DOCSLIB.ORG

Publications for Eleanor Cowan 2021 2020 2019 2018 2016 2015 2014

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Publications for Eleanor Cowan 2021 2020 2019 2018 2016 2015 2014 Publications for Eleanor Cowan 2021 Cowan, E. (2014), Review of V. Arena, Libertas Libertas and Cowan, E. (2021). Augustus (forthcoming) in V. Pagan ed. The the Practice of Politics in the Late Roman Republic, Phoenix 67 Tacitus Encyclopedia. Wiley-Blackwell. (2013) n.3-4: 415-417. Cowan, E. (2021). Cassius Dio and the Julio-Claudians Cowan, E. (2014). Velleius Paterculus. In Dee Clayman (Eds.), (forthcoming). In J Masden & A Scott (Eds.), Brill's Oxford Bibliographies in Classics (DOI: Companion to Cassius Dio. Leiden: Brill. 10.1093/OBO/9780195389661-0164). Oxford University Press. Cowan, E. (2021). Clutorius Priscus (forthcoming) in V. Pagan 2011 ed. The Tacitus Encyclopedia. Wiley-Blackwell. Cowan, E. (2011). Introduction. In Eleanor Cowan (Eds.), Cowan, E. (2021). Emperors as Fathers and Sons Velleius Paterculus: Making History, (pp. ix-xiii). Swansea, (forthcoming). In C. Davenport & S. Malik (Eds.), UK: The Classical Press of Wales. Representing Roman Emperors. UK: Oxford University Press. Cowan, E. (2011). Velleius and the princeps Romani nominis. Cowan, E. (2021). Publius Petronius (forthcoming) in V. Pagan In Eleanor Cowan (Eds.), Velleius Paterculus: Making History, ed. The Tacitus Encyclopedia. Wiley-Blackwell. (pp. 335-346). Swansea, UK: The Classical Press of Wales. <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvvnbjc.21">[More 2020 Information]</a> Cowan, E. (2020). Julio-Claudian Succession and the Invention Cowan, E. (2011). Velleius Paterculus: Making History. of Augustus. London: Routledge. Swansea, UK: The Classical Press of Wales. 2019 2009 Cowan, E. (2019). Hopes and Aspirations: Res Publica, Leges Cowan, E. (2009). 'Marius' in Nicolaus of Damascus. Some et Iura, and Alternatives at Rome. In K. Morrell, J. Osgood, K. Implications from Chronology. Athenaeum: studi periodici di Welch (Eds.), The Alternative Augustan Age, (pp. 27-45). New letteratura e storia dell'antichita, 97(1), 159-168. York: Oxford University Press. <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190901400.003.0003" Cowan, E. (2009), Church and Brodribb's Tacitus. Annals, >[More Information]</a> Histories, Agricola and Germany. Cowan, E. (2019), L. Grig (Ed.), Popular Culture in the Ancient Cowan, E. (2009), Shorter and extended notes on Church and World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Brodribb's Tacitus. Annals, Histories, Agricola and Germany. Cowan, E. (2019). Velleius Paterculus: How to Write (Civil Cowan, E. (2009). Tacitus, Tiberius and Augustus. Classical War) History. In Carsten Hjort Lange, Frederik Juliaan Vervaet Antiquity, 28(2), 179-210. <a (Eds.), The Historiography of Late Republican Civil War, (pp. href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/CA.2009.28.2.179">[More 239-262). Leiden: Brill. <a Information]</a> href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004409521_012">[More Cowan, E. (2009). Tiberius and Augustus in Tiberian Sources. Information]</a> Historia: Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte/revue d'histoire 2018 ancienne/journal of ancient history/rivista di storia antica, 58(4), 468-485. Cowan, E. (2018). Velleius Paterculus and the Senate. In Andrea Balbo, Pierangelo Buongiorno, Ermanno Malaspina 2008 (Eds.), Rappresentazione e uso dei "senatus consulta" nelle Cowan, E. (2008). Libertas in the Philippics. Prudentia, 37-38, fonti letterarie della repubblica e del primo principato, (pp. 140-152. 407-428). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. 2016 2002 Chambers, E. (2002). Having Hirtius to Dinner: optimates and Cowan, E. (2016). Contesting Clementia: the Rhetoric of populares in the Late Republic. Eras, 3. Severitas in Tiberian Rome before and after the Trial of Clutorius Priscus. Journal of Roman Studies, 106, 77-101. <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0075435816000605">[More Information]</a> 2015 Cowan, E. (2015). Caesar's One Fatal Wound: Suetonius Divus Iulius 82.3. Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 108, 361- 376. Cowan, E. (2015). Deceit in Appian. In Kathryn Welch (Eds.), Appian's Roman History: Empire and Civil War, (pp. 185-203). Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales. 2014.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Velleius Paterculus: Historicus Patrioticus
    CHAPTER SIX VELLEIUS PATERCULUS: HISTORICUS PATRIOTICUS Until very recently, scholarly opinion of Velleius Paterculus as an historian was so low, that were a Gallup Poll of Ancient Historians to be taken, the Tiberian author would be included in the category, "Other." 1 According to J. Hellegouarc'h, Velleius has suffered from comparisons to Livy and Tacitus, confrontations from which he has emerged scathed, being dismissed as a perjured panegyrist and trafficker in rhetoric; both charges having led to his conviction as a "minor historian."2 Now, however, thanks to the advocacy of scholars such as A.J. Woodman, the case of the only extant historian between Livy and Tacitus has been reopened. 3 Woodman has argued that Velleius is a "patriotic historian", writing in the grand old tradition of Sallust and Livy, his final 38 chapters on Tiberius being the logical conclusion of a work intended to show that great events of the past were foreshadowing an even greater present. 4 Woodman has furthermore demonstrated the absurdity of the complaint upon the rhetorical nature of the opus, noting that "all ancient historians, without exception" dealt in literary ani:l dramatic topoi, and that their writings must be "de-rhetorized" in order to be evaluated historically. 5 Velleius conceived a composition of broad scope that dates back to the primordial dawning of Athenian history. In order to cope with the breadth of his theme, he presents his readers with a "portrait gallery" of character sketches in which great events have been reduced to a series of individual actions.6 Like Livy, Velleius is dealing in historical exempla.1 1 J.
    [Show full text]
  • Caesar and the Pirates: Or How to Make (And Break) an Ancient Life’, Greece and Rome, 57(2), Pp
    Georgetown University Institutional Repository http://www.library.georgetown.edu/digitalgeorgetown The author made this article openly available online. Please tell us how this access affects you. Your story matters. OSGOOD, J. (2010) ‘Caesar and The Pirates: or How to Make (and Break) an Ancient Life’, Greece and Rome, 57(2), pp. 319–336. doi: 10.1017/S0017383510000057 Collection Permanent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/10822/555438 © 2010 The Classical Association This material is made available online with the permission of the author, and in accordance with publisher policies. No further reproduction or distribution of this copy is permitted by electronic transmission or any other means. Greece & Rome, Vol. 57, No. 2, © The Classical Association, 2010. All rights reserved doi:10.1017/S0017383510000057 CAESAR AND THE PIRATES CAESAR AND THE PIRATES: OR HOW TO MAKE (AND BREAK) AN ANCIENT LIFE* Introduction It is hard for biographers, ancient and modern alike, to resist the story of the young Julius Caesar’s kidnapping by a band of pirates. Suetonius and Plutarch both include full versions of the tale, with specifi c details (Suet. Iul. 4; Plut. Vit. Caes. 1.4–2). Suetonius, for instance, writes that the kidnapping took place near the island of Pharmacusa (just off the coast of Asia Minor), while Plutarch, noting that too, also specifi es that the ransom that freed Caesar came from the (nearby) city of Miletus. And while Suetonius writes that Caesar, after his release, launched a fl eet, pursued the pirates, and punished them, Plutarch includes another phase in the story: having taken command of a fl eet and set sail (again, from Miletus), Plutarch’s Caesar captured nearly all the pirates but, instead of killing them right away, ‘he himself went to Iuncus, the governor of Asia, on the grounds that it belonged to him, as governor of the province, to punish the captives’.
    [Show full text]
  • Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep
    A Curious Case: Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep. 5.8) Jonathan J. Price Pliny the Younger admired historians and historical writing. In his letters he praises History‘s virtues, values a freedman who can read history well, and above all, feels unbounded esteem for his friend Tacitus, who had gained fame while still alive for his published historical researches.1 Pliny‘s most elaborate appreciation of historiography is contained in Ep. 5.8, a letter of 105-106 CE2 addressed to Titinius Capito, who had urged Pliny to write history himself. Pliny responds to Capito by lauding history-writing as the surest means to fame and affirming his desire to take up the task, but his convoluted and confusing explanation of the reasons for his delay amount to a decisive rejection of ever writing history. The letter has been variously understood as a serious contemplation on historiography, a document of angst about his status in Rome‘s literary world, a bid to make himself the subject of history, an urbane ‗polite refusal‘ to write history.3 This paper, offered in honor of my friend and colleague Hannah Cotton,4 will argue that the letter is a subtle but demonstrative rejection of history-writing which both reflects and comments on the state of Roman historiography in Pliny‘s generation. Pliny‘s correspondent, the equestrian Cn. Octavius Titinius Capito, was a generous literary patron and the host of a well-known salon, apparently an arbiter of taste in Rome in the early second century CE.5 After a military career, he served as procurator ab * I would like to thank Werner Eck for helpful criticism.
    [Show full text]
  • 2018 Fjcl Certamen Advanced Round 1
    2018 FJCL CERTAMEN ADVANCED ROUND 1 1. Born along the Alban Hills in the town of Tusculum, what Roman citizen and bearer of numerous offices is remembered as a champion of ancient Roman virtues and a fierce opponent of what he considered Hellenistic cultural contamination? CATO THE ELDER B1: In which work of his does Cato recount the founding of Rome and numerous other Italian cities? ORGINIĒS B2: Identify one of the two works of Cicero in which Cato the Elder is praised and idealized. DĒ RĒ PUBLICĀ or DĒ SENECTUTE 2. The Latin abbreviation s.o.s. has what meaning in English? IF THERE IS NEED B1: Give the Latin for that abbreviation. SI OPUS SIT B2: The Latin abbreviation p.r.n. is synonymous with s.o.s. Give the Latin for p.r.n. PRŌ RĒ NATĀ 3. Give the comparative form of saepe. SAEPIUS B1: Give the comparative form of satis. SATIUS B2: Give the comparative form of secus. SETIUS 4. Although it was originally called the Albula River, what more common name is given to the river which flows through Rome? TIBER B1: What king drowned in the Albula, prompting a change in its nomenclature? TIBERINUS B2: According to Suetonius, what emperor instituted curātorēs ripārum et alveī Tiberis in order to help control the river’s inundations? AUGUSTUS 5. A stone and a foal were two items used by what Titaness to trick her cannibalistic husband and protect her children? RHEA B1: Which of her offspring did Rhea replace with a foal? POSEIDON B2: With what Roman goddess is Rhea identified? OPS 6.
    [Show full text]
  • The Use of Caesar in the First Triad of Tacitus' Annales
    The Use of Caesar in the First Triad of Tacitus’ Annales The first triad of Tacitus’ Annales documents the early years of Tiberius’ principate and the struggles which the Roman state underwent in its efforts to come to terms with its new political arrangement in the wake of Augustus’ death. Though Tacitus does not shy away from explicitly invoking these issues throughout the course of the narrative, he likewise makes use of more subtle methods to communicate this theme. One of these is his use of the names by which characters are addressed. While some recent studies have grappled with the use of the name Augustus in Tacitus’ works (e.g., Thom 2008, Wardle 2015), there is as of yet no sustained analysis of the name Caesar in Tacitus. In this paper, I analyze the use of the name Caesar in the first three books of the Annales. Eight different characters are referred to by the name Caesar, or compounds of the name such as Tiberius Caesar, throughout this first triad of the Annales alone. Though the narrator uses the name Caesar for a variety of figures, Tiberius is the only one who is called Caesar by characters in the text. He is likewise the only figure referred to by the name Caesar during his tenure as princeps in the history of Velleius Paterculus, who is described by Rubincam as “observing the practice of the period of which he was writing” (1992: 92-3). The tendency to use Caesar as one of the titles for the princeps would only get stronger as time progressed, as the family to which it referred had lost possession of the principate with the death of Nero, and Caesar eventually became a standard imperial title (Rubincam 1992: 94).
    [Show full text]
  • The Conception of History in Velleius Paterculus' Historia
    Histos () – THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY IN VELLEIUS PATERCULUS’ HISTORIA ROMANA * Abstract: This article explores the conception of history in Velleius Paterculus’ historiography. It argues that this conception is, against common assumptions, by no means one-dimensional court propaganda, but the result of a subtle tension between teleology and unpredictability arising from Tiberian Rome. Approaching Velleius’ History from this perspective allows us to deepen our understanding of both the significance of history under Tiberius and the anthropological function and value of (historiographical) narrative as a means of coming to terms with the exposure of human life. he transition from the republic to the principate after a century of turmoil and civil war is usually considered the most crucial breaking Tpoint in Roman history—a process which is, nevertheless, not least characterised by the protagonists’ effort to disguise the change as continuity. The result was a balancing act between continuity and discontinuity and a tension between the past on one side and the present and the future on the other. Velleius Paterculus has usually been read as a splendid example of a blunt court propagandist who refuses to acknowledge any disruption in Roman history through Augustus’ reign and whose historiographical work helps to keep up the pretence of continuity and stability. Against these common assumptions, this paper examines Velleius’ Historia Romana in order to show that its conception of history is more complex and rooted in the subtle tension between teleology and uncertainty in Tiberian Rome. Approaching Velleius from this angle helps to shed light on the significance of historical narrative as a means of grappling with socio-political crisis, with general uncertainty and by extension, the exposure of human life.
    [Show full text]
  • Sallust's Histories and Triumviral Historiography
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Sallust's Histories and Triumviral Historiography Jennifer Gerrish University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Gerrish, Jennifer, "Sallust's Histories and Triumviral Historiography" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 511. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/511 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/511 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sallust's Histories and Triumviral Historiography Abstract This dissertation explores echoes of the triumviral period in Sallust's Histories and demonstrates how, through analogical historiography, Sallust presents himself as a new type of historian whose "exempla" are flawed and morally ambiguous, and who rejects the notion of a triumphant, ascendant Rome perpetuated by the triumvirs. Just as Sallust's unusual prose style is calculated to shake his reader out of complacency and force critical engagement with the reading process, his analogical historiography requires the reader to work through multiple layers of interpretation to reach the core arguments. In the De Legibus, Cicero lamented the lack of great Roman historians, and frequently implied that he might take up the task himself. He had a clear sense of what history ought to be : encomiastic and exemplary, reflecting a conception of Roman history as a triumphant story populated by glorious protagonists. In Sallust's view, however, the novel political circumstances of the triumviral period called for a new type of historiography. To create a portrait of moral clarity is, Sallust suggests, ineffective, because Romans have been too corrupted by ambitio and avaritia to follow the good examples of the past.
    [Show full text]
  • Alioqui Nobilissimus: Sallustian Morality and Augustan Amnesty in Velleius Paterculus Joseph V
    Alioqui Nobilissimus: Sallustian Morality and Augustan Amnesty in Velleius Paterculus Joseph V. Groves (University of Michigan) Velleius Paterculus’ brief two-volume history of the world is in many respects a competent yet unremarkable summary of events given in more detail and insight by other authors. When he comes to the Jugurthine and Catiliarian conflicts, Velleius clearly relies upon Sallust’s manuscripts, reproducing their interpretations while adding no additional information. Their influence, however, extends far beyond these two episodes: Velleius takes over his predecessor’s periodization of Roman history. For Sallust and his imperial epigone, the turmoil of the late Republic stems from the removal of Carthage and the moral decay caused by the lack of a rival. Velleius is therefore obligated to import Sallustian morality, but in diluted and defanged form. Civil strife is the ultimate evil, but for Velleius it is a product of the Augustan settlement. The later historian cannot accuse pardoned and partially rehabilitated historical figures of moral turpitude, particularly since such evaluations would also invite uncomfortable scrutiny of the winning side. These excessively euphemistic accounts and diluted moralizing may make Velleius suspect as a primary source, but add a different sort of value. What the historian passed over or altered in order to render the history of these tumultuous times palatable to the Augustan age and its Tiberian continuation serves as positive evidence for the later reinterpretation of the Social and various civil wars. Especially noteworthy in this regard is Velleius’ tendency to divorce the character of historical figures from their frequently execrable actions. Read with an eye towards amnesty, the histories of Velleius show that the Augustan settlement rested initially on the clemency of the emperor, but this very clemency required justification.
    [Show full text]
  • Luxury at Rome: Avaritia, Aemulatio and the Mos Maiorum
    Roderick Thirkell White Ex Historia 117 Roderick Thirkell White1 University College London Luxury at Rome: avaritia, aemulatio and the mos maiorum This article sets out to put into perspective the ancient Roman discourse about luxury, which our extant literary sources almost universally condemn, on moral grounds. In it, I aim to define the scope and character of Roman luxury, and how it became an issue for the Romans, from the end of the third century BC to the beginning of the second century AD. With the aid of modern thinking about luxury and the diffusion of ideas in a society, I shed light on the reasons for the upsurge in luxurious living and, in particular, on how luxuries spread through the elite population, an issue that has been largely neglected by modern scholars. Books and articles on Roman luxury have been primarily concerned with examining the discourse of contemporary writers who criticised luxury;2 analysing the nature of Roman luxury;3 analysing the nature and impact of sumptuary legislation;4 or comparing the luxury of the Romans with that of other cultures.5 The only significant article dealing specifically with the diffusion of luxury is a provocative piece by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, the focus of which is, however, limited and specific.6 For a series of moralising Roman authors, the second century BC saw the beginning of the corruption of the traditional stern moral fibre, as they saw it, of the Republic by an influx of 1 Roderick Thirkell White’s academic interests are concerned with aspects of the economy of the ancient world, primarily the late Roman Republic and Early Empire, with a focus on consumer and material culture.
    [Show full text]
  • 35464735.Pdf
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UC Research Repository Attitudes to the Gracchi in our sources for the late 2nd and early 1st centuries B.C. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Classics in the University of Canterbury by Tony John Dijkstra University of Canterbury 2010 2 Introduction The aim of this thesis will be to discover as much as possible about the sources for the period in question which discuss the best known holders of the Tribunate of the Plebs – the Gracchi, active between 133 and 122 B.C. The aim here will be to answer the questions – Who are our surviving sources? What do they tell us about the Gracchi? What attitudes to the Gracchi do they display in their accounts? The hope is that an extensive look at these sources and their attitudes can then be used in subsequent chapters to consider just who their own sources may have been, especially where some of the authors who are still attested may have used common sources for their works. Furthermore, by contrasting the sections of our extant sources which display inconsistencies in their attitudes we can begin to group their own ultimate sources according to the attitudes they each display to the Gracchi. The first two chapters will focus on the fully attested narrative sources we have for the lives and the tribunates of Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus and will use these sources along with various partially attested works to develop an overall picture of the two Tribunes.
    [Show full text]
  • Killing Romans: Legitimizing Violence in Cicero and Caesar by Jacqueline
    Killing Romans: Legitimizing Violence in Cicero and Caesar by Jacqueline J. Stimson A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in The University of Michigan 2017 Doctoral Committee: Professor David S. Potter, Chair Professor Jane Chaplin, Middlebury College Professor Arlene W. Saxonhouse Professor Celia E. Schultz Jacqueline J. Stimson [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-6443-5236 © Jacqueline J. Stimson 2017 Meis Parentibus ii Acknowledgements As overwhelming as the dissertation process is, I am extremely lucky to have had the help of so many wonderful and thoughtful people. First, I owe the greatest debt of gratitude to my adviser, David Potter, for his time, energy, and constant encouragement. In the beginning, he knew when to let me find my way in the darkness, even when it seemed like all I was finding were dead ends, and when to gently nudge me in a productive direction. Throughout, he has been an endless fount of knowledge and scholarship, and unfailingly supportive of my ideas. I have learned so much from him, not only about Roman history, but also the art of articulating and refining arguments. I am also thankful for my other committee members, Celia Schultz, Arlene Saxonhouse, and Jane Chaplin. My dissertation as a whole is stronger because of my meetings with them and their attentive feedback on chapters. They have helped me go outside my comfort zone into new areas of research and exploration, and I am grateful for their support. The resources at the University of Michigan that are free and open to all graduate students are unparalleled.
    [Show full text]
  • Julius Caesar in Latin Literature from Tiberius to Trajan Bridget England
    Julius Caesar in Latin Literature from Tiberius to Trajan Bridget England UCL A thesis presented to the Department of Greek and Latin, University College London, in candidacy for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Thesis supervisor: Professor Maria Wyke November 2018 I, Bridget England, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. ……………………………………………. 1 ABSTRACT A thesis on the literary reception of Julius Caesar from the reign of Tiberius to that of Trajan is needed because, until now, the main focus of scholarly attention has been on Caesar’s place in the literature of the triumviral period and the Augustan age (44 BC – AD 14). Scholarship has also identified a seeming revival of interest in Caesar that took place during Trajan’s reign (AD 98 – 117), with texts from this era and beyond seeming to portray Caesar (and not Augustus) as the founder of the Empire. The current investigation will address the relatively neglected period in between – neglected despite the introduction of Caesar as an epic character in Lucan’s Pharsalia – and explore wider questions surrounding Caesar’s textual representation, including its relationship with the many other ways in which he was being remembered in Rome. By conducting close readings of texts, and using the material culture and urban landscape of Rome as well as other evidence of the political use of Caesar to pose questions to the literature, this critical part of Caesar’s early reception is carefully surveyed.
    [Show full text]