Unsung Heroes? the Rhodesian Defence Regiment and Counterinsurgency, 1973–80
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What's at Stake in Zimbabwe
What's At Stake In Zimbabwe By all accounts, the conference In Geneva on scheme, whose main purpose was to destroy • Zimbabwe Is bound to collapse In failure. And all the ZANU-ZANLA and negotiate "Black majority rule" ! participants know It. Why are they there, and what that would be under their economic and political are they going to do next? The reasons why all the control. They tried to get this through especially In different participants are at Geneva reveal the late 1974 and early 1975, before Mozambique could history of Zimbabwe In the last few years. become a sound base for ZAN LA. However, in spite of severe repression by Zambia(which until this time Why is the US Government at Geneva(even if had been the guerrilla fighters main base area), unofficially)? ZANU-ZANLA survived and moved all its forces to Mozambique by December 1975. Until recently, the US Corporations and govern ment have operated under a policy (spelled out in Responding to the betrayal by political leaders in National Security Study Memorandum 39) that was exile, ZANU-ZANLA' formed a' jOint military front based on the premise that Blacks in Southern Africa with ZAPU troops, under the name of the Zimbabwe 'could never'come' to power through armed struggle. People's Army(ZIPA). In January 1976, ZIPA stepped The white governments of South Africa Rhodesia up the armed struggle inside Zimbabwe, which had 'South West Africa, Mozambique and Angola wer~ ,ebbed during the pe'riod of massive attacks on and there to stay. The US Corporations and government conspiracies against ZANU-ZANLA. -
Henry Kissinger: Negotiating Black Majority Rule in Southern Africa Faculty Research Working Paper Series
Henry Kissinger: Negotiating Black Majority Rule in Southern Africa Faculty Research Working Paper Series James K. Sebenius Harvard Business School R. Nicholas Burns Harvard Kennedy School Robert H. Mnookin Harvard Law School L. Alexander Green Harvard Business School December 2016 RWP16-059 Visit the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series at: https://research.hks.harvard.edu/publications/workingpapers/Index.aspx The views expressed in the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. Faculty Research Working Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. Such papers are included in this series to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. www.hks.harvard.edu Henry Kissinger: Negotiating Black Majority Rule in Southern Africa James K. Sebenius R. Nicholas Burns Harvard Business School Harvard Kennedy School Robert H. Mnookin L. Alexander Green Harvard Law School Harvard Business School Working Paper 17-051 Copyright © 2016 by James K. Sebenius Working papers are in draft form. This working paper is distributed for purposes of comment and discussion only. It may not be reproduced without permission of the copyright holder. Copies of working papers are available from the author. Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2883212 Henry Kissinger: Negotiating Black Majority Rule in Southern Africa by James K. Sebenius, R. Nicholas Burns, Robert H. Mnookin, and L. Alexander Green* December 9, 2016 v1.2 Abstract: In 1976, United States Secretary of State Henry A. -
Bush War Rhodesia 1966-1980 Free
FREE BUSH WAR RHODESIA 1966-1980 PDF Peter Baxter | 72 pages | 19 Jul 2014 | Helion & Company | 9781909982376 | English | Solihull, United Kingdom Bush War Rhodesia | i-go-books Lancaster House Agreement. The war and its subsequent Internal Settlementsigned in by Smith and Muzorewa, led to the implementation of universal suffrage in June and the end of white minority rule in Rhodesia, which was renamed Zimbabwe Rhodesia under a black majority government. However, this new order failed to win international recognition and the war continued. Neither side achieved a military victory and a compromise was later reached. The country returned temporarily to British control and new elections were held under British and Commonwealth supervision in March ZANU won the election and Mugabe became the first Prime Minister of Zimbabwe on 18 Aprilwhen the country achieved internationally recognised independence. The origin of Bush War Rhodesia 1966-1980 war in Rhodesia can be traced to the conquest of the region by the British South Africa Company in the late 19th century, and the dissent of native leaders who opposed foreign rule. Britain's unwillingness to compromise led to Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence UDI on 11 November Although Rhodesia had the private support of neighbouring South Africa and Portugalwhich still owned Mozambiqueit never gained formal diplomatic recognition from any country. Although the vote in Rhodesia was constitutionally open to all, regardless of race, property requirements left many blacks unable to participate. Amidst this backdrop, African nationalists advocated armed struggle to bring about black rule, primarily denouncing the wealth disparity between the races. Cold War politics played into the conflict. -
Declaration Signed by the Five Prime Ministers / 1
Declaration Signed by the Five Prime Ministers / 1 Declaration Signed by the Five Prime Ministers United Kingdom, 1944 We, The King’s Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, have now, for the first time since the outbreak of the war, been able to meet together to discuss common problems and future plans. The representatives of India at the War Cabinet and the Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia have joined in our deliberations and are united with us. At this memorable meeting, in the fifth year of the war, we give thanks for deliverance from the worst perils which have menaced us in the course of this long and terrible struggle against tyranny. Though hard and bitter battles lie ahead, we now see before us, in the ever growing might of the forces of the United Nations, and in the defeats already inflicted on the foe, by land, by sea and in the air, the sure presage of our future victory. To all our Armed Forces who in many lands are preserving our liberties with their lives, and to the peoples of all our countries whose efforts, fortitude and conviction have sustained the struggle, we ex press our admiration and gratitude. We honour the famous deeds of the Forces of the United States and of Soviet Russia, and pay our tribute to the fighting tenacity of the many states and nations joined with us. We re member indeed the prolonged, stubborn resistance of China, the first to be attacked by the authors of world-aggression, and we rejoice in the unquenchable spirit of our comrades in every country still in the grip of the enemy. -
Dealing with the Crisis in Zimbabwe: the Role of Economics, Diplomacy, and Regionalism
SMALL WARS JOURNAL smallwarsjournal.com Dealing with the Crisis in Zimbabwe: The Role of Economics, Diplomacy, and Regionalism Logan Cox and David A. Anderson Introduction Zimbabwe (formerly known as Rhodesia) shares a history common to most of Africa: years of colonization by a European power, followed by a war for independence and subsequent autocratic rule by a leader in that fight for independence. Zimbabwe is, however, unique in that it was once the most diverse and promising economy on the continent. In spite of its historical potential, today Zimbabwe ranks third worst in the world in “Indicators of Instability” leading the world in Human Flight, Uneven Development, and Economy, while ranking high in each of the remaining eight categories tracked (see figure below)1. Zimbabwe is experiencing a “brain drain” with the emigration of doctors, engineers, and agricultural experts, the professionals that are crucial to revitalizing the Zimbabwean economy2. If this was not enough, 2008 inflation was running at an annual rate of 231 million percent, with 80% of the population lives below the poverty line.3 Figure 1: Source: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4350&page=0 1 Foreign Policy, “The Failed States Index 2008”, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4350&page=0, (accessed August 29, 2008). 2 The Fund for Peace, “Zimbabwe 2007.” The Fund for Peace. http://www.fundforpeace.org/web/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=280&Itemid=432 (accessed September 30, 2008). 3 BBC News, “Zimbabwean bank issues new notes,” British Broadcasting Company. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/7642046.stm (accessed October 3, 2008). -
March 03, 1976 South African Government Cabinet Minutes on Rhodesia, 3 March-1 September 1976
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified March 03, 1976 South African Government Cabinet Minutes on Rhodesia, 3 March-1 September 1976 Citation: “South African Government Cabinet Minutes on Rhodesia, 3 March-1 September 1976,” March 03, 1976, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, South African National Archives, CAB 1/1/6. Included in "Southern Africa in the Cold War, Post-1974," edited by Sue Onslow and Anna-Mart Van Wyk. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/118528 Summary: Excerpts from discussions on the situation in Rhodesia, the possible implications that a hostile Rhodesia would pose to South African defense calculations, and the policies South Africa should pursue with regards to Rhodesia. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: English Contents: English Transcription Report of the Rhodesia position. Worsens according to all reliable sources. Request came from Kaunda to intervene in Rhodesia as Zambia’s position is becoming untenable with regard to the purpose of a thoroughfare and bases for Cubans on their way to Rhodesia and Mozambique. According to message from this source the situation in Rhodesia has reached crisis proportions. South Africa’s standpoint remains unchanged in that it is not prepared to exert pressure on Rhodesia. South Africa did not pressurize or influence Rhodesia to have discussions. We informed Rhodesia that in calculations it must, in the case of war, operate with the assumption that it is alone. The difficult decision, however, awaits the government, namely if Rhodesia becomes involved in war could South Africa remain on the outside. -
The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N. -
Ian Macpherson
© University of the West of England Do not reproduce or redistribute in part or whole without seeking prior permission from the Rhodesian Forces oral history project coordinators at UWE Ian MacPherson Born in Calcutta in 1945. Went to school in the UK. His family left India for the UK in 1962. Ian trained in Bristol and hoped to go to South Africa but ended up travelling to Rhodesia in 1969. Volunteered for the Police Reserve in 1971/2. Left Rhodesia for the UK(?) in 1977. This is Dr Sue Onslow talking to Mr Ian MacPherson in Sunningdale on Friday 5th June 2009. Ian, thank you very much indeed for agreeing to talk to me about this Rhodesia project. I wonder if you could begin by saying, please, where were you born? I was born in Calcutta on 12 November 1945. And how did your parents come to be in India? My mother’s grandparents were in India in the 19th century and my father went out to India in 1932. They were married in ’45. When did they leave India? 1962 So they stayed there after Partition? Yes Your childhood and upbringing then were in India? A lot of it. I was educated over here but, like a lot of those kids in those days, I used to fly backwards and forwards for my holidays. When did you come back to England for your schooling? Well, I was actually at school in England. I started off at prep school when I was six up in Scotland. Boarding? Yes, and then I went out for my holidays or I stayed with my grandmother in Dundee or my Aunties down in Dunfermline. -
“Operation Murambatsvina”
AN IN -DEPTH STUDY ON THE IMPACT OF OPERATION MUR AMBATSVINA/RESTORE ORDER IN ZIMBABWE “Primum non Nocere”: The traumatic consequences of “Operation Murambatsvina”. ActionAid International in collaboration with the Counselling Services Unit (CSU), Combined Harare Residents’ Association (CHRA) and the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) Novemberi 2005 PREFACE The right to govern is premised upon the duty to protect the governed: governments are elected to provide for the security of their citizens, that is, to promote and protect the physical and livelihood security of their citizens. In return for such security the citizens agree to surrender the powers to govern themselves by electing representatives to govern them. This is the moral contract between those who govern and those who are governed. For any government to knowingly and deliberately undermine the security of its citizens is a breach of this contract and the principle of democracy. Indeed, it removes the very foundation upon which the legitimacy of government is based. Just as there is an injunction upon health workers not to harm their patients - ‘primum non nocere”, “first do no harm” - so there must be an injunction upon governments that they ensure that any action that they take or policy that they implement will not be harmful. This is the very reason why there was formed in 2001 the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty of the United Nations promulgating the “Responsibility to Protect”: States have an obligation to protect their citizens, and the international community has an obligation to intervene when it is evident that a state cannot or will not protect its people. -
The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials
Fordham Law Review Volume 76 Issue 1 Article 8 2007 Operation "Drive Out the Trash": The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials Katherine Hughes Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Katherine Hughes, Operation "Drive Out the Trash": The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials, 76 Fordham L. Rev. 323 (2007). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol76/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Operation "Drive Out the Trash": The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials Cover Page Footnote J.D. Candidate, 2008, Fordham University School of Law; M.A. Candidate, 2008, International Political Economy and Development, Fordham University Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. I extend my deepest gratitude to the many Zimbabweans who welcomed me into their country. I would also like to thank Jim Leitner; Professors Rachel Vorspan, Jeanmarie Fenrich, and Susanna Chung; and Alasdair Ferguson for their invaluable support and comments. This article is available in Fordham Law Review: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol76/iss1/8 OPERATION "DRIVE OUT THE TRASH": THE CASE FOR IMPOSING TARGETED UNITED NATIONS SANCTIONS AGAINST ZIMBABWEAN OFFICIALS KatherineHughes * In May 2005, representatives of PresidentRobert Mugabe's government initiated a slum-clearance campaign entitled Operation Murambatsvina, which displaced nearly one million Zimbabweans. -
Names, Currency, and Acronyms
PLACE- NAMES, CURRENCY, AND ACRONYMS The convention of historical writing of the country this book is about is to include a list of place- names in the front matter, with Rhodesian names on one side and the Zimbabwean names on the other. I will not do that here. The country I write about had four names between 1960 and 1980; what these were and how they changed are discussed at the start of the first chap- ter. I avoid such lists because of my concerns about a notion of before- and- after in history: a list of place-n ames and their changes suggests a too pat transformation from colony to nation, from bad to good, from minority to majority rule. Such a list also suggests that transitions are instantaneous, that a threshold has been crossed. For the reco rd, however, Rhodesia be- came Southern Rhodesia from mid- December 1979 to April 1980, when it became Zimbabwe. Salisbury, the capital, became Harare only in 1982. More common and never part of any list has been the tendency to use “Rhodesian” to mean white and “Zimbabwean” to mean African. I have tried to avoid this as often as I could throughout this book. With the breakup of the Central African Federation, Rhodesia named its currency the pound (£). Cast out of the sterling zone shortly a fter the Unilateral Declaration of In de pen dence (udi), Rhodesia valued its pound at US$2. In 1970, Rhodesia adopted the dollar as its currency. It was de- signed to be valued at half a British pound and between 1970 and 1980 hovered at about US$1.50. -
National Identity and Post-Colonial Development: Dictatorial Zimbabwe and Democratic Republic of South Africa Master's Thesis
National Identity and Post-Colonial Development: Dictatorial Zimbabwe and Democratic Republic of South Africa Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of Global Studies Chandler Rosenberger, Advisor Jasmine Waddell, Advisor Richard Parmentier, Chairman In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Master’s Degree By Andrea Cohen August, 2011 Copyright by Andrea Cohen © 2011 Dedication I would like to dedicate this piece of work to my parents, Fran and Les Cohen. Their hard work and endless support has allowed me to take up any opportunity that comes my way, including my desire to earn a Master’s degree. My Dad has shown me through example the importance of a strong work ethic. His quotes comparing hard work to sports always hang above my desk. Both my parent’s high regard for the needs of others has in part inspired me with a passion to better the lives of those who live in poverty, fear and oppression. I am eternally grateful for their enduring love, guidance, support. Acknowledgements I would like to thank my graduate advisers for their role in my education and for their guidance and support throughout the process. Professors Jasmine Waddell and Chandler Rosenberger’s intellect always inspired me to keep learning, think harder, and dig deeper. I cannot possibly thank Professor Waddell enough for her enduring support throughout the writing process. Each conversation with her left me feeling renewed, validated, and ready to tackle the challenge ahead. Professor Rosenberger always pushed me to achieve the perfection he knew I was capable of, and for that I am thankful to him.