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Velleius Paterculus: Historicus Patrioticus
CHAPTER SIX VELLEIUS PATERCULUS: HISTORICUS PATRIOTICUS Until very recently, scholarly opinion of Velleius Paterculus as an historian was so low, that were a Gallup Poll of Ancient Historians to be taken, the Tiberian author would be included in the category, "Other." 1 According to J. Hellegouarc'h, Velleius has suffered from comparisons to Livy and Tacitus, confrontations from which he has emerged scathed, being dismissed as a perjured panegyrist and trafficker in rhetoric; both charges having led to his conviction as a "minor historian."2 Now, however, thanks to the advocacy of scholars such as A.J. Woodman, the case of the only extant historian between Livy and Tacitus has been reopened. 3 Woodman has argued that Velleius is a "patriotic historian", writing in the grand old tradition of Sallust and Livy, his final 38 chapters on Tiberius being the logical conclusion of a work intended to show that great events of the past were foreshadowing an even greater present. 4 Woodman has furthermore demonstrated the absurdity of the complaint upon the rhetorical nature of the opus, noting that "all ancient historians, without exception" dealt in literary ani:l dramatic topoi, and that their writings must be "de-rhetorized" in order to be evaluated historically. 5 Velleius conceived a composition of broad scope that dates back to the primordial dawning of Athenian history. In order to cope with the breadth of his theme, he presents his readers with a "portrait gallery" of character sketches in which great events have been reduced to a series of individual actions.6 Like Livy, Velleius is dealing in historical exempla.1 1 J. -
Caesar and the Pirates: Or How to Make (And Break) an Ancient Life’, Greece and Rome, 57(2), Pp
Georgetown University Institutional Repository http://www.library.georgetown.edu/digitalgeorgetown The author made this article openly available online. Please tell us how this access affects you. Your story matters. OSGOOD, J. (2010) ‘Caesar and The Pirates: or How to Make (and Break) an Ancient Life’, Greece and Rome, 57(2), pp. 319–336. doi: 10.1017/S0017383510000057 Collection Permanent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/10822/555438 © 2010 The Classical Association This material is made available online with the permission of the author, and in accordance with publisher policies. No further reproduction or distribution of this copy is permitted by electronic transmission or any other means. Greece & Rome, Vol. 57, No. 2, © The Classical Association, 2010. All rights reserved doi:10.1017/S0017383510000057 CAESAR AND THE PIRATES CAESAR AND THE PIRATES: OR HOW TO MAKE (AND BREAK) AN ANCIENT LIFE* Introduction It is hard for biographers, ancient and modern alike, to resist the story of the young Julius Caesar’s kidnapping by a band of pirates. Suetonius and Plutarch both include full versions of the tale, with specifi c details (Suet. Iul. 4; Plut. Vit. Caes. 1.4–2). Suetonius, for instance, writes that the kidnapping took place near the island of Pharmacusa (just off the coast of Asia Minor), while Plutarch, noting that too, also specifi es that the ransom that freed Caesar came from the (nearby) city of Miletus. And while Suetonius writes that Caesar, after his release, launched a fl eet, pursued the pirates, and punished them, Plutarch includes another phase in the story: having taken command of a fl eet and set sail (again, from Miletus), Plutarch’s Caesar captured nearly all the pirates but, instead of killing them right away, ‘he himself went to Iuncus, the governor of Asia, on the grounds that it belonged to him, as governor of the province, to punish the captives’. -
Aguirre-Santiago-Thesis-2013.Pdf
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE SIC SEMPER TYRANNIS: TYRANNICIDE AND VIOLENCE AS POLITICAL TOOLS IN REPUBLICAN ROME A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts in History By Santiago Aguirre May 2013 The thesis of Santiago Aguirre is approved: ________________________ ______________ Thomas W. Devine, Ph.D. Date ________________________ ______________ Patricia Juarez-Dappe, Ph.D. Date ________________________ ______________ Frank L. Vatai, Ph.D, Chair Date California State University, Northridge ii DEDICATION For my mother and father, who brought me to this country at the age of three and have provided me with love and guidance ever since. From the bottom of my heart, I want to thank you for all the sacrifices that you have made to help me fulfill my dreams. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I want to thank Dr. Frank L. Vatai. He helped me re-discover my love for Ancient Greek and Roman history, both through the various courses I took with him, and the wonderful opportunity he gave me to T.A. his course on Ancient Greece. The idea to write this thesis paper, after all, was first sparked when I took Dr. Vatai’s course on the Late Roman Republic, since it made me want to go back and re-read Livy. I also want to thank Dr. Patricia Juarez-Dappe, who gave me the opportunity to read the abstract of one of my papers in the Southwestern Social Science Association conference in the spring of 2012, and later invited me to T.A. one of her courses. -
The Social and Political Context for Obstruction in Roman Love
THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT FOR OBSTRUCTION IN ROMAN LOVE ELEGY by AMY K. LEONARD (Under the Direction of Charles Platter) ABSTRACT This thesis will examine the presence of erotic obstruction in the poems of the first century B.C. writers of Roman love elegy: Tibullus, Propertius and Ovid. While erotic poetry prior to this time period had long necessitated a sense of obstruction, the deliberate construction of a failed love-affair by the Roman elegists serves to define their particular use of obstruction as a unique discursive strategy. The observation has been made that the time period marking the emergence and disappearance of Roman elegy qualifies it as a discrete, time-bound genre. In light of these time considerations, the obstruction motif in elegy, as a means of articulating a continual sense of failure, is capable of giving involuntary voice to events taking place on the Roman socio-political front, specifically, as this thesis will argue, a perceived loss of autonomy under the changing political structures at the end of the Republic. INDEX WORDS: Obstruction, Roman love elegy, Tibullus, Propertius, Ovid, Door, Vir, Lena, Illness, Distance, Unfaithfulness, Amores 2.19, Amores 3.4 THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT FOR OBSTRUCTION IN ROMAN LOVE ELEGY by AMY KIRK LEONARD B.A., The University of Georgia, 1996 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2004 © 2004 Amy Kirk Leonard All Rights Reserved THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT FOR OBSTRUCTION IN ROMAN LOVE ELEGY by AMY KIRK LEONARD Major Professor: Charles Platter Committee: Keith Dix Nancy Felson Electronic Version Approved: Maureen Grasso Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia August 2004 DEDICATION I dedicate this thesis to my husband, David Leonard, without whose unconditional support during my years in graduate school I would never have made it to the completion of this degree. -
Roman Literature Under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian
Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian Literary Interactions, ad 96–138 Edited by Alice König and Christopher Whitton ROMAN LITE·RATURE UNDER NERVA, TRAJAN AND HADRIAN Literary Interactions, AD 96-I38 for John Henderson EDITED BY ALICE KÖNIG Univenity ofSt And~s, Scotland CHRISTOPHER WHITTON Univenity of Cambridge EI CAMBRIDGE ~ UNIVERSITY PRESS 20 /18 ROMAN LITERATURE UNDER NERVA, TRAJAN AND HADRIAN This volume is the first holistic investigation of Roman liceracure and literary culture under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian (AD 96-138). Wich case scudies from Frontinus, Juvenal, Martial, Pliny the Younger, Plutarch, Quintilian, Suetonius and Tacitus among others, the eigh teen chapters offer not just innovative readings ofliterary (and some 'less literary') texts, but a collaborative enquiry into the networks and culcure in which they are embedded. The book brings together estab lished and novel methodologies to explore the connections, conver sations and silences between these texts and their authors, both on and off the page. The scholarly dialogues that result not only shed fresh light on the dynamics of literary production and consumption in the 'High Roman Empire', but offer new provocations to students ofintercextuality and interdiscursivity across classical literature. How can and should we read textual interactions in their social, literary and cultural contexts? ALICE KÖNIG is Senior Lecturer in Classics at the University of St Andrews. Her research focuses on ancient technical literature and the history of science, and the relationship between politics, society and literature in the early principate. She is preparing a monograph on ehe author and statesman Sextus Julius Frontinus, and has published a series of articles on Vitruvius, Frontinus and Tacitus. -
Letters of Marcus Tullius Cicero, with His Treatises on Friendship and Old
1^ THE HARVARD CLASSICS EDITED BY CHARLES W ELIOT LL D LETTERS OF MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO t It WITH HIS TREATISES ON FRIENDSHIP AND OLD AGE TRANSLATED BY E S SHUCKBURGH AND LETTERS OF GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILTUS SECUNDUS TRANSLATED BY WILLIAM MELMOTH REVISED BY F C T BOSANQUET WITH INTRODUCTIONS, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS 'OR ELIOT'S FIVE-FOOT SHELF OF BOOKS' P F COLLIER & SON NEW YORK 'ilX^ Copyright, By 1909 P. F. CottiEK & Sow PA * CONTENTS PAGE ON FRIENDSHIP 7 Marcus Tullius Cicero ON OLD AGE 45 Marcus Tullius Cicero LETTERS 83 Marcus Tullius Cicero LETTERS 195 Gaius Plinius C^cilius Secundus I —HC IX INTRODUCTORY NOTE Marcus Tullius Cicero, the greatest of Roman orators and the chief master of Latin prose style, was born at Arpinum, Jan. 3, io6 B. C. His father, who was a man of property and belonged to the clas'S of the "Knights," moved to Rome when Cicero was a child; and the future statesman received an elaborate education in rhetoric, law, and philosophy, studying and practising under some of the most noted teachers of the time. He began his career as an advocate at the age of twenty-five, and almost immediately came to be recognised not only as a man of brilliant talents but also as a courageous upholder of justice in the face of grave political danger. After two years of practice he left Rome to travel in Greece and Asia, taking all the opportunities that offered to study his art under distinguished masters. He returned to Rome greatly improved in health and in professional skill, and in 76 B. -
Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep
A Curious Case: Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep. 5.8) Jonathan J. Price Pliny the Younger admired historians and historical writing. In his letters he praises History‘s virtues, values a freedman who can read history well, and above all, feels unbounded esteem for his friend Tacitus, who had gained fame while still alive for his published historical researches.1 Pliny‘s most elaborate appreciation of historiography is contained in Ep. 5.8, a letter of 105-106 CE2 addressed to Titinius Capito, who had urged Pliny to write history himself. Pliny responds to Capito by lauding history-writing as the surest means to fame and affirming his desire to take up the task, but his convoluted and confusing explanation of the reasons for his delay amount to a decisive rejection of ever writing history. The letter has been variously understood as a serious contemplation on historiography, a document of angst about his status in Rome‘s literary world, a bid to make himself the subject of history, an urbane ‗polite refusal‘ to write history.3 This paper, offered in honor of my friend and colleague Hannah Cotton,4 will argue that the letter is a subtle but demonstrative rejection of history-writing which both reflects and comments on the state of Roman historiography in Pliny‘s generation. Pliny‘s correspondent, the equestrian Cn. Octavius Titinius Capito, was a generous literary patron and the host of a well-known salon, apparently an arbiter of taste in Rome in the early second century CE.5 After a military career, he served as procurator ab * I would like to thank Werner Eck for helpful criticism. -
Haec Nobis Fingebamus: Tibullus, Ovid, and the Power of Imagination
Haec Nobis Fingebamus: Tibullus, Ovid, and the Power of Imagination This paper will explore the parallel uses of imagination in two elegiac poems: Tibullus 1.5 and Ovid’s Tristia 4.2. In poem 1.5, Tibullus depicts a scene in which he and his beloved Delia live a pleasant life together in the countryside, far from the greed and rivals of the city. Eventually, however, he must admit that he was imagining it all (haec mihi fingebam, Tib. 1.5.35) and later reveals that he is in fact still locked out of his beloved’s house in the city. In Tristia 4.2, Ovid similarly uses his imagination to place himself back in Rome during Tiberius’ German triumph. He, too, must eventually admit that this is only possible in his imagination (at mihi fingendo, Trist. 4.2.67), due to the reality of his exile. A number of scholars have discussed Tibullus’ fantasies in poem 1.5 and have tended to focus on the ultimate failure of these fantasies (see Luck 1969, Ross 1975, Lyne 1980, Lee- Stecum 1998). Scholars of Ovid’s exile poetry, meanwhile, have argued that Ovid’s imagination in these poems provides him with mental access to Rome in spite of his physical absence (see Edwards 1996; Claassen 1999, 2008; Hardie 2002). My paper will refine this view of Ovid’s exile poetry by reading it in tandem with Tibullus 1.5 rather than on its own. I will argue that Ovid’s imagination in Tristia 4.2 turns out to be as ineffectual as Tibullus’ in 1.5, and functions as a failed fantasy in line with Tibullus’ earlier model. -
Birthday Rituals: Friends and Patrons in Roman Poetry and Cult Author(S): Kathryn Argetsinger Source: Classical Antiquity, Vol
Birthday Rituals: Friends and Patrons in Roman Poetry and Cult Author(s): Kathryn Argetsinger Source: Classical Antiquity, Vol. 11, No. 2 (Oct., 1992), pp. 175-193 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25010971 Accessed: 30-07-2018 15:30 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25010971?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Classical Antiquity This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Mon, 30 Jul 2018 15:30:54 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms KATHRYN ARGETSINGER Birthday Rituals: Friends and Patrons in Roman Poetry and Cult THE PEOPLE OF late republican Rome celebrated at least three different types of dies natales. In the private sphere, Roman men and women marked their own birthdays and the birthdays of family members and friends with gift giving and banquets. In the public sphere, the natales of temples and the natales of cities were observed; these "birthdays" were actually the anniversaries of the days on which particular cults, or cities, had been founded.1 In addition to these, from the time of the principate, the people of Rome celebrated annually the birthdays of past and present emperors and members of the imperial family, as well as the emperors' natales imperii, or accession days. -
The Use of Caesar in the First Triad of Tacitus' Annales
The Use of Caesar in the First Triad of Tacitus’ Annales The first triad of Tacitus’ Annales documents the early years of Tiberius’ principate and the struggles which the Roman state underwent in its efforts to come to terms with its new political arrangement in the wake of Augustus’ death. Though Tacitus does not shy away from explicitly invoking these issues throughout the course of the narrative, he likewise makes use of more subtle methods to communicate this theme. One of these is his use of the names by which characters are addressed. While some recent studies have grappled with the use of the name Augustus in Tacitus’ works (e.g., Thom 2008, Wardle 2015), there is as of yet no sustained analysis of the name Caesar in Tacitus. In this paper, I analyze the use of the name Caesar in the first three books of the Annales. Eight different characters are referred to by the name Caesar, or compounds of the name such as Tiberius Caesar, throughout this first triad of the Annales alone. Though the narrator uses the name Caesar for a variety of figures, Tiberius is the only one who is called Caesar by characters in the text. He is likewise the only figure referred to by the name Caesar during his tenure as princeps in the history of Velleius Paterculus, who is described by Rubincam as “observing the practice of the period of which he was writing” (1992: 92-3). The tendency to use Caesar as one of the titles for the princeps would only get stronger as time progressed, as the family to which it referred had lost possession of the principate with the death of Nero, and Caesar eventually became a standard imperial title (Rubincam 1992: 94). -
The Conception of History in Velleius Paterculus' Historia
Histos () – THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY IN VELLEIUS PATERCULUS’ HISTORIA ROMANA * Abstract: This article explores the conception of history in Velleius Paterculus’ historiography. It argues that this conception is, against common assumptions, by no means one-dimensional court propaganda, but the result of a subtle tension between teleology and unpredictability arising from Tiberian Rome. Approaching Velleius’ History from this perspective allows us to deepen our understanding of both the significance of history under Tiberius and the anthropological function and value of (historiographical) narrative as a means of coming to terms with the exposure of human life. he transition from the republic to the principate after a century of turmoil and civil war is usually considered the most crucial breaking Tpoint in Roman history—a process which is, nevertheless, not least characterised by the protagonists’ effort to disguise the change as continuity. The result was a balancing act between continuity and discontinuity and a tension between the past on one side and the present and the future on the other. Velleius Paterculus has usually been read as a splendid example of a blunt court propagandist who refuses to acknowledge any disruption in Roman history through Augustus’ reign and whose historiographical work helps to keep up the pretence of continuity and stability. Against these common assumptions, this paper examines Velleius’ Historia Romana in order to show that its conception of history is more complex and rooted in the subtle tension between teleology and uncertainty in Tiberian Rome. Approaching Velleius from this angle helps to shed light on the significance of historical narrative as a means of grappling with socio-political crisis, with general uncertainty and by extension, the exposure of human life. -
Polybius and Livy on the Allies in the Roman Army
POLYBIUS AND LIVY ON THE ALLIES IN THE ROMAN ARMY Paul Erdkamp* From the fourth or third century until the beginning of the rst century bc, Rome’s armies were also the armies of her allies. The socii and nomen Latinum raised at least half of the soldiers that fought wars for Rome. The Italic allies were clearly distinguished from the non-Italic troops, such as Cretan archers or Numidian horsemen, by the fact that they were governed by the formula togatorum. This can be concluded from their ‘de nition’ in the lex agraria from 111 bc: socii nominisve Latini quibus ex formula togatorum milites in terra Italia imperare solent. The formula togatorum is seen as a de ning element, distinguishing the Latin and Italic peoples from Rome’s overseas allies. Although in the second century bc a con- sciousness of Italy as a political and cultural unity gradually emerged, it was still referred to as a military alliance of Roman citizens and allies at the end of that century.1 The beginnings of this system remain in the dark, due to the inadequacies of our sources. The foedus Cassianum between Rome and the Latin League (traditionally dated to 493 bc) supposedly established a federal army under Roman command, but next to nothing is known about its functioning. The participation of the allied peoples was based on the treaties between their communities and Rome. The position of the Latin colonies was slightly different, because their obligations were probably based on the lex coloniae governing each Latin colony.2 We may assume that the role of the allies was re-de ned * I wish to thank John Rich, Luuk de Ligt and Simon Northwood for their many valuable comments.