1 Overviewarticles

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

1 Overviewarticles 2016014 [THB] 001-Section-1-1-proof-03 [date 1606011218 : version 1603111200] page 1 1 Overview Articles ∵ 2016014 [THB] 001-Section-1-1-proof-03 [date 1606011218 : version 1603111200] page 2 2016014 [THB] 001-Section-1-1-proof-03 [date 1606011218 : version 1603111200] page 3 1.1 Introduction 1.1.1 Textual History of the Hebrew Bible transmission process at times overlapped, and be- cause it is through textual criticism that many lit- This introductory section deals with various gen- erary developments are discovered. Both groups eral areas that introduce the discipline of tex- acknowledge that the difficulty in differentiating tual criticism and that are not treated in the Tex- readings of the two types complicates the textual tual History of the Bible, which focuses on texts: evaluation to such an extent that some scholars the nature of textual criticism (→ 1.1.1.1), textual tend to avoid textual evaluation altogether. Text- theories, among which the search for an origi- critical analysis is not restricted only to the tradi- nal text (→ 1.1.1.2), the nature of the textual evi- tional text of Hebrew–Aramaic Scripture, the so- dence (→ 1.1.1.3), the development of the biblical called mt, but rather includes all forms of Scrip- text (→ 1.1.1.4), the scribal transmission of the bib- ture. lical text (→ 1.1.1.5), and the evaluation of textual The Judean Desert scrolls (→ 1.2.2) contain evidence (→ 1.1.1.6). more than 200 biblical manuscripts dated to ca. 250 b.c.e.–135 c.e., and they show that most of the 1.1.1.1 Nature of Textual Criticism books had reached near-final forms recognizable The Textual History of the Bible requires some dis- from our current Bibles, though they would still de- cussion of the nature of text-critical analysis. Tex- velop. For scholars who separate literary from tex- tual criticism of the Hebrew Bible deals with the tual criticism, the aims of textual criticism have not nature, origin, and development of all the wit- changed with this discovery of important new ev- nesses of a composition or book. This analysis idence in the Judean Desert, though the quantity often involves an attempt to discover the origi- and nature of the new evidence aids us in better un- nal form of details in a composition, or even of derstanding the sources known before 1947 as well large stretches of text, although what exactly con- as the cross-fertilization between textual criticism, stitutes an “original text” is subject to much de- literary criticism, and exegesis. For others, however, bate (→ 1.1.1.2). In the course of such an inquiry, at- since the scrolls show that the text of the Hebrew tempts are made to describe how the texts were Bible was pluriform and developing diachronically, copied, changed, and transmitted from one gen- the aims of textual criticism have expanded to in- eration to the next. Those scholars who express a clude literary criticism, which is necessarily inter- view on the originality of readings do so through twined. evaluation of their comparative value. This com- One of the practical results of the analysis of parison – the center of textual praxis – assesses textual data is that it creates tools for the exegesis the value of the readings included in the tex- of Hebrew–Aramaic Scripture. Exegetical activity tual witnesses. In the view of several scholars, is based on a text or texts and can only proceed not all differences should be subjected to textual if the nature of that text has been determined. By evaluation. They stress that (groups of) readings the same token, all other disciplines, such as the that were produced at the literary growth stage historical, geographical, and linguistic analysis of of the biblical books (literary or editorial vari- Scripture, also operate from a text base. In each ants) should not be subjected to textual evalu- case, the scholar has to define the text base for ation, since they were not produced during the his exegesis, and by necessity this involves the course of the transmission of the texts (→ 1.1.1.6). analysis of all textual data. Too often, however, In contrast, others think that both types should these disciplines are based mainly on mt because be evaluated, since different literary forms coex- the extant text editions and commentaries focus on isted side by side and the literary growth and the that version. 2016014 [THB] 001-Section-1-1-proof-03 [date 1606011218 : version 1603111200] page 4 4 1.1 textual history of the hebrew bible The aims and procedures of the textual criti- mt, go back to different medieval manuscripts of cism of Hebrew–Aramaic Scripture are defined in that tradition, or combinations thereof, and there- various monographs (see bibliography below; Tov, fore the editions also necessarily differ from one *tchb, 1 and Ulrich, *dss, 114–15). Some of them another. Moreover, these editions reflect not only stress that involvement in textual criticism is im- the various medieval manuscripts, but also the per- perative. But, since many scholars focus on mt sonal views of their editors. Furthermore, several alone, examination of the full spectrum of sources editions contain a certain number of printing er- for textual variants is now more than ever impera- rors (Tov, *tchb, 8–9). Therefore, there is no sin- tive. gle edition in existence that agrees in all its details with another one, except for photographically re- Differences between the textual witnesses. The bib- produced editions or editions presenting the same lical text has been transmitted in many ancient electronic (computer-encoded) text. Most editions and medieval sources that are known to us from even differ from one another in their subsequent modern editions in different languages: We possess printings, without informing the readers. It should fragments of leather and papyrus scrolls that are be remembered that the number of differences be- at least two thousand years old in Hebrew, Greek, tween the various editions is very small. Moreover, and Aramaic, as well as manuscripts in Hebrew all of them concern minimal, or even minute, de- and other languages from the Middle Ages. These tails in the text, and most affect the meaning of the sources shed light on and witness to the biblical text in only a very limited way. The following are text, hence their name: “textual witnesses.” These examples of the differences between the most fre- textual witnesses all differ from one another to a quently used editions of mt: sequence of the books, greater or lesser extent. Since no textual source chapter division, layout of the text, verse division, contains what could be called the biblical text, a differences in letters, words, vocalization, and ac- serious involvement in biblical studies necessitates centuation, and notes of the Masorah. the study of all sources, which necessarily involves study of the differences between them. The analy- mt and the original Scripture text. One of the pos- sis of these textual differences thus holds a central tulates of biblical research is that many details in place in textual criticism. the text preserved in the various representatives It is not only the differences among the various (manuscripts, editions) of what is commonly called textual witnesses that require involvement in tex- mt, do not reflect the “original text” of the bibli- tual criticism. Textual differences of a similar na- cal books.1 Even though the concept of an “origi- ture are reflected in the various attestations of a sin- nal text” necessarily remains vague (→ 1.1.1.2), dif- gle textual tradition of Hebrew–Aramaic Scripture, ferences between mt and the other textual wit- namely mt, often described as the main textual tra- nesses will continue to be recognized. Scholars will dition of Scripture. Such differences are visible in constantly hesitate regarding the originality of the all attestations of mt, ancient and medieval, and readings of either mt or one of the other sources. even in its printed editions and modern transla- However, one thing is clear, it should not be pos- tions since they are based on different sources. tulated that mt better or more frequently reflects Perhaps one would not have expected differ- the original text of the biblical books than any ences between the printed editions of Hebrew– other text. Furthermore, even were we to surmise Aramaic Scripture, for if a fully unified textual tra- that mt reflects the “original” form of Scripture, we dition had been possible at any one given period, it would certainly seem to have been after the 1 This perception goes back to Cappellus, *Critica Sacra, invention of the printing press. However, such is 384–85. Also Eichhorn, *Einleitung, 1:278–83 described in de- not the case since all printed editions of Hebrew– tail why the “oldest manuscripts were not without mistakes” Aramaic Scripture, which actually are editions of (title of the section). 2016014 [THB] 001-Section-1-1-proof-03 [date 1606011218 : version 1603111200] page 5 1.1.1 Textual History of the Hebrew Bible 5 would still have to decide which form of mt reflects the research before 1947 was based on Hebrew– this “original text,” since mt itself is represented by Aramaic texts that had been copied 1,200 years or many witnesses that differ in small details (→ 1.2.2). more after the composition of the biblical books. At the same time, scholars also relied on manuscripts Parallel versions within mt and the other textual and early papyrus fragments of the ancient trans- sources. The textual witnesses of the biblical books, lations, especially of lxx and the Vulgate, which including mt, contain several parallel versions of brought them much closer to the time of the com- the same unit.
Recommended publications
  • Call for Papers LUTHERANISM & the CLASSICS VI: Beauty Concordia Theological Seminary, Fort Wayne, Indiana October 1-2, 2020
    Call for Papers LUTHERANISM & THE CLASSICS VI: Beauty Concordia Theological Seminary, Fort Wayne, Indiana October 1-2, 2020 WHAT: From the Reformation onward, Lutherans have not only held the languages and literatures of the ancient Greeks and Romans in high regard, but also respected their theories of aesthetics and artistic sensibilities. While Martin Luther came to believe that beauty is found not in an Aristotelian golden mean but rather in God’s own self- giving in Christ Jesus under forms that may seem ugly to unbelief, he valued proportionality, aesthetics, music, and the visual arts as precious gifts of a generous Creator. Imaging is not only what the human heart does—whether concocting idols or honoring God—but also how the proclaimed word portrays Christ: primarily as divine gift. The conference organizers seek individual papers (or panels with at least three participants) on such topics as follow: Reformation-era Perspectives on Beauty in Plato and Aristotle Lucas Cranach and the Classical Artistic Tradition The Basilica and Church Architecture The Role of Images in the Early Church Beauty and Aesthetics as Understood by the Church Fathers Iconolatry and Iconoclasm The Strange Beauty of the Cross Luther’s Understanding of Beauty under its Apparent Opposite in Selected Psalms Luther on the Theology and Beauty of Music Lutheran Phil-Hellenism Beauty in Orthodoxy, Pietism, and Rationalism Baroque Beauty: Bach and Others Classical Rhetoric and Christian Preaching The Beauty of Holiness Luther’s Aesthetics in Contrast to Modern Views of Beauty How Might Christian Children Learn Aesthetics? Our subject is broadly conceived and considerable latitude will be given to cogent abstracts.
    [Show full text]
  • ©® 2002 Joe Griffin 02-10-13-A.CC02-42
    ©Ê 2002 Joe Griffin 02-10-13-A.CC02-42 / 1 Clanking Chains: Self-Righteous Arrogance: Unhappiness, Iconoclastic, Client Nation, 2 Peter 1:1-2 5) The Arrogance of Unhappiness. We have seen this expression of arrogance associated with Authority Arrogance. The unhappy person is also self-righteous and is preoccupied with self. If he finds himself in a circumstance that causes him to be fearful or angry or both, he has an intense desire to be free of these things. Fascism and Nazism caused the founders of the Frankfurt School to first be afraid and then to become angry. They were unable to evaluate the historical circumstances surrounding the Third Reich from establishment viewpoint let alone biblical viewpoint. Unable to analyze these historical events as the ultimate act of fallen men driven by self- righteous arrogance, they chose instead to analyze them from the viewpoint of the West’s corrupt culture and authoritarian traditions with Christian theology being one of the major contributors. Fearful of a future repeat performance of fascism, the Frankfurt philosophers switched over to anger in their search for a solution. Implacability is locked-in anger that leads to bitterness. Bitterness is an expression of self-pity which expresses frustration that they can find no solution to their unhappy circumstance. Frustrated, self-righteous people never see their own faults but only the faults of others. These perceived faults may be real or imagined. And the Frankfurt fellows imagined that the causes of their frustrations were Western culture and Christian theology. This entangled them in: 6) Iconoclastic Arrogance.
    [Show full text]
  • Islam and Christian Theologians
    • CTSA PROCEEDINGS 48 (1993): 41-54 • ISLAM AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGIANS Once upon a time an itinerant grammarian came to a body of water and enlisted the services of a boatman to ferry him across. As they made their way, the grammarian asked the boatman, "Do you know the science of grammar?" The humble boatman thought for a moment and admitted somewhat dejectedly that he did not. Not much later, a growing storm began to imperil the small vessel. Said the boatman to the grammarian, "Do you know the science of swimming?" On the eve of the new millennium too much of our theological activity remains shockingly intramural. Instead of allowing an inherent energy to launch us into the larger reality of global religiosity, we insist on protecting our theology from the threat of contamination. If we continue to resist serious engagement with other theological traditions, and that of Islam in particular, our theology may prove as useful as grammar in a typhoon. But what would swimming look like in theological terms? In the words of Robert Neville, "One of the most important tasks of theology today is to develop strategies for determining how to enter into the meaning system of another tradition, not merely as a temporary member of that tradition, but in such a way as to see how they bear upon one another."1 I propose to approach this vast subject by describing the "Three M's" of Muslim-Christian theological engagement: Models (or methods from the past); Method (or a model for future experimentation); and Motives. I.
    [Show full text]
  • Paganism and Idolatry in Near Eastern Christianity
    Durham E-Theses 'The Gods of the Nations are Idols' (Ps. 96:5): Paganism and Idolatry in Near Eastern Christianity NICHOLS, SEBASTIAN,TOBY How to cite: NICHOLS, SEBASTIAN,TOBY (2014) 'The Gods of the Nations are Idols' (Ps. 96:5): Paganism and Idolatry in Near Eastern Christianity, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10616/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Sebastian Toby Nichols ‘The Gods of the Nations are Idols’ (Ps. 96:5): Paganism and Idolatry in Near Eastern Christianity This thesis will explore the presentation in Christian literature of gentile religious life in the Roman Near East in the first few centuries AD. It will do so by performing a close study of three sources – the Syriac Oration of Meliton the Philosopher, the Syriac translation of the Apology of Aristides, and the Greek Address to the Greeks of Tatian.
    [Show full text]
  • The Magazine of the Prayer Book Society
    ANGLICAN WAY The magazine of the Prayer Book Society Volume 40 Number 1 Winter 2017 IN THIS ISSUE Reflections from 2 the Editor’s Desk From the President: 3 Incarnation and Image The New and Old 5 Learning and the Reformation in England Society Outreach in the 8 Anglican Province of Tanzania Christian Marriage in 10 the Book of Common Prayer (1662) Obergefell and the End 13 of Marriage Finding Pipe 16 Organs for Small Congregations Evelyn Underhill and 17 the BCP 20 Germany Retrospective 22 An Epiphany Sermon Reflections FROM THE Editor’s Desk Roberta Bayer, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Patrick Henry College, Purcellville, Virginia We need your n this issue Fr. Edward Rix, Vice-President of the I have included a seasonal sermon by Fr. William gifts in order to Prayer Book Society writes about his missionary Martin, a former member of our board and priest trip to Tanzania on our behalf. He gave a sermon in the Anglican Province of America. Finally, Jared carry out your Ion marriage at a youth conference, the text of which Tomlinson has sent a report on the recent trip to mandate to is reprinted here, and had many interesting conver- Germany by the choir of St. Andrew’s Academy in defend the sations with bishops and other church leaders. Dur- Lake Almanor, California. St. Andrew’s is a boarding ing one conversation, Fr. Rix learned of their need school in the Anglican tradition. The school worships 1928 Book of for more copies of the 1954 Kiswahili Book of Com- with the traditional Book of Common Prayer and is Common Prayer.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 and 2 Chronicles
    OLD TESTAMENT BIBLICAL LITERACY Lesson 29 1 AND 2 CHRONICLES I. BACKGROUND The books of Chronicles have certain similarities to what we have studied so far, yet there are distinct differences as well. Like Kings and Samuel, these two books were originally one in the old Hebrew Bible. With the translation of the Hebrew text into Greek around 200 B.C. (the “Septuagint”) that one text become two. The two books remained in the Latin translation (the “Vulgate”), and eventually toward the end of the Middle Ages, made itself into two books for the Hebrew Bible as well. A. Why is the book called “Chronicles?” The Hebrew name for these books is dibre hayyamim, literally meaning “words of the days.” This Hebrew expression is conveying the idea that the books are the words (or writings) of the Days in the Hebrew sense that “days” often denotes an “era” or “time period” as opposed to just 24 hours. The Septuagint translators used the title paraleipomenon which means “the things omitted.” This title was premised on the (what I believe is false) premise that the Chronicles at their core were written to convey history and theology that was missing from Samuel-Kings as a sort of supplement. The church father Jerome did not follow the Septuagint title. Instead he chose to title the books after the Hebrew title, but with a little more clarity into how the words were used. Jerome (in his Prologus Galeatus) titled the work Chronicon totius divinae historiae, which translates into: A Chronicle of the Whole of Sacred History.
    [Show full text]
  • Far from Being Idolatrous: Ancestor Veneration
    Dr Alexander Jebadu SVD FAR FROM BEING IDOLATROUS: ANCESTOR VENERATION 2010 ______________________________________________ Steyler Verlaag, Nettetal Bibliografische Information Der Deutchen Bibliotek Die Deutche Bibliotek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutchen Nationalbibliografie; detailierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. ©Steyler Verlaag Bahnhofstraβe 9 41334 Nettetal Germany [email protected] ISSN 0562-2816 ISBN 978-3-8050-0564-7 DPT: Martina Ludwig, Steyler Missionswissenschaftliches Instutut Druck: Verlaag Franz Schmitt, Siegburg TABLE OF CONTETS AKNOWLEDGEMENTS ……………………………………………………………...iii I. INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………………………...01 1.1. Problem Mapping of This Study …..…………….……………………………..01 1.2. Goal and Scope of This Study …………..….…………………………………..01 1.3. Organization of This Study and Its Methodology……………………….…….03 1.4. The Limitations of This Study ……………………………………………….…04 II. THE RELEVANCE OF THEOLOGY OF ANCESTRAL VENERATION……. FOR THE ASIAN-AFRICAN CATHOLIC CHURCH …………………..….…...06 2.1. Ancestral Veneration Presupposes Faith in Life after Death ……….………..06 2.1.1. Ancestral Veneration in the Work of Herbert Spencer ……….….…..07 2.1.2. Human Soul in the Frame of Edward Burnet Tylor’s Animism ……..10 2.1.2.1. Definition of Religion ………………………………………….….…...11 2.1.2.2. Animism …………………………………………………….………......11 2.1.2.3. The Origin of Belief in the Human Soul …….………………….….…13 2.1.2.3.1. Human Biological Phenomena …….…………………..…..13 2.1.2.3.2. The Unity of Life and Phantom …….….…………………..14 2.1.2.4. Samples of Popular Beliefs in Human Soul ….….………….…….….14 2.1.2.4.1. The Concept of Soul as Shadow ……..…………….….…...14 2.1.2.4.2. The Concept of Soul as the Cause of Life ………….....…...15 2.1.2.4.3.
    [Show full text]
  • PDF Generated By
    OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRSTPROOFS, Fri Feb 20 2015, NEWGEN View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Goldsmiths Research Online Chapter 8 The Apocrypha in Early Modern England Ariel Hessayon Q. Are the Apocrypha Books to be owned as Gods Word? A. No. Every word of God is pure: add thou not unto his words, least he reprove thee, and thou be found a lyar (Proverbs 30:5–6).1 Protestantism is a religion based on an anthology: the Bible. English Protestants, how- ever, generally accepted fewer holy books than Catholics. Scripture alone, rather than the papacy or church councils, was paramount. Yet which scriptures were to be accepted and which rejected was no straightforward matter. This chapter begins with a brief account of how and why certain Jewish writings came to be regarded as apocryphal, highlighting the crucial contribution Jerome’s contentious canonical theory would play. It also underscores the fact that the Apocrypha was a Protestant construction, one moreover that reflected the privileging of Jewish texts available in Hebrew over those then extant in Greek. For the gradual evolution of the Apocrypha as a distinct corpus was partially a by-product of the humanist return to the sources—specifically Hebrew. Previous studies of the Apocrypha in early modern England have tended to stress two points: first, that the removal of these books from the Old Testament was unauthor- ized, lacking explicit royal and ecclesiastical sanction; secondly, that their influence was greater than commonly recognized. Here I want to suggest that in addition the Apocrypha was important because of its inherent potential to exacerbate religious conflict—not just between Catholics, Lutherans and Calvinists, but also between moderate churchmen and puritans.
    [Show full text]
  • The Testimonium Flavianum Canonicum: Josephus As a Witness to the Biblical Canon, 1566–1823
    Int class trad DOI 10.1007/s12138-016-0408-4 The Testimonium Flavianum Canonicum: Josephus as a Witness to the Biblical Canon, 1566–1823 Theodor Dunkelgrün1 © The Author(s) 2016. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com It therefore naturally, or rather necessarily, follows (seeing that with us it is not open to everybody to write the records, and that there is no discrepancy in what is written; seeing that, on the contrary, the prophets alone had this privilege, obtaining their knowledge of the most remote and ancient history through the inspiration which they owed to God, and committing to writing a clear account of the events of their own time just as they occurred) – it follows, I say, that we do not possess myriads of inconsistent books, conflicting with each other. Our books, those which are justly accredited, are but two and twenty, and contain the record of all time. Of these, five are the books of Moses, comprising the laws and the traditional history from the birth of man down to the death of the lawgiver. This period falls only a little short of three thousand years. From the death of Moses until Artaxerxes, who succeeded Xerxes as king of Persia, the prophets subsequent to Moses wrote the history of the events of their own times in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God and precepts for the conduct of human life. From Artaxerxes to our own time the complete history has been written, but has not been deemed worthy of equal credit with the earlier records, because of the failure of the exact succession of the prophets.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 Chronicles
    YOU CAN UNDERSTAND THE BIBLE 2 Chronicles BOB UTLEY PROFESSOR OF HERMENEUTICS (BIBLE INTERPRETATION) STUDY GUIDE COMMENTARY SERIES OLD TESTAMENT VOL. 7B BIBLE LESSONS INTERNATIONAL MARSHALL, TEXAS 2017 INTRODUCTION TO 1 AND 2 CHRONICLES I. NAME OF THE BOOK A. The name of the book in Hebrew is “the words (events) of the days (years).” This is used in the sense of “a chronicle of the years.” These same words occur in the title of several books mentioned as written sources in 1 Kings 14:19,29; 15:7,23,31; 16:5,14,20,27; 22:46. The phrase itself is used over thirty times in 1 and 2 Kings and is usually translated “chronicles.” B. The LXX entitled it “the things omitted (concerning the Kings of Judah).” This implies that Chronicles is to Samuel and Kings what the Gospel of John is to the Synoptic Gospels. See How to Read the Bible for All Its Worth, by Gordon Fee and Douglas Stuart, pp. 127-148. As the Gospel writers under inspiration (see Special Topic: Inspiration) had the right to select, adapt, and arrange the life of Jesus (not invent actions or words), so too, the inspired authors of OT narratives (see Expository Hermeneutics: An Introduction, by Elliott E. Johnson, p. 169). This selection, adaptation, and chronological/thematic arrangement of words/events was to convey theological truth. History is used as a servant of theology. Chronicles has suffered, much as the Gospel of Mark did. They were both seen as “Readers Digest” summaries and not “a full history.” This is unfortunate! Both have an inspired message.
    [Show full text]
  • TREATISE on RELICS by John Calvin
    THE AGES DIGITAL LIBRARY THEOLOGY TREATISE ON RELICS by John Calvin B o o k s F o r Th e A g e s AGES Software • Albany, OR USA Version 1.0 © 1998 2 TREATISE ON RELICS. BY JOHN CALVIN, Newly Translated From The French Original With An Introductory Dissertation On The Miraculous Images, As Well As Other Superstitions, Of The Roman Catholic And Russo-Greek Churches. TO THE PROTESTANTS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA THIS LITTLE WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY THE TRANSLATOR. 3 PREFACE. THE Treatise on Relics by the great Reformer of Geneva: is not so generally known as it deserves, though at the time of its publication it enjoyed a considerable popularity.F1 The probable reason of this is, that the absurdity of the relics described in this Treatise has since the Reformation gradually become so obvious, that their exhibitors make as little noise as possible about their miraculous wares, whose virtues are no longer believed except by the most ignorant part of the population of countries wherein the education of the inferior classes is neglected. And, indeed, not only Protestants, but many enlightened Roman Catholics believed that all the miracles of relics, images, and other superstitions with which Christianity was infected during the times of mediaeval ignorance would be soon, by the progress of knowledge, consigned for ever to the oblivion of the dark ages, and only recorded in the history of the aberrations of the human mind, together with the superstitions of ancient Egypt, Greece, and Rome. Unfortunately these hopes have not been realized, and are still remaining amongst the pia desideria.
    [Show full text]
  • Theological Studz.Es OCTOBER, 1911 the INFLUENCE of ST JEROME on the CANON of the WESTERN CHURCH
    The journal of Theological Studz.es OCTOBER, 1911 THE INFLUENCE OF ST JEROME ON THE CANON OF THE WESTERN CHURCH. Ill.1 WE now turn to the question of the gradual diffusion and adoption of Jerome's translation and Canon in the Western world. Among the other complaints which Rufinus made of Jerome was that of scattering broadcast his new Bible, in which the Canon and the text of the Hebrews of his day were substituted for the Old Testament which had been accepted by the Christians from the beginning of their history. His words are:- ' Ista vero quae nunc tu interpretaris, et per ecclesias et monasteria, per oppida et castella transmittis, quomodo suscipiemus, tanquam divina, an tanquam humana?' (Invecti'v. ii 31: Vallarsi, ii 664). Jerome seems to have had correspondents in many countries in the West and, indeed, his translation, which was made piecemeal, seems to have been made at the instance of several such corre­ spondents. Thus the Pentateuch was translated at the instance of a certain Desiderius whom he speaks of in the prologue to that work in the words:- ' Desiderii mei desideratas accepi epistolas, qui quodam praesagio futurorum, cum Daniele sortitus est nomen, obsecrantis, ut translatum in Latinam Iinguam de Hebraeo sermone Pentateuchum nostrorum auribus traderem.' It is possible that he was the Desiderius, a priest of the diocese of Comminges in Aquitaine, who, with a neighbour called Riparius, wrote a joint letter to J erome, urging him to write a treatise against Vigilantius (z'n Vigilant. ii ur b, in Migne's edition). He may also have been the same Desiderius who, with his sister, Sereni!la, 1 For the preceding articles see vol.
    [Show full text]