve, no familyhath endured and suffered more in their persons and fortunes, for obeying the Teachers of Romane Doctrine, then it 'hath done (p. 8). 21. Donne clari®ed his thoughts on the self-preservation aspect of allegiance fourteen years later in the Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions:`this contribution of assistance of all to the Soveraigne,of all partstothe Heart, is from the very ®rst dictates of Nature; which is in the ®rst place, to have care of our owne Preservation, to looke ®rst to our selves' (11 Meditation, p. 57). Donne's belief that safeguarding civil peace should motivate political allegiance found a blunter echo fortyyears later in Hobbes's modi®ed natural law tenet that the ènd of Obedience is Protection' (Leviathan, p. 27). 22. Donne earlier addressed the denial of one's desires as a type of martyrdom in his Easter sermon preached at St Paul's in 1627 (Sermons, VI.391). 23. Earlier on, Donne employs a related bestial metaphor when he calls the pope's ùnjust usurpation' of minds a `Weasell, which crept in at a little hole, and since is growne so full and pamperd, that men will rather die, then beleeve that he got in at so little an entrance' (p. 23). On the absurdity of blind Roman obedience, see especiallypp. 134±7. 24. David Jones also notes the intimate connection between political allegiance, the conscience, and casuistryin seventeenth-centuryEngland (pp. 322, 322 n.4). See also Keith Thomas's account of the conscience and casuistical debate, especiallyhis comments on religious and political allegiance (pp. 42±6). 25. In Pseudo-Martyr the image of `wheeles' signi®es the construction and ordering of human moralityand ideology(see pp. 144, 251). Notes 177

26. Donne here echoes Christ's instructions (which he had quoted two paragraphs earlier [p. 151]) to his followers not to `suffer as a busie body in other mens matters' but onlyas a Christian (1 Pet. 4: 15±16). 27. Scholars have noted several veiled references in `The Canonization' that place its composition in the earlyyears of James's reign (see Marotti, pp. 157, 160±1, 165). In mydiscussion of the poem, I will tack back and forth between referring to Donne and an anonymous speaker; this rhetorical strategyis intended to conveymysense of Donne's personal, though not transparentlybiographical, investment in the issues this text raises. 28. The politics of canonization as Donne represents it in his poem accords with Catherine Martin's general point that Donne's love poems often ènlarge the private sphere of human relations in order to critique hegemonic ®ctions of social order and privilege' (pp. 99, 87). 29. George Williams notes the importance of Crashaw's earlyLatin epigrams for setting out the concerns and images of his later poetry(pp. 258±9). While I identifythese epigrams bytheir Latin titles, I quote from Williams's English translations; his edition of Crashaw's poems provides a facing-page bilingual text. 30. Perhaps the fact that Donne rather oddlyavoided anyattack in Pseudo- Martyr on St Teresa ± an important Counter-Reformation apologist and icon ± gave added impetus to Crashaw's meditations. 31. Cf. Crashaw's similar Latin epigram, Ìn cicatrices quas Christus habet in se adhuc superstites' (p. 401). 32. Crashaw's three poems clearlyaddressing Teresa's spiritual signi®cance are: À Hymn to the Name and Honor of the Admirable Sainte Teresa' (1646), Àn Apologie: For the Fore-going Hymne' (1646), and `The Flaming Heart' (1648, rev. edn. 1652); Williams also associates the sixteen-line `Song of Divine Love' with the Teresa group; it follows them in the 1648 and 1652 editions (p. 52). Sabine notes that Crashaw based the title for his third poem on Sir TobyMathew's 1642 English translation of Saint Teresa's Vida, The Flaming Hart or the Life of the Glorious S. Teresa (p. 225). 33. In his edition of the poems, Williams reproduces two of the conventional images of St Teresa that would have been familiar to Crashaw and his readers (see pp. 53, 61). 34. Crashaw's sensitivityto the importance of imageryin religious experience would have been heightened byhis experience of the Laudian refurbish- ment of Peterhouse and its 1643 destruction byCromwell's Parliamentary Commissioners. Sabine comments on the effects of these events on Crashaw's devotion to the Virgin Mary(pp. 199±202). 35. Earlier in his writing career Crashaw had ruminated on a similar paradox bywhich the soldier and his weapons which hurt Jesus's bodyat the cruci®xion were, in fact, `Love' (i.e., Christ) himself (cf. Ìn cicatrices Domini adhuc superstites'). In this same collection of sacred epigrams Crashaw also criticizes a `Painter' who foolishlydepicts ùnadorned love [i.e., Christ] merelybyshowing him without a garment' (`Mat. 9', 1). 36. Corinne Blackmer regards Crashaw as possessing a `protolesbian-identi®ed temperament' and, not unlike Rambuss, similarlyplaces Crashaw at the 178 Notes

®rst in a `long line of queer devotees con amore at the shrine of Santa Teresa', the ®gure Blackmer calls a `stellar diva [a] larger-than-life operatic heroine' (p. 310). 37. We again ®nd in his sacred epigrams a pre®guration of this attitude towards the paradoxical power and barelysubdued eroticism of animate wounds: Christ's `foot has its own mouths, to give your kisses back: / This clearlyis the eye bywhich it returns your tears' (Ìn vulnera pendentis Domini', ll. 7±8). 38. Sabine adds that this BCP echo underscores Crashaw's conviction that Christ speaks impartiallyto all people (p. 231). 39. This pamphlet, which appeared about three months after Leslie's sermon, quotes verbatim a number of the Bishop's expressions and reiterates the parallels between the passions of Christ and Charles. This imitative aspect is a hallmark of polemicists on both sides of the issue and attests to the rapid discursive regularization which characterized the debate. 40. This engraving of King Charles has been supplied courtesyof McGill UniversityLibraries, Rare Books and Special Collections Division. Like most other Royalist endorsements of Charles, The Subjects Sorrow appeared anonymously. In his copy (TT E546 [16]), the seventeenth-century bibliophile George Thomason added a MS note attributing authorship to Dr Juxon, Bishop of London (the priest who attended the king on the scaffold at Westminster). To Thomason's copyhas been added another MS note, `for R. Royston', indicating that this work was printed for the same publisher as the earliest editions (original and reprints) of the more famous Eikon Basilike (more on this text below). On Richard Royston and his involvement with the `King's Book' and other Royalist texts, see Francis Madan (pp. 164±7). 41. The authorship controversypreoccupied manyseventeenth-century minds; even now it has not been de®nitivelysettled. For an overview of the controversyand a likelyexplanation of Eikon Basilike's co-creation byboth the king and Dr Gauden, see Philip Knachel's introduction to the text (esp. pp. xxiv±xxxii) which largelydraws upon Madan's bibliographical research and suppositions concerning the book's authorship (pp. 126±63). 42. For some of the other references in Eikon Basilike to Charles as martyr, see pp. 163, 179, and 194. Knott observes Charles's appropriation of Foxian hagiological discourse, pointing out as well that this required an inversionaryrecasting of roles, wherebythe èstablished' Church and its leader became the victims in the drama of persecution and martyrdom (pp. 161±62). 43. Knott provides a lucid commentaryon Milton's attitude towards martyrdom, not just in Eikonoklastes buto als in manyother works including Of Reformation in England, the antiprelatical tracts, Areopagitica, Òn the Late MassacreinPiemont', Paradise Regained,and Samson Agonistes (pp. 151±78). Knott ®nds that Milton extols the virtue of a de®ant defence of God's truth far more than he does meek suffering at the hands of unholypersecutors. Notes 179

44. Along lines similar to those taken byGrossman, Helgerson, and Zwicker, Nancy Maguire discusses the Royalist inscription of the regicide as a `tragedy', a generic identi®cation which `chang[ed] political defeat into theatrical (and ultimatelypolitical) success' (p. 11); see also Derek Hirst on the execution's spectacular dramatizing, and Patricia Fumerton's comparison between Caroline masques and Charles's scaffold performance (pp. 3±10, 13±18). Laura McKnight discusses Milton's exposure of the real Charles beneath a ®ctional mask (pp. 150±1) and Lois Potter illuminates Milton's endeavour to `take Charles out of mythology and into history' (p. 182). Milton seized on the Royalists' aestheticization of martyrdom, Zwicker contends, in order to situate Eikon Basilike in `the realms of fancyand ®ction' and thereby undermine its claims for moral legitimacy( Lines of Anthority, p. 51). 45. J. Sears McGee discusses the political rami®cations of Anglican and Puritan understandings of the conscience and `inward peace' as expressed during the time of the Civil War and the Interregnum (pp. 114±70). 46. Milton claims further that, properlyexercised, the king's conscience ought to have instructed him to `be subject to Parliament, both his natural and his legal superior' (p. 502). 47. This engraved frontispiece appears bypermission of the Folger Shakespeare Library. Another pictorial representation of Donne in his shroud (from the chest up) prefaced the 1632 edition of his last sermon, Deaths Duell. Throughout this discussion, myknowledge of the publication historyand material details of Donne's works is indebted to GeoffreyKeynes's A Bibliography of Dr John Donne. 48. This engraved frontispiece appears bypermission of the Folger Shakespeare Library. 49. Walton's biographical reconstruction of Donne's life has received excellent attention byDavid Novarr and, most recentlyKevin, Pask, whose work elucidates as well the changing fortunes of Donne's poetical reputation as, ®rst, sage priest (Walton's version) and, later, libertine rake (see pp. 113±40).

Notes to the Afterword: Saints and Sinners

1. Known at the time of its publication in 1650 as two separate books ± Human Nature and De Corpore Politico ± the Elements is considered byits recent editor, J. C. A. Gaskin, to epitomize the central tenets of Hobbes's philosophy(p. xiii). 2. In addition to homosexual interaction, copulations `against the wla of nature' mayrefer to poly.gamyand bestialityThe view that, in the Elements, Hobbes primarilyhas same-gender relations in mind is reinforced byhis posthumous work, A Dialogue between a Philosopher and a Student, of the Common Laws of England (1681), in which he exhibits a rare harmonywith the jurist Sir Edward Coke. Discussing the felonies of sodomyand rape in the `Crimes Capital' section of the work, the `philosopher' (a `composite of Bacon and Hobbes' [Cropsey, p. 15]) asserts 180 Notes

that sodomyis `detestable, being in a manner an Apostacie from Humane Nature' (p. 120). 3. GregoryKavka sheds light on this division when he explains that in Hobbes's moral schema individuals who exist outside of civil societyor who ®nd themselves in a situation in which `public standards' have not been established, freelyemploya `second-order rule' that derives from and legitimates their own desires (pp. 294±5; also pp. 338±57). Meanwhile, in Hobbes's contingent formulation of natural and civil law and reason, a subjective standard of virtue triumphs over individuals' rights to use their bodies as theyplease. 4. Earlier in the Elements, Hobbes articulates an understanding of sensuality that potentiallynaturalizes male±male sexual interaction byenvisioning a continuum of pleasure. One of the two `sorts' of pleasure, `sensual' enjoyment involves the `corporeal organ of sense'; its `greatest' expressions are through `continuance' of the species and self-preservation through eating meat (p. 45). Yet, if the satisfaction Socrates derives from physical relations with young men is also, according to Hobbes, `sensual', then we must consider it to be as natural (though in Hobbes's terms less `great') an expression of pleasure as heterosexual relations. 5. See Kavka on tradition's role in a Hobbesian establishment of social standards (p. 294). 6. Although overwhelminglypassed bythe House of Commons, the Age of Consent legislation ± which would have brought Britain's age of consent for homosexual acts in line with European standards ± was defeated in 1998 and 1999. For more on this issue, visit the excellent Stonewall website at . Bibliography

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Illustrations are indicated in bold. Page references for notes are indicated in italics.

Adamson, J. S. A., 165, 166 Chirbury, Lord, see Herbert, Sir Age of Consent, 154, 155, 180 Edward Alciatus, Andreas, 10, 11 chivalry, 51, 53±8, 164, 165 Alvarez, A., 73 Cicero, 9, 47 Andrewes, Lancelot, 7, 30 Clifford, Anne, 101, 102 Aristotle, 4, 34 Cockeram, Henry, 21, 109, 130 Askew, Anne, 111±12, 173 Coke, Sir Edward, 173, 174±5, 179 Common Notions, 47, 164 Bacon, Francis, 20 conscience, 4, 17, 143±4, 176, 179 Baldwin, William, 115 and King Charles's martyrdom, Bale, John, 111±12, 173 140±3 Bede, 109 Donne on, 115±16, 117, 119, Bedford, R. D., 47, 164 120±1, 122, 124 Beilin, Elaine, 103, 173 libertyof, 6, 53, 107±8, 113, 115±16, Bellarmine, Robert, 113 117, 120±1, 122, 130 Blackwell, George, 118 see also Herbert, Edward, and Bray, Alan, 69±70, 167 freedom Bristol, Michael, 47, 52, 144 Cousins, A. D., 81, 87 Brooten, Bernadette, 10, 90±1, 158 Cowley, Abraham, 7, 20 Brown, Meg Lota, 121, 123 Crashaw, Richard, 1, 6, 97, 107, 108, Brown, Robert, 136, 178 109, 152, 172, 177 Bullokar, John, 20 and anti-sectarianism, 129, 133±4 Burke, Peter, 110 Àpologie', 133, 177 Butler, John, 163, 167 and Donne, 129 Bynum, Caroline Walker, 98 Ìn felices Martyres', 128 and feminine spirituality, 129, 131 Carey, John, 46, 113, 114, 125, 161 `The Flaming Heart', 131±4, 177 Castiglione, Baldassare, 16 À Hymn to the Name and Honor', casuistry, 121, 123 130±1, 177 Cawdrey, Robert, 20 and interpretation, 129±30, 131±4 Charles I, King, 6, 52, 53, 76, 106, 137, and libertyof conscience and desire, 164, 167 130, 134 Eikon Basilike, 135, 136, 138, Òn the still surviving markes', 129 139±40, 142, 147, 178, 179 suffering and exile of, 128, 134 martyrdom of, 6, 106±7, 135±43, and unconventional gender/ 137, 147 sexuality, 129, 131±4 Cherbury, Lord, see Herbert, Ìn vulnera pendentis Domini', 178 Sir Edward Crewe, Jonathan, 75, 84, 170

199 200 Index

cultural theory, 36±8 Essays in Divinity, 121 custom `The Extasie', 61, 66 and desire, 34±43 passim `HolySonnet 19', 17 Donne on, 14±15, 121 and King James, 113±14, 120, 122, Montaigne on, 15±18 142, 159, 173, 174 and morality, 34±43 passim letter from France (1612), 33±4 and nature, 9±18, 35±6 letters from prison (1601), 123 letters to Sir HenryGoody er, 15, Deism 108, 116, 159 and Edward Herbert, 45, 65, 163 on libertyof conscience, 115±16, desire 117, 119, 120±1, 122, 124, 142 and custom, 34±43 passim `Paradox IV', 14±15, 20±1, 108 and denaturalization, 4±5, 6, 18 Poems (1635), 145±6, 147 and dissidence, 18, 35, 38±43, Pseudo-Martyr, 112±22, 125, 126, 79±82, 85, 97±8, 154, 163 135, 139, 143, 173±4, 175, 176, and identity, 39±43 177 and morality, 34±43 passim `The Relique', 123±4 Diana/Phoebe/Cynthia (goddess), 95, `Sapho to Philñnis', 69, 71±2, 95 96, 102, 172 `Satire III', 31, 117, 175 Diana, Princess, 151±2 Sermons: 29 February1628, 119±20; dissidence, 36±8, 90, 144, 162±3 Easter 1627, 176; King James's and chivalry, 52±5 funeral, 174 and dangers of poetry, 22±5, 160 `To Sir Edward Herbert', 58±9, 166 and desire, 18, 38±43, 79±82, 85, `The Sunne Rising', 122±3 97±8, 154, 163 `A Valediction of myname', 25 inward, 3±4, 121±2 Drummond, William, 24±5, 32±3, 45 and Protestantism, 36±7, 92 Dryden, John, 8, 25 Dollimore, Jonathan, 3, 40, 72, 121, duelling, 54±5, 165, 166 159 Donne, John, 1, 5, 8, 89, 92, 107, 108, Eliot, T. S., 28, 30, 161 109, 112±28, 139±40, 141, 145, Elizabeth I, Queen, 172 146, 152, 161 Empson, William, 162, 168 Anniversaries, 32±4, 123, 127, 129 on Donne, 31±3 Biathanatos, 66, 114, 159, 173, 175 on Marvell, 73 `The Canonization', 117, 124±8, Erasmus, Desiderius, 169 131, 177 Adages,10 canonization of, 144±8 De pueris,35 and Crashaw, 129 Erickson, Lee, 82, 83, 170 on custom, 15, 120±1, 159 Estrin, Barbara, 75, 81, 85 Deaths Duell, 115 Devotions upon Emergent Occasions, Fairfax, Mary, 83, 86±8, 169, 170 144±5, 147, 176 Fairfax, Thomas, 79, 82, 169, 170 and Dryden, 25 Foxe, John, 111, 115, 138 and Edward Herbert, 45, 58±9, 61, Florio, John, 2, 21, 160 66±8 Flynn, Dennis, 147, 173 `An Elegyupon the Death of Foucault, Michel, 37, 162 Mistress Boulstred', 167 Fumerton, Patricia, 57, 179 Index 201

Gardner, Helen, 7, 24, 157, 162 Òde upon a Question moved', 61 Gauden, John, 138, 178 Oliver's portrait of, 55±7 gayand lesbian studies, see on perception and truth, 47±50 homoeroticism De Religione Gentilium, 47, 57, 64, Gilman, Ernest, 29 163, 164, 166 Goldberg, Jonathan, 161, 168, 169, `Sonnet of Black Beauty', 63 173 `The State-progress of Ill', 59±61, Gosson, Stephen, 3, 22 166 Greenblatt, Stephen, 45, 174 De Veritate, 46±50, 52, 53, 54, 57, Grierson, Sir Herbert, 7, 8 64, 65, 163, 164 Herbert, George, 7, 8, 158, 172 habit, see custom Herz, Judith, 19, 125 hagiology, 6, 106±48 passim, 149±52, Hilliard, Nicholas, 57, 146 172±9 passim Hobbes, Thomas, 36, 153±4, 162, 180 Protestant, 111±12, 115, 117, 138, A Dialogue, 179±80 173, 178 Elements of Law, 153±4, 179, 180 Roman Catholic, 110±11, 117, 150±1 Leviathan, 18, 41±2, 153, 176 twentieth-century, 149±52 Holinshed, Raphael, 110 Hall, Joseph, 33 Holstun, James, 71, 79 Hall, Kim, 62, 167 homoeroticism Hammond, Paul, 76, 77, 168 and Crashaw, 132±3, 177±8 Haskin, Dayton, 28, 162 and Donne, 71±2, 168 Helgerson, Richard, 7, 139, 157, 159, female, 5, 10, 69±88 passim, 89±105 174 passim, 157, 168, 169, 171, Herbert, Sir Edward, 1, 5, 44±68, 55, 177±8 121, 128, 163±7 and Hobbes, 153±4, 179±80 Ànother Sonnet to Black it self', 63±4 and Lanyer, 89±105 passim, 170±2 Autobiography, 34±5, 37, 50±8 male, 72±8, 158 and blackness, 62±4, 167 and Marvell: female, 72, 78±88 and chivalry, 51±8, 65, 164, 165, passim, 169; male, 72±8, 168 166 and Montaigne, 77, 92, 105 and death, 64±5 and religion, 5±6, 78±83, 92±3, and Deism, 45, 65, 163 97±101, 103, 132 and duelling, 44, 54±5, 165, 166 studyof, 9, 69±70, 154±5, 158, Èlegyfor Doctor Dunn', 66±8 167±8, 169 Èlegyfor the Prince', 45 see also sexual deviance Èlegyover a Tomb', 64±5 Hunt, John Dixon, 78, 83, 91, 169 and freedom, 52±8, 60, 164 and George Herbert, 5, 45, 157, 167 Invita Minerva,10 `To her Eyes', 62 `To her Hair', 62, 65 James VI and I, King, 52, 174, `To his Mistress for her true Picture', and Oath of Allegiance, 112, 65 115±16, 117±19, 173±176 and John Donne, 45, 58±9, 61, as King Solomon, 114±15, 174 66±8, 163, 167 and libertyof conscience, 115, 118 letter to King James, 54 Triplici Nodo, 113, 115, 117±18 `To Mrs Diana Cecyll', 62 see also Donne and King James 202 Index

James, Mervyn, 37, 165 Marvell, Andrew, 1, 5, 69±88, 89, 91, John Paul II, Pope, 150 92, 97, 153 Johnson, Samuel, 8, 20, 159±60, 161, and autoeroticism, 74, 84 164 `Damon the Mower', 43 on Metaphysical literature, 26±8, `The De®nition of Love', 77±8 159±60 `The Fair Singer', 40 on Shakespeare, 28, 161 and the Fairfax dynasty, 78, 79, Jonson, Ben, 158 82±3, 86, 87 on Donne, 32±3 and female homoeroticism, 72, on Edward Herbert, 45 78±88, 169 `To Penshurst', 12 `The Garden', 74±5 Jordan, Mark, 109±10, 158, 163 `To his CoyMistress', 155 and male homoeroticism, 72±8 Knott, John, 111, 115, 173, 178 `The unfortunate Lover', 75±6 Knox, John, 13, 158±9 Upon Appleton House, 69, 78±88, 169 sexualityof, 73, 76, 77, 168 Lanyer, Aemilia, 1, 5±6, 70, 88, Mary, Queen of Scots, 110±11, 172 89±105 Maus, Katharine, 3, 121±2 `To all vertuous Ladies', 95 McCartney, Linda, 150, 151 `The Authors Dreame', 94±5, 96, McCoy, Richard, 51, 53±4 104, 172 McGrath, Lynette, 89, 93, 95±6, 98, use of Classical imagery, 94±6, 102 99, 172 `The Description of Cooke±ham', Metaphysical 101±4, 172 denaturalization and estrangement, `To the doubtfull Reader', 96 2, 4 and gender inequality, 90, 93±4, 97, historyof the term, 19, 20±2, 101, 104±5 159±60 use of Christian imagery, 92±3, Metaphysical literature 97±101, 103 authors and texts, 1, 6±9, 157 Salve Deus Rex Judñorum, 89±105, conventional modern 170±2 understanding of, 1, 8, 28±30, and social hierarchy, 89±90, 91, 92, 160, 161, 162 102, 103, 104, 170 earlymodern reception of, 24±28, Lee, Sir Sidney, 53, 66, 163, 164, 165 160, 161, 164 lesbian, see homoeroticism, female secular orientation, 7±8 Leslie, Henry, 135 unconventional modern Lewalski, Barbara, 87, 89, 90, 92, 102, understanding of, 31±2 103, 157 unnaturalness of, 2, 24±8 Lodge, Thomas, 13±14 Michelangelo, 8, 158 Milton, John Machiavelli, Niccolo, 37, 162 Eikonoklastes, 131, 138±9, 141±3 Mackenzie, Donald, 157, 161 Paradise Lost, 24, 38±9, 141 Marlowe, Christopher, 70, 171 Minerva, 94, 95, 171 Marotti, Arthur, 15, 59, 66, 107, Montaigne, Michel de, 2, 6, 15±18, 41, 113±14, 124, 159, 167, 174, 177 46, 49, 77, 92, 94, 105 Marshall, William, 147 More, Ann, 114, 123 martyrdom, see hagiology More, Sir Thomas, 13, 119 Index 203

Mother Teresa, 150 Ralegh, Sir Walter, 41, 172 Mueller, Janel, 71, 89, 172 Rambuss, Richard, 132, 158, 172 Raspa, Anthony, 116, 122 Nashe, Thomas, 35, 162 Richards, Jeffrey, 10, 158 Natural Law, 9±10, 153, 158, 159, 176 Rossi, Mario, 164, 165 nature Royston, Richard, 147, 178 and custom, 9±18, 35±6 Russell, Margaret, 100, 101, 102±4, 172 and desire, 10 Donne on, 14±15 Sabine, Maureen, 129, 134, 177, 178 and gender, 13±14 Sackville-West, Vita, 73, 75 as God's law, 12 sacred and secular, 6±7, 36, 157 and identity, 37 St Alban, 109 as ideological construct, 2, 37, 109, St Augustine, 39±41, 163 149 St Clare, 151 Montaigne on, 15±18 St George, 150 and morality, 34, 40±1 St John of the Cross, 64, 167 and sexuality, 10 St Paul, 10, 92, 133, 158, 171 naturalness, see nature St Pelagius, 109±10 non-dramatic literature, 3 St Teresa of AÂ vila, 6, 128±34, 177±8 Norbrook, David, 173, 174 sainthood, see hagiology Northbrooke, John, 35±6 Sappho, 70±1 sexual deviance, 5, 10±11, 69, 77±8, Oath of Allegiance, 6, 112±13, 79±82, 83, 85±6, 90±2, 93, 152±5, 115±16, 117±19, 122, 173, 174, 158, 168, 169, 179±80 175, 176 Shakespeare, William, 139, 149±50, Oliver, Isaac, 55±7, 146, 165±6 161 oppositionality, 38; see also dissidence Dr Johnson on, 28 Ovid, 13 As You Like It,13 ovide moralise, 158 Macbeth,22 Othello,29 Parrish, Paul, 130, 133 Richard III, 40, 139 Parsons, Robert, 113, 115, 118±19 Sonnets, 76 Patterson, Annabel, 76, 107, 114, 161, Sharpe, Kevin, 162, 176 175 Sheba, Queen of, 93, 114, 115 Philips, Katherine, 89, 170 Shepherd, Simon, 5 Pius V, Pope, 112±3 Shuger, Debora, 7, 157 Plato, 22, 72 Sidney, Mary, 94, 95, 96, 104, 172 poetry Sidney, Sir Philip, 166 dangers of, 22±5, 160 Apology for Poetry, 22, 23, 25, 160 and persuasion, 29, 30±1 Astrophel and Stella, 41, 62, 101 Pope, Alexander, 26, 27 Simons, Patricia, 96 Protestantism Sin®eld, Alan, 22, 36±7, 90, 117, 162 and hagiology, 111±12, 115, 117, Smith, A. J., 29±30, 161, 162 138, 173, 178 Smith, Bruce, 10, 69±70, 168, 169 and secular morality, 36±7 sodomy, see sexual deviance and dissidence, 36±7, 92 Solomon, King, 93, 114, 174 Puttenham, George, 23, 30±1 Southwell, Robert, 110±11, 172 204 Index

Spenser, Edmund Waller, Gary, 161, 162 Shepheardes Calender,22 Walpole, Horace, 44, 55, 57, 163, 165 Faerie Queene, 23±4, 163 Walton, Izaak, 30, 147, 179 Stone, Lawrence, 54, 164 White, R. S., 9±10, 153, 159 Strier, Richard, 31, 117, 158, 162, 175 Wilding, Michael, 81, 85, 86, 170 Strong, Sir Roy, 57, 166 Williams, George, 128, 134, 177 Williams, Raymond, 36, 37, 108, 158 tradition, see custom Wilson, Thomas, 12, 29 Traherne, Thomas, 7, 17, 159 Wisdom of Doctor Dodypoll, The,21 Traub, Valerie, 70, 91±2, 96, 101, 168, Woods, Susanne, 99, 100, 171 169 Wrightson, Keith, 90 Tuve, Rosemond, 31±2, 33, 162 Yachnin, Paul, 3, 157 Vaughan, Henry, 7 Viret, Pierre, 12 Zwicker, Steven, 81, 85, 136, 140, 179