21H.331S16 Fall of the Roman Republic Lecture Slides
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Umbria from the Iron Age to the Augustan Era
UMBRIA FROM THE IRON AGE TO THE AUGUSTAN ERA PhD Guy Jolyon Bradley University College London BieC ILONOIK.] ProQuest Number: 10055445 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10055445 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract This thesis compares Umbria before and after the Roman conquest in order to assess the impact of the imposition of Roman control over this area of central Italy. There are four sections specifically on Umbria and two more general chapters of introduction and conclusion. The introductory chapter examines the most important issues for the history of the Italian regions in this period and the extent to which they are relevant to Umbria, given the type of evidence that survives. The chapter focuses on the concept of state formation, and the information about it provided by evidence for urbanisation, coinage, and the creation of treaties. The second chapter looks at the archaeological and other available evidence for the history of Umbria before the Roman conquest, and maps the beginnings of the formation of the state through the growth in social complexity, urbanisation and the emergence of cult places. -
Discovery Marche.Pdf
the MARCHE region Discovering VADEMECUM FOR THE TOURIST OF THE THIRD MILLENNIUM Discovering THE MARCHE REGION MARCHE Italy’s Land of Infinite Discovery the MARCHE region “...For me the Marche is the East, the Orient, the sun that comes at dawn, the light in Urbino in Summer...” Discovering Mario Luzi (Poet, 1914-2005) Overlooking the Adriatic Sea in the centre of Italy, with slightly more than a million and a half inhabitants spread among its five provinces of Ancona, the regional seat, Pesaro and Urbino, Macerata, Fermo and Ascoli Piceno, with just one in four of its municipalities containing more than five thousand residents, the Marche, which has always been Italyʼs “Gateway to the East”, is the countryʼs only region with a plural name. Featuring the mountains of the Apennine chain, which gently slope towards the sea along parallel val- leys, the region is set apart by its rare beauty and noteworthy figures such as Giacomo Leopardi, Raphael, Giovan Battista Pergolesi, Gioachino Rossini, Gaspare Spontini, Father Matteo Ricci and Frederick II, all of whom were born here. This guidebook is meant to acquaint tourists of the third millennium with the most important features of our terri- tory, convincing them to come and visit Marche. Discovering the Marche means taking a path in search of beauty; discovering the Marche means getting to know a land of excellence, close at hand and just waiting to be enjoyed. Discovering the Marche means discovering a region where both culture and the environment are very much a part of the Made in Marche brand. 3 GEOGRAPHY On one side the Apen nines, THE CLIMATE od for beach tourism is July on the other the Adriatic The regionʼs climate is as and August. -
Velleius Paterculus: Historicus Patrioticus
CHAPTER SIX VELLEIUS PATERCULUS: HISTORICUS PATRIOTICUS Until very recently, scholarly opinion of Velleius Paterculus as an historian was so low, that were a Gallup Poll of Ancient Historians to be taken, the Tiberian author would be included in the category, "Other." 1 According to J. Hellegouarc'h, Velleius has suffered from comparisons to Livy and Tacitus, confrontations from which he has emerged scathed, being dismissed as a perjured panegyrist and trafficker in rhetoric; both charges having led to his conviction as a "minor historian."2 Now, however, thanks to the advocacy of scholars such as A.J. Woodman, the case of the only extant historian between Livy and Tacitus has been reopened. 3 Woodman has argued that Velleius is a "patriotic historian", writing in the grand old tradition of Sallust and Livy, his final 38 chapters on Tiberius being the logical conclusion of a work intended to show that great events of the past were foreshadowing an even greater present. 4 Woodman has furthermore demonstrated the absurdity of the complaint upon the rhetorical nature of the opus, noting that "all ancient historians, without exception" dealt in literary ani:l dramatic topoi, and that their writings must be "de-rhetorized" in order to be evaluated historically. 5 Velleius conceived a composition of broad scope that dates back to the primordial dawning of Athenian history. In order to cope with the breadth of his theme, he presents his readers with a "portrait gallery" of character sketches in which great events have been reduced to a series of individual actions.6 Like Livy, Velleius is dealing in historical exempla.1 1 J. -
The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC – AD 476)
Impact of Empire 6 IMEM-6-deBlois_CS2.indd i 5-4-2007 8:35:52 Impact of Empire Editorial Board of the series Impact of Empire (= Management Team of the Network Impact of Empire) Lukas de Blois, Angelos Chaniotis Ségolène Demougin, Olivier Hekster, Gerda de Kleijn Luuk de Ligt, Elio Lo Cascio, Michael Peachin John Rich, and Christian Witschel Executive Secretariat of the Series and the Network Lukas de Blois, Olivier Hekster Gerda de Kleijn and John Rich Radboud University of Nijmegen, Erasmusplein 1, P.O. Box 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen, The Netherlands E-mail addresses: [email protected] and [email protected] Academic Board of the International Network Impact of Empire geza alföldy – stéphane benoist – anthony birley christer bruun – john drinkwater – werner eck – peter funke andrea giardina – johannes hahn – fik meijer – onno van nijf marie-thérèse raepsaet-charlier – john richardson bert van der spek – richard talbert – willem zwalve VOLUME 6 IMEM-6-deBlois_CS2.indd ii 5-4-2007 8:35:52 The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC – AD 476) Economic, Social, Political, Religious and Cultural Aspects Proceedings of the Sixth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Roman Empire, 200 B.C. – A.D. 476) Capri, March 29 – April 2, 2005 Edited by Lukas de Blois & Elio Lo Cascio With the Aid of Olivier Hekster & Gerda de Kleijn LEIDEN • BOSTON 2007 This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC-BY-NC 4.0 License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. -
Caesar and the Pirates: Or How to Make (And Break) an Ancient Life’, Greece and Rome, 57(2), Pp
Georgetown University Institutional Repository http://www.library.georgetown.edu/digitalgeorgetown The author made this article openly available online. Please tell us how this access affects you. Your story matters. OSGOOD, J. (2010) ‘Caesar and The Pirates: or How to Make (and Break) an Ancient Life’, Greece and Rome, 57(2), pp. 319–336. doi: 10.1017/S0017383510000057 Collection Permanent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/10822/555438 © 2010 The Classical Association This material is made available online with the permission of the author, and in accordance with publisher policies. No further reproduction or distribution of this copy is permitted by electronic transmission or any other means. Greece & Rome, Vol. 57, No. 2, © The Classical Association, 2010. All rights reserved doi:10.1017/S0017383510000057 CAESAR AND THE PIRATES CAESAR AND THE PIRATES: OR HOW TO MAKE (AND BREAK) AN ANCIENT LIFE* Introduction It is hard for biographers, ancient and modern alike, to resist the story of the young Julius Caesar’s kidnapping by a band of pirates. Suetonius and Plutarch both include full versions of the tale, with specifi c details (Suet. Iul. 4; Plut. Vit. Caes. 1.4–2). Suetonius, for instance, writes that the kidnapping took place near the island of Pharmacusa (just off the coast of Asia Minor), while Plutarch, noting that too, also specifi es that the ransom that freed Caesar came from the (nearby) city of Miletus. And while Suetonius writes that Caesar, after his release, launched a fl eet, pursued the pirates, and punished them, Plutarch includes another phase in the story: having taken command of a fl eet and set sail (again, from Miletus), Plutarch’s Caesar captured nearly all the pirates but, instead of killing them right away, ‘he himself went to Iuncus, the governor of Asia, on the grounds that it belonged to him, as governor of the province, to punish the captives’. -
The Ancient People of Italy Before the Rise of Rome, Italy Was a Patchwork
The Ancient People of Italy Before the rise of Rome, Italy was a patchwork of different cultures. Eventually they were all subsumed into Roman culture, but the cultural uniformity of Roman Italy erased what had once been a vast array of different peoples, cultures, languages, and civilizations. All these cultures existed before the Roman conquest of the Italian Peninsula, and unfortunately we know little about any of them before they caught the attention of Greek and Roman historians. Aside from a few inscriptions, most of what we know about the native people of Italy comes from Greek and Roman sources. Still, this information, combined with archaeological and linguistic information, gives us some idea about the peoples that once populated the Italian Peninsula. Italy was not isolated from the outside world, and neighboring people had much impact on its population. There were several foreign invasions of Italy during the period leading up to the Roman conquest that had important effects on the people of Italy. First there was the invasion of Alexander I of Epirus in 334 BC, which was followed by that of Pyrrhus of Epirus in 280 BC. Hannibal of Carthage invaded Italy during the Second Punic War (218–203 BC) with the express purpose of convincing Rome’s allies to abandon her. After the war, Rome rearranged its relations with many of the native people of Italy, much influenced by which peoples had remained loyal and which had supported their Carthaginian enemies. The sides different peoples took in these wars had major impacts on their destinies. In 91 BC, many of the peoples of Italy rebelled against Rome in the Social War. -
Pirani-Sforza E Le Marche.Pdf
Francesco Pirani SUNT PICENTES NATURA MOBILES NOVISQUE STUDENTES. FRANCESCO SFORZA E LE CITTÀ DELLA MARCA DI ANCONA (1433-1447) «In the march of Ancona, Sforza ruled without any reference the Pope and paying little attention to his subjects except for the money he could squeeze out of them. Sforza perhaps did not intend to use the march for more than a reserve of men, money and victuals, though it is doubtful if his depredations were different in kind from those of papal governors» 1. Il giudizio un po’ liquidatorio di un grande storico dello Stato della Chiesa, Peter Partner, mostra appieno la ragione per cui l’espe- rienza di potere di Francesco Sforza nelle Marche sia stata derubrica- ta nella storiografia novecentesca a una breve parentesi o a una tem- poranea anomalia rispetto ai più rilevanti sviluppi della monarchia pontificia. Quella dello Sforza, in breve, sarebbe stata una domina- zione meramente militare, basata sul prelievo forzoso di risorse finan- ziarie e umane, cioè di uomini destinati a combattere in tutta l’Italia nelle milizie capitanate dall’abile condottiero di origine romagnola. Del resto, in questi anni le Marche vissero di luce riflessa rispetto a quanto si andava decantando nei maggiori stati regionali della Peni- sola e le sue sorti politiche dipesero più da decisioni prese altrove (a Roma, a Firenze o a Milano) che non da fattori endogeni. In linea generale è indubbio che nel primo Quattrocento le condotte militari, oltre ad assicurare consistenti guadagni per chi le gestiva, servivano a stabilire un raccordo con le forze territoriali più potenti della Peniso- la: i piccoli stati governati da principi-condottieri, come quello dei Montefeltro fra Romagna e Marche, seppero trarre infatti enormi vantaggi proprio dalla capacità di istaurare “un rapporto di dipen- denza, o meglio, di simbiosi polivalente con le formazioni statali più potenti” d’Italia 2. -
The Roman Republic S
P1: IML/SPH P2: IML/SPH QC: IML/SPH T1: IML CB598-FM CB598-Flower-v3 August 26, 2003 18:47 The Cambridge Companion to THE ROMAN REPUBLIC S Edited by Harriet I. Flower Princeton University iii P1: IML/SPH P2: IML/SPH QC: IML/SPH T1: IML CB598-FM CB598-Flower-v3 August 26, 2003 18:47 published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru,UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, vic 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcon´ 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org C Cambridge University Press 2004 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2004 Printed in the United States of America Typeface Bembo 11/13 pt. System LATEX 2ε [tb] A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic / edited by Harriet I. Flower. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-521-80794-8 – isbn 0-521-00390-3 (pb.) 1. Rome – History – Republic, 510–30 b.c. I. Flower, Harriet I. dg235.c36 2003 937.02 – dc21 2003048572 isbn 0 521 80794 8 hardback isbn 0 521 00390 3 paperback iv P1: IML/SPH P2: IML/SPH QC: IML/SPH T1: IML CB598-FM CB598-Flower-v3 August 26, 2003 18:47 Contents S List of Illustrations and Maps page vii List of Contributors ix Preface xv Introduction 1 HARRIET I. -
Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep
A Curious Case: Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep. 5.8) Jonathan J. Price Pliny the Younger admired historians and historical writing. In his letters he praises History‘s virtues, values a freedman who can read history well, and above all, feels unbounded esteem for his friend Tacitus, who had gained fame while still alive for his published historical researches.1 Pliny‘s most elaborate appreciation of historiography is contained in Ep. 5.8, a letter of 105-106 CE2 addressed to Titinius Capito, who had urged Pliny to write history himself. Pliny responds to Capito by lauding history-writing as the surest means to fame and affirming his desire to take up the task, but his convoluted and confusing explanation of the reasons for his delay amount to a decisive rejection of ever writing history. The letter has been variously understood as a serious contemplation on historiography, a document of angst about his status in Rome‘s literary world, a bid to make himself the subject of history, an urbane ‗polite refusal‘ to write history.3 This paper, offered in honor of my friend and colleague Hannah Cotton,4 will argue that the letter is a subtle but demonstrative rejection of history-writing which both reflects and comments on the state of Roman historiography in Pliny‘s generation. Pliny‘s correspondent, the equestrian Cn. Octavius Titinius Capito, was a generous literary patron and the host of a well-known salon, apparently an arbiter of taste in Rome in the early second century CE.5 After a military career, he served as procurator ab * I would like to thank Werner Eck for helpful criticism. -
2018 Fjcl Certamen Advanced Round 1
2018 FJCL CERTAMEN ADVANCED ROUND 1 1. Born along the Alban Hills in the town of Tusculum, what Roman citizen and bearer of numerous offices is remembered as a champion of ancient Roman virtues and a fierce opponent of what he considered Hellenistic cultural contamination? CATO THE ELDER B1: In which work of his does Cato recount the founding of Rome and numerous other Italian cities? ORGINIĒS B2: Identify one of the two works of Cicero in which Cato the Elder is praised and idealized. DĒ RĒ PUBLICĀ or DĒ SENECTUTE 2. The Latin abbreviation s.o.s. has what meaning in English? IF THERE IS NEED B1: Give the Latin for that abbreviation. SI OPUS SIT B2: The Latin abbreviation p.r.n. is synonymous with s.o.s. Give the Latin for p.r.n. PRŌ RĒ NATĀ 3. Give the comparative form of saepe. SAEPIUS B1: Give the comparative form of satis. SATIUS B2: Give the comparative form of secus. SETIUS 4. Although it was originally called the Albula River, what more common name is given to the river which flows through Rome? TIBER B1: What king drowned in the Albula, prompting a change in its nomenclature? TIBERINUS B2: According to Suetonius, what emperor instituted curātorēs ripārum et alveī Tiberis in order to help control the river’s inundations? AUGUSTUS 5. A stone and a foal were two items used by what Titaness to trick her cannibalistic husband and protect her children? RHEA B1: Which of her offspring did Rhea replace with a foal? POSEIDON B2: With what Roman goddess is Rhea identified? OPS 6. -
The Use of Caesar in the First Triad of Tacitus' Annales
The Use of Caesar in the First Triad of Tacitus’ Annales The first triad of Tacitus’ Annales documents the early years of Tiberius’ principate and the struggles which the Roman state underwent in its efforts to come to terms with its new political arrangement in the wake of Augustus’ death. Though Tacitus does not shy away from explicitly invoking these issues throughout the course of the narrative, he likewise makes use of more subtle methods to communicate this theme. One of these is his use of the names by which characters are addressed. While some recent studies have grappled with the use of the name Augustus in Tacitus’ works (e.g., Thom 2008, Wardle 2015), there is as of yet no sustained analysis of the name Caesar in Tacitus. In this paper, I analyze the use of the name Caesar in the first three books of the Annales. Eight different characters are referred to by the name Caesar, or compounds of the name such as Tiberius Caesar, throughout this first triad of the Annales alone. Though the narrator uses the name Caesar for a variety of figures, Tiberius is the only one who is called Caesar by characters in the text. He is likewise the only figure referred to by the name Caesar during his tenure as princeps in the history of Velleius Paterculus, who is described by Rubincam as “observing the practice of the period of which he was writing” (1992: 92-3). The tendency to use Caesar as one of the titles for the princeps would only get stronger as time progressed, as the family to which it referred had lost possession of the principate with the death of Nero, and Caesar eventually became a standard imperial title (Rubincam 1992: 94). -
The Conception of History in Velleius Paterculus' Historia
Histos () – THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY IN VELLEIUS PATERCULUS’ HISTORIA ROMANA * Abstract: This article explores the conception of history in Velleius Paterculus’ historiography. It argues that this conception is, against common assumptions, by no means one-dimensional court propaganda, but the result of a subtle tension between teleology and unpredictability arising from Tiberian Rome. Approaching Velleius’ History from this perspective allows us to deepen our understanding of both the significance of history under Tiberius and the anthropological function and value of (historiographical) narrative as a means of coming to terms with the exposure of human life. he transition from the republic to the principate after a century of turmoil and civil war is usually considered the most crucial breaking Tpoint in Roman history—a process which is, nevertheless, not least characterised by the protagonists’ effort to disguise the change as continuity. The result was a balancing act between continuity and discontinuity and a tension between the past on one side and the present and the future on the other. Velleius Paterculus has usually been read as a splendid example of a blunt court propagandist who refuses to acknowledge any disruption in Roman history through Augustus’ reign and whose historiographical work helps to keep up the pretence of continuity and stability. Against these common assumptions, this paper examines Velleius’ Historia Romana in order to show that its conception of history is more complex and rooted in the subtle tension between teleology and uncertainty in Tiberian Rome. Approaching Velleius from this angle helps to shed light on the significance of historical narrative as a means of grappling with socio-political crisis, with general uncertainty and by extension, the exposure of human life.