THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.1
OUR party was camping this summer near Yalowadj on the actual site of the ancient Pisidian Antioch, when Mr. Kyriakides, a Greek resident in the town, brought us news of buildings and ' written stones' on the summit of a neighbouring peak. Such news in Asia Minor not infrequently leads to a mare's nest, as Prof. Sterrett found in this very district, but Mr. W. M. Calder of Brasenose College determined to test the information. Next day, accord- ingly, accompanied by Mr. and Mrs. Kyriakides, he and I set out for the mountain, and we were fortunate enough to find the long-lost lepov of Men Askaenos.2 On the two following days Sir William and Lady Ramsay also visited the shrine, and took up some Turkish workmen to clear away a little of the debris encumbering the remains. Having no permit, we could not make any proper excavations, but merely opened up some of the inscriptions, and this only on a very limited scale. In the circumstances, we were unable to give, either to the inscriptions or to our more general observations, such a careful and minute study as we could have wished, so that this report is only provisional and nothing is to be taken as final until excavation confirms each point. To reach the holy place of Men, we crossed the River Anthios and ascended a peak which rises East of Yalowadj on a spur of the Sultan Dagh to a height of some 5,500 feet. When three-quarters of the toilsome ascent was over, we came on a path that bore signs of having been once a made road. Soon dedications (Figs. 1 and 5), sculptured on the rocks to the left, informed us that we had found the traces of the ancient Sacred Way.3 We followed it up towards a rocky ravine, dry in summer, j, ^ —DEDICATION but in winter apparently the bed of a torrent which rushes FROM THE SACRED down from the summit of the ridge. Presently we lost WAT. sight of the ancient road, and had to scramble up the ravine as best we could. Some way up, we again found the Sacred Way, and now all interest became concentrated on a second peak to the right of the
1 I have to thank the Carnegie Trust for a identification (Researches in Asia Minor, i. grant in aid of my expenses on this journey. p. 474) was confirmed. 2 Thus Prof. Ramsay's disbelief (expressed 3 We intended to track it down to Antioch e.g. in Cities of St. Paul, p. 250) in Hamilton's later, but time failed us. 112 MARGARET M. HARDIE first, where a group of rocks bore more engraved dedications, while above the rocks lay the ruins of a Christian church (see Plan, Fig. 2). Close to the church we found a spring, with medicinal properties as I thought, and refreshingly cool on the hottest day. Higher up the now wider ravine we came on the remains of a small theatre (or possibly a small single-ended stadion), hollowed out of the hill. Here the Sacred Way bifurcated4 to pass round the ' theatre' on either side (Fig. 3), numerous statue-bases lining both forks; and with a final turn the Way brought us to the summit of the hill
FIG 2.—SKETCH MAP OF SITE. (Scale in feet.)
and we passed round to the gateway on the South of the precinct, inside which lie the ruins of a small building, the lepov of Men Askaenos. Before proceeding to discuss the most important discoveries, I give a brief account of some minor remains. Across the Sacred Way, on the Northern slopes of the hill, are the remains of buildings which had probably been houses, perhaps for the numerous company of lepohovkoi who, as Strabo tells6 us, were maintained
4 See note 11. 5 Strabo 577. THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 113 at the shrine. Similar remains exist on the Southern and Western slopes also. Some of the Southern structures seem too massive to have been houses ; and on this side statue-bases lie around, and traces of an ancient road may be seen, but only excavation could determine either the purpose of these buildings or the line of the road. The only other remains found are on the summit of the hill East of the ' theatre ': here there was a small, strongly-built, square structure, of which only one course of stones is left above ground. The door, the strength of which was very striking, opens to the West, and so, possibly, we have here -a tomb. I now proceed to give in detail the more prominent results of our investigation of the chief remains.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The ruins of the Christian church are situated on a rock overhanging the Sacred Way at a distance of about 180 yards from the ' theatre.' The church was small but well built, and although, in its ruined condition, we were unable to trace its lines completely, we made out the semicircle of the apse : the orientation was not due East, but 15° North of East. We were interested to find that stones from the lepov above had been used in its construction, as was proved by the discovery in its ruins of the dedication No. 53.6 There was also a stone with a cornice.7 It should be compared with mouldings at the lepov. Excavation of the church would be in all probability fruitful: the site is so remote from human habitation that all the original masonry must lie somewhere about, awaiting the excavator. Not many people could ever have lived on the hill because of its configuration—the houses whose remains we found were not very numerous—and many of those who worshipped in the church must have come from Antioch far below. Doubtless the spot was sacred from time immemorial: the nearness of the spring is in itself a sign of this.8 Numerous analogies establish the rule that a spot, marked as sacred by signs or proofs of Divine power, remained sacred though the out- ward form of religion changed; and each new religion in succession had its own shrine at the holy place.9
THE ' THEATRE ' (Fig. 3). The ' theatre' lies in a hollow on the mountain-top, in a very ruined condition, but we were able to ascertain that its greatest breadth was 113 feet and its length inside 130 feet.10 At M and N are cross-walls, and the
6 See Fig. 14. 9 Pauline and other Studies, p. 103. 7 Seen and drawn by Sir W. M. Ramsay. 10 Here, as elsewhere, we do not guarantee • 8 Cf. Prof. Ramsay, Hist. Oomm. Gal. p. 43; the measurements. For accurate measurement Pauline and other Studies, p. 163. excavation is needed. H.S.—VOL. XXXII. I 114 MARGARET M. HARDIE sides narrowed after that as shown on the Plan (Fig. 2). At R and S there seemed to be a TrdpoBo<;. It was quite impossible to determine the number of stone benches. The photograph looks from behind over the ' theatre' and shows the bases of some of the statues which once lined the Sacred Way here: the Sacred Way itself may be seen winding round the south side of the ' theatre.'u Some doubt exists as to the exact nature and purpose of the building. At first we thought it a theatre for the religious dramas which may have been enacted from time to time in the worship of Men, but its arms are unduly prolonged for a theatre. Or it may have been a very small stadion for games. A comparison with Delphi and its tiny stadion nullifies the objections which might be raised to this theory on the score of the
FIG. 3.—THE 'THEATRE.' (Photograph by Mr. Calder.) smallness of the course. Games are mentioned in an inscription from Antioch12 as occurring diebus festis Lunae, and it is not improbable that the bases13 which lie so thickly in the neighbourhood of the ' theatre ' once supported statues of victors in these games. However, bases were found also to the south of the lepov. They seem to have been inscribed, but scarcely a letter can now be read, and there exists at present no evidence to show whether the statues had represented the god and his priests, or emperors, or victors in the games. If the ' theatre ' was really a stadion, then only one end seems to have been built.14
11 It needs a considerable effoit of the 18 Sterrett, Epig. Jour. No. 101. reconstructive imagination to discover a Sacred 13 Mr. Calder observed traSes of charring on Way in this part: the only place where its some, due probably to shepherds' fires. course seemed quite certain was to the north 14 See Prof. Ramsay in Athenceuin, Aug. 12, of the ravine ; but the lie of the ground is 1911. decisive. THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 115
THE IEPON. The actual lepov of Men consists of a precinct, measuring 137 by 230 feet (inside measurement) and surrounded by a wall 5J feet thick. Like the other structures we found, this wall and the ruined building inside the precinct were built of the very dark limestone, veined with white, of which the hills in this neighbourhood are composed. The stone is very soft and could have presented no difficulty to the workmen who hewed it in the quarries that we saw on the southern slopes of the hill. Of the wall little now remains on any except the Western15 side, where it stands to the height of perhaps ten feet. So little of the South wall (CD in the Plan, Fig. 2) still exists that we could not fix with certainty the Western limit of the gate. Considerable quantities of fallen masonry lie on the West. The other sides are not much encumbered with fallen blocks, probably because these sides are more easily accessible from the Sacred Way and therefore suffered more from the depredations of the builders of the Christian church. Near the corner A there is a small break P in the wall. It is not more than three feet wide and was probably a small door to give readier access to the ' theatre.' At H on the West side there is another break, but we could not determine whether this represents an original door leading from the precinct to the houses across the Way, or is due merely to the falling out of a block of stone. On this same West side the Sacred Way passed close by the wall, but at a level somewhat lower than that of the ground inside the precinct, so that six small supporting buttresses16 were built in order to resist the pressure which the higher ground inside exercised on the wall. One buttress of a similar description is still traceable on the North side near the West corner, but the knoll, which rises here between the wall and the Sacred Way, rendered further support unnecessary on this side. No traces of similar buttresses were seen on the other sides (AD and DC). If the wall had been of any great height, the configuration of the hill might have necessitated such support on the side AD, but not on DC. Great part of the exterior surface of the extant West wall, buttresses and all, is covered with little sculptured dedications (Fig. 4). The type is approximately the same in all cases, the chief features being a temple-shaped front on a base, with supporting pilaster at either side, surmounted by a pediment crowned with akroteria. An emblem of Men usually appears on the front and in the gable. The dedications are inscribed, the inscriptions (pp. 121ff.) being happily in better preservation than those we saw but could not read on the rocks bordering the Sacred Way nearer Antioch (Figs. 1 and
15 The orientation is not exact: see infra, the distances between are 21'8", 22'7", 21'9", p. 118. 39' 11", 38'8". The first is 14' 10" distant from 16 Their widths (starting from the corner C) the break IT. They were built contempo- are 2' 3", 2' 1", 2' 1", 2', 2' 2", 2' 1" respectively: raneously ^vith the wall. I 2 116 MARGARET M. HARDIE 5). The uniformity of type of these little dedications suggests that they were adaptations of a common model, which was, most probably, the building inside 17 the precinct. If this was the case, they omitted anything that was strictly unessential to the general scheme: e.g. columns were not always clearly indicated at the sides of the facade (see Figs. 8-15). Several small niches cut in the wall were also found. They appear to have been intended for such marble tablets as Fig. 16, offered by wealthier or more zealous devotees. In Fig. 15 such a niche is seen adjoining No. 65, and we found others on the rocks across the Sacred Way from the north wall. The East and South sides are too ruinous to show any trace of such engraved dedications ; but several were found on the North near the corners. There were none, however, where the view of the wall was hidden from
FIG. 4.—DEDICATIONS FKOM THE WEST WALL OF THE PRECINCT. (Photograph by Mr. Calder.)
the Sacred Way by the knoll. Clearly the worshippers desired that all men should behold the evidence of their piety, hence the choice of the West rather than the North wall for the inscribing of their dedications. For the Sacred Way leads close b\' the West wall, but not by the North : moreover, the former faces really West-South-Wesb, not direct West, so that the sun shines on it for almost the whole day. With regard to the emblems of Men found on the dedications, a series can be made out. At one end of the series stand those we found by the Sacred Way 18 far down the first hill (Figs. 1 and 5). In Fig. 5 we see three
17 In the present state of the evidence, Sir these when the sun should suit, but unfortun- W. M. Ramsay finds himself unable to agree ately we were always unable to get away from with Mr. Calder and myself on this point. the Upov until night-fall. Vi We had intended to return to photograph THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 117 facades of the usual type with a horned bull's head in the pediment and a pair of unmistakable horns within a wreath in the square. Fig. 1 shows in the square two horned bulls' heads with a degenerate and stylised bull's
FIG. 5.—DEDICATION FROM THE SACRED WAY. head above them ; in the degenerate form the horns assume undue prominence ; compare also No. 23 in Fig. 4 and Fig. 11. In Fig. 6 we see a clear pair of horns with the head vanished. On No. 22 in Fig. 11 a
FIG. 6.—DEDICATION FROM THE WEST WALL OF THE PRECINCT. (Photograph by Mr. Calder.) crescent is distinctly the symbol. The stages then are (1) horned bull's head; (2) horns with vanishing head; (3) horns with vanished head; (4) crescent with no trace of horns. But whether the bull's head preceded the crescent in the order of development, or vice versa, there is nothing to determine, and these new monuments contribute little towards a further 118 MARGARET M. HARDIE knowledge of Men. They only make more evident how confused were the ideas of the ancients regarding the emblems of the god, a confusion already well known to us from coins and other monuments: cf. especially the relief published by Sir Cecil Smith in the Bull. Gorr. Hell. 1899, PL I. Passing now inside the precinct we notice certain irregularities. (a) The side DC is not parallel to AB, but is thrust out somewhat to the South. The West and the South walls are accordingly a trifle longer than the others (see Plan, Fig. 2). (6) The orientation of the precinct is not due East and West, but rather South-East and North-West {AB is at an angle of 39° and DC at an angle of 33°). This irregularity is due to the adaptation of the -re/tei^o? to the lie of the hill, and with this we may compare the practice of Mithraic temples, which normally adapted themselves to natural conditions.19 Of the building which once stood inside very little now remains, but there is enough to show that it was rectangular in shape, measuring about 66 by 41 feet, and with the sides nearly or quite parallel to the peribolos walls. It is noticeable that it does not lie strictly in the middle of the precinct, for the space between it and the enclosing wall is considerably greater on the South and West sides than on the others.20 The stones of which it was built lie, many of them at least, scattered over the precinct, but on the West side a few courses still remain in their original position, and these are crowned with a moulded course (Fig. 7). On the West side there are also clear traces of steps; but apparently none on the other sides. Between the gateway and the central building we found the cap of a pilaster which was 22 inches high and 45 inches broad : it projected 15 inches from the background. The height of the moulding mentioned above as forming the uppermost extant course of the stylobate was also about 22 inches, so that the capital and the moulding apparently had some connexion with each other. We had some difficulty in determining the nature of the building. At first we thought it had been a temple, but it seemed strange that the temple of the chief god of the district should be so small. And why had it steps on one side only ? And why was the orientation of the precinct and the supposed temple irregular ? But these difficulties vanish when the building is seen to be, not a temple, but a great-altar, perhaps such as has been excavated at Miletos by Dr. Wiegand and at Kos by Dr. Herzog.21 Indeed the example at Kos shows all the curious features of the shrine at Antioch, for its precinct was clearly adapted to the configuration of the terrace on which it is situated; the altar does not lie due East and WTest, and there are steps on the West side only. Possibly, then, a restoration of the Antioch building may be suggested on the model of that at Kos. On this view the existing remains formed part of the substructure on which stood the altar proper, with a wall rising to
19 G. Wolff, Ueber die architektonische J!c- M It is distant 96, 76, 46, and 58 feet from schaffenheit der Alilhrasheiligtumcr, p. 90 ; the S., N., E., and W., sides respectively. Cumont, Textes et Monuments de Mithra, i. 21 "Wiegand, Milet, ii. pp. 73 f. ; Herzog, Arch. p. 58. Avz. 1903, p. 187. THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 119 some height round the altar on all but the West side, which was left open and had steps leading up to it. But unfortunately we have no evidence, either here or in other cases, as to what such an altar looked like, and the restoration can, as yet at least, be only a suggestion. If this explanation of these ruins is correct, it is disappointing that it seems to bring us no nearer a solution of the character of Men. A further disappointment awaits those who believe that the engraved dedications copied the altar inside the T6/iei>o?, for in the suggested restoration 22 there is no room for a pediment. The restoration, however, as applied to the Antioch altar, may not be complete; moreover, it is yet to be proved that the altar was the model for the dedications. Certainly gabled altars are known from ancient monuments, and excavation disclosed an extant example in the theatre at Priene. Pillars also are seen at the sides of some altars, notably one found at Pergamum.23
FIG. 7.—THE ALTAR OF MEN ASKAENOS FROM THE WEST, SHOWING MOULDED COUESB AND STEPS. (Photograph by Mr. Calder.)
Altars similar to those found at Miletos and Kos have been found also at Priene, Thasos, and Magnesia. More magnificent examples of the type are the Ara Pads and the Pergamene altar.24 It will be observed how many of these altars come from the Eastern shores of the Aegean, so that it appears possible that the type was of Asiatic origin. But the eltar at Antioch perhaps had its prototype in another and a more distant land. It has long since been suggested that Men was of Semitic or of Persian origin. The suggestions carried enough weight to arouse considerable
22 See especially the restoration of the altar Wiegand and Schrader, Priene, p. 241 ; Per- at Miletos, Arch. Am. 1902, p. 154, Fig. 10. gamon, viii. No. 68. 23 Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Altar, p. 1674 ; 24 Petersen, Jahrcsh. 1906, p. 310. 120 MARGARET M HARDIE discussion,26 and they have not yet been satisfactorily refuted. Persian influence, politically and religiously, is well attested for certain parts of Asia Minor, especially for Pontus,28 and Cappadocia.27 Bardesanes 28 tells us that the magi were active in Phrygia and Galatia also. Now Strabo gives a general description29 of an altar of these Persian priests, ev Be ry KainraBoicia, he writes, - - - - ecrri /cal irvpaideia, ar/Koi rives a^ioXoyor ev Se TOVTOIS fieaois /3wytiO5, ev 60 iroXXij re airoho*;, KOX irvp aafiearov
26 The chief arguments see Men in the 27 Strabo 512, 559, 733. Iranian Moon-god, Mao or Maonha (Roscher's w In Eusebius, Praep. Evang. vi. 10, 16. Lexikon, s.v.) and in tlie god Lunus of Carrhae ** Strabo 733. (Spartianus, Caracalla, vi. 6 ; viii. 3). Men 30 Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, de VAH, tome is also frequently found associated with deities V. p. 643, Fig. 396 (in the English edition, of undoubted Persian origin, such as Mithra Persia, p. 244, Fi
THE INSCRIPTIONS (Figs. 8-15). Almost all the inscriptions which we copied at the shrine came from the West peribolos wall.34 As already stated, the stone on which they were engraved is very soft and so peculiarly susceptible to the influences of wind and weather, which have combined to destroy the original sharpness of outline in the lines and in the letters of the dedications. The same influences have marked the surface with minute pits, so that the general appearance of the stone is that of worm-eaten wood. Accordingly certain difficulties of reading presented themselves to us: usually I give what we considered the most probable reading without wearying the reader with the various alternatives which in dubious cases suggested themselves to us.
1. Mrjvl ev%r)V. (a) A(vXo 33 See Sir W. M. Ramsay in Expositor, Sept. a rough attempt to reproduce their appear- 1911, pp. 260 tf. The evidence proving that ance. Antioch was a Phrygian city has often been 3S [My copy shows 'A]p\4^av[Spos] with great collected, and is conclusive. hesitation. The intrusion of P is unexplained. 34 Nos. 1-51 are from the AVest Wall. The , , ., ... n , , , , .. • , . , mThe letters after P are broken, and only the provenance of the others, when known, is stated , . „. ,, _ . ... , , m, „ , tops remain. — VV.M.K.l in the commentary on each. Ine figures make r KAI«NN IOIONH CIKOC 4 T6KA0 Iw P6YCAN iTECT-B oinepi 'ANbr JMWItYXH P0KI8I0C A-N iTOY/vinc MA2IMOC OVIUJTTAYA.OC A\HNIACKAHNU)6V XHNM€TATU)NlfllUJN FIG. 8.—INSOKIPTIONS 1-6. IJ. 6PMHC/\P|OC €TTioc M€ZUTIKIKYKOI OYMBPIKIANOC uyy MA2IM0C TOYNIHNUY A OY M HllllNlAlWCKHTTlA A X H N AOXKIOCYIOCI (TOVSNOVAIOC r AOAOXMHNIK; OCTIAIAOP€CT6|NAM6TA mmmmn" T€KN UJN NlHNieYXN FIG . 9.—INSCRIPTIONS 7-13. THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 123 In No. 44 we find (6) writing his name in Latin characters. All four names are correctly expressed in the Latin form; yet none appear to be names of freedmen, except possibly the last, where the cognomen is uncertain. The persons mentioned were therefore cives Roniani, who had degenerated from the use of Latin. The disuse of Latin is not likely to have occurred among the cives until the third century. M. Hirrius Fronto Neratius Pansa governed the Province Galatia A.D. 79-80, under Vespasian and Titus. In Galatia he was known best as Neratius Pansa (to judge from coins, which omit or abbreviate his first nomen and cognomen). If the family Neratius mentioned in (a) and (d) took their nomen from this governor, they must have either belonged to the native population (which gradually received the full civitas) or been of libertine origin. The latter is less probable, as in ordinary circumstances his liberti would depart with him. 2. On left side of buttress. KOHT6W- IOI 'OVJJ- T€KfW- pevaav- T69 TO /3' A. Caesennius Gallus governed Galatia A.D. 80-82. A family of Antioch gained the civitas at this time by Imperial gift through the governor of the Province, and the nomen persisted for two hundred years in the family. Caesennius Philetos, probably the same person as here, erected an altar to Zeus Kyrios, which we copied at Gondane, a village not far from Antioch, in 1911.36 No praenomen is given either of the brothers. Plainly the cognomen was their distinguishing name. The participle TeKfiopeva-avre'; is interesting. The aivoi He/cfiopeioi were first made known by the discoveries of Prof. Sterrett,37 who regarded the epithet as local and derived from a (supposed) place Tekmoreion. Prof. Ramsay in his Hist. Geog. p. 410, brought forward a theory that ' the Tekmoreioi were the Xenoi who used the sign (reic/Mop).' But Dr. Ziebarth Griech. Vereinswesen, p. 67) and Dr. Judeich (Altertilmer v. Nierapolis, p. 120) rejected this explanation in favour of the older view. However, at Gondane Prof. Ramsay discovered in 1905 an inscription38 in which he read T6/c/xo/9evcra? St? (Q 4, 34).89 Accordingly in his Studies, p. 346 (cf. Pauline and other Studies, IV), he argued that T€Kfiopev 36 See the following article, p. 167. 39 Studies in the History of the Eastern Roman 37 Wolfe Exped. Noa. 369, 370, and 372. Prov. (often quoted below as Studies, and the 38 Published Cl. Rev. 1905, p. 419 ; Studies, inscriptions in the final paper as Q 1 etc.). pp. 329-330. 124 MARGARET M. HARDIE ably connected with reKficop and Te/c/j,opeioi, an old and dead epic word revivified in that artificial Greek of Phrygia, and a derivative invented to designate a new society.' Compare also Sdos and -irpwTavaicXLTTjs, pp. 153. 163. Our inscriptions finally prove Prof. Kamsay right so far at least as the existence of the verb re/cfiopeveiv is concerned, for the participle occurs in 14 of the 70 we copied. In the Studies, p. 347, Prof. Ramsay went on to argue that the Tekrnoreians formed a brotherhood ' bound together in the worship of the Emperor and the old native religion for the purpose, among other things, of resisting the new religion This word Te/c/iopeveiv must have been an • invention of the period and place where it was found, because it is non- Greek in character, and in view of the circumstances then reigning on imperial estates in Galatic Phrygia this newly coined word must have been connected with the anti-Christian revival, and denoted a compliance (voluntary among pagans, enforced on recanting Christians) with the ceremonies of the association. The term and the custom connected with it are, in that case, comparable to the certificates of compliance with pagan religious regulations, which were given to recanting Christians in Egypt, but which might equally be given to good pagans, if they desired them.'40 Objections were brought against this theory because the verb reKfiopeveiv, admitting its real existence, ought to mean ' serve as an official in the Tekmoreian association.'41 But this meaning is now seen to be impossible, for 'three or four42 of these inscriptions show that the word re/cfiopeveiv does not refer to the holding of any office, whether in the society or in the city. Here groups of persons, and even a large family of brothers, sister, children, and freedmen or foster-children, perform the act called TeKfwpeveiv together.'4S The new inscriptions do not prove that re/c/jLopeveiv meant a recantation of Christianity under persecution; but they supply some evidence in support of the theory, which is that the Tekmoreioi were a society of pagans which Christians joined to avoid persecution. See the commentary on, e.g. No. 14, but especially No. 65. It seems impossible to read T • B in line 7 except as TO /S' ' for the second time,' like Te/cfiopev<7a<; Si? Q 4, 34. Whatever the act implied in re/cfiopeveiv may have been, it seems to have been possible to perform it twice, either at a second place or on a second occasion. Either a second proof of faith was required from some person whose religious attitude seemed doubtful, or the act was reckoned a meritorious one (perhaps as being onerous) and a person boasted of performing it twice. 3. OvL(o Hav\o<> j/t 'AerKar/pw ev- fiera rwv ISicov. 40 Expositor, Sept. 1911, ]»p. 270-1. a See especially Nos. 13, 34, 64, 65, 68. 41 Expositor, loc. cit. a Loc. e.it. THE SHRINE OV MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 125 Sir William Ramsay notes that the inscription is ' quite complete and clear.' Mr. Calder is equally positive about the reading. Otherwise the emendation A0U/M09 would be tempting. Ovlw may possibly be a native name and perhaps belongs to the same series as Ova?, 'Oa?, 'Oa.?, Our;?, Ovco, which Mr. Calder sends me. A somewhat daring supposition, made by Mr. Calder but not adhered to now, is that Oviro stands clear of the general grammar of the sentence, like the 6eu> or D. M. which heads many stelai, and that it is a Greek attempt to write Jehovah. We know already such attempts as Aiovv 44 Both are published by Calder in J.S.S. of Iuo, and will be published. 1911, p. 196; Uo§ denotes the same local god 45 Le Bas-Waddington, Asie Mineure, 668, as Dionysos Iu6: the dedication is at Serai- 1607. On Men Askaenos, see Ramsay, Cities Ini, but the tribal epithet shows that the and Bish. of Phrygia, II. p. 360. god belongs to the Orondian mountains, ** Horn. II. xiii. 793. whore Dionysos was at home. Miss Ramsay's " The dedications belong as a general rule to Report, quoted by Mr. Calder, was only the humbler classes, and a board of magistrates privately printed : it contains the identification is not to be expected. 126 MARGARET M. HARDIE In view of their relative positions on the wall and their similarity of type it is probable that No. 5 was dedicated by the same group of people as this. For the name 'Ap^poaw; cf. Jour. Hell. Stud. 1902, p. 369, No. 143 A. As it is usually Christian the name seems impossible here ; and a more probable reading is 'AvBp—with late form of S.. 5. rj crvvoBo[<; M]r)vl ['A] 7. 8. AoXov Mrjvl 'Ao-- AoXov is a native name. For the ending cf. M.r)v Tidfiov and TieLov 'Sovcrov, ®ov0ov. (These two personal names are sometimes grecized to THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 127 %ovaov<; and %ox>9ov<; respectively.48) The ending -ov is both fern, and masc. The indeclinable personal names in -ov were first described by Sir W. Ramsay in J.H.S. 1883, p. 60, a propos of Tieiou, which is there rightly treated, not as gen. of a name Tieios, but as an indeclinable noun. This is proved by inscriptions more recently discovered. This class of names seems specially characteristic of the road-line across Southern Phrygia near the Pisidian frontier. 9. Aowao? 'A.TTifj- It is not probable that we should read 'ATTIT}[8]O<; instead of 'ATTITJOS. The letters at the end of the first line are rather cramped (see the epigraphical copy, Fig. 9), and it seems probable that 'ATTITJOS should be regarded as a misspelt tiomen, Latin Atteius, and not as an otherwise unknown form Attieus. 10. 'Ep/M7ji; "Apio<; fie ZWTIKOV Ko'iv- TOV Mrjvl ev- fj.i for fierd is found occasionally in inscriptions of Phrygia, and the same preposition is probably found in the neo-Phrygian inscriptions: see Ramsay in Oesterreich. Jahreshefte, 1905, col. 107 (Beibl.). The name Arios is uncertain: it is probably the Latin Arrius, and in that case Hermes was probably a libertus. Zoticus Quintus is an example showing that we should be slow to presume a recurrence to the Greek style of nomenclature: the full name was doubtless Q. [nomen] Zoticus; probably a freedman is meant (compare No. 59). It is, however, possible that Arrius Hermes and Quintus Zoticus were incolae whose ancestors had been admitted to the civitas. 11. 'OanXia ^Opearetva fiera This is correct Latin nomenclature, of a liberta or incola. 12. On left side of buttress. Aovicios [v The reading in line 2 was very doubtful.4 48 See Mr. Calder in Gl. Rev. 1910, p. 79. AOUKIOS nou8Aou[A]iou vlis, a degenerate usage 49 [The name in the second line seems prob- for L. Publilius, L.f. ; but the reading on the ably to bo. a nomen. My notebook suggests stone is nOYBNOYAIOC.—W.M.R.] IAAPOV TPO *5^^l CI ilOCTTAYAOCM6TATUL) N I Al OJN M HNI ACKAHNUJ6YXHN FIG. 10.—INSCRIPTIONS 14-21. AMKAUf/ KAIYIOCAY NICYXHN L-VALE RWS NI AION^CIOCIOYAI CFRLVS OCM6 TATYNAIKOCKA* OUTTTOYMH AC u u MOAec 6YXH1M Tocic IAAA 1?IG. 11.—INSCRIPTIONS 22-29. THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 129 13. On left side of same buttress. fi€Ta(l) Tatov aveyfriov re/cfio- pevcravTet Mrjvl should be taken as a slip of the engraver, not a poetic form. But it is also possible to transcribe fiera 'I(ov\,lov) Fatov. For the abbreviation of I for 'louXto? cf. G.I.L. xii. 1047, etc. But the form of the first name indicates a good understanding of the principles underlying the Roman name. It seems, therefore, not very probable that the second name would so violate Roman usage, as this theory would require. The correctness of the nomenclature suggests an earlier date than most of the dedications. In this inscription two cousins have performed the act of Te/c/iopeveiv together. In No. 14 a foster-child joined in the act. In No. 68 two brothers, their sister, and children and foster-children, eTeicfiopevcrav. This recalls how entire households were converted to Christianity, cf. the cases of Lydia and the jailor at Philippi. Apparently it was customary in Phrygia, as among Armenians to-day,60 for a household to contain several families, as married sons and daughters shared the parents' roof. See Studies, etc., Index under Religious Law: Household, and Calder in Klio 1910, p. 239. 14. On front of same buttress. 'iXdpov cra<> Opeirr- ov For AvpiWijt; we seemed to have Avvfirj<; on the stone, but it was much 61 worn, and AVV/J.T)<; appears an impossible name. Hilarus must be a libertus with nomen and cognomen omitted. Probably the engraver has omitted fie or fierd before Opeinov. On Opeirrol (dpenrd, 6pififjuna) and foundlings in early Christian times, see Ramsay, Cit. and Bish., ii. pp. 546-7. 15. On right side of same buttress. a Mijw ev- 50 From the Athenasum, Aug. 12, 1911. AOAOY is not impossible. I missed this 61 [That AYNMHC should be a native inscription.— W.M.R.] Pisidian name, like OYICO No. 12 and H.S.—VOL. XXXII. 130 MARGARET M. HARDIE Here we have a name, MeivoSwpa for Mrjvo&iopa, derived from the god's name.. 16. On right side of same buttress, to right of No. 15. 09 fl€TI1 T- €KV(0V Karjvdo ev- is apparently the name either of an incola or a slave. 17. Mr)vl ei>x>iv Td\\o<;(?)'A/3a(TicdvTov t>o? KaX Aowea? Kal YiovfnrovfjXi.o<; The reading TdWos is not certain, for the F and A A are so engraved that they might be read as T and M respectively. Whether Gallos is here the Latin name or the native word ' priest' used as a personal name remains doubtful.52 For the connexion of 'A/3o v IBicov Mrjvl 'A These are slave names. The filiation implies that Akastos had been manumitted. For the phrase fiera rav Ihiwv, cf. No. 3. 19. U(ovff\io<;) ' The name Antonius was of very frequent occurrence in the Eastern provinces. s2 [[ read Vd/xos on the stone; and, though bilingual inscription, published by Dr. Wiegand the change of M with obli-jue sides to AA in Ach- Muth- 1908. P- 151> all(1 no change is is easy, yet the name Gamus occurs both in necessary.—W.M.R.] Greek and in Latin characters in a Bithynian THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 131 20. e]ra Te[y Mrjvl 'Ao-Karjv- Eros was a freedman whose nomen is omitted. 21. Kato"i8 23. <$>\aovio<; UaTpoveivos Mrji/i 'AcricarivS) ev^v. Since TeKfiopevcras yvvaiK0<; al aveyjriov PI) 'Aa(/car]vq>) ev 63 [Tlie full form of bkaoiios is not incon- nasty.—W.M.R.] sistent with its use as a pseudo-praenomen, as M [That Dionysius was slave or freedman may was frequent under the second Flavian dy- be taken as certain.—W.M.R.] K 2 132 MARGARET M. HARDIE Beret seems to be an abbreviation of BeTetXto?, Latin Vetilius. If so, the name is in correct Latin form. Te/crcov might conceivably be a personal name, cf. Iliad, v. 59. The Iliad, however, gives no norm for usage of names in Asia Minor about 200- 300 A.D. Mention of trades occurs not infrequently in Anatolian inscriptions. In all the cases which Prof. Sterrett found, and in Ramsay, Oesterr. 55 Jahreshefte, 1905, col. 95, TSICTWV indicates the occupation. This is most probably the case here, too, and also in No. 39. 26. /ecu vio? aii- TOV Mevi- vl In line 1 € should be read as C. The stroke following is accidental. The type of naming is perhaps pure Greek, not Roman, though it is not safe to dogmatize, considering the example of ~Nlicav8po<; Mei/e/cpaTeo? quoted below. If Kallikles was a Greek resident, the bad spelling and engraving show that he belonged to the uneducated and humble stratum of the non- Roman population of the colonia. 27. L(ucius) Vale- rius Ni- ger l(ibens) v(otum) s(olvit). This person is evidently an ingenuus, with his name in correct form. 28. M. SepaTTios (?) The text is quite uncertain.56 The type of naming is Latin. 29. TOS KCll Td- iX\a. The name FdiKXa occurs at Antioch. See Sterrett, Epig. Jour., Nos. 105, 106. Modestus was probably a civis, or a freedman with prae- nomen and nomen omitted, and Gailla his wife. 30. K. A6[\X]to? /t€TO jvvaixo- ? /cal a8e\ 56 Prof. Sterrett took T4KT The dedication was never finished. "HXto? (though the reading is not quite certain) should be regarded as a slave name, and M. Julius Helios was therefore a freedman. 32. Tdlo ?]? KOJVTO? AO]VKIO<; Tpo The illiterate artist has written both KOWTO? and Kovuvdov. The variation between T and 6 was common in Anatolian pronunciation. The Roman nomenclature appears here in a very degenerate form, but the type is clear. In the father's case the nomen is omitted and the cognomen has precedence of the praenomen, while the sons have the praenomen only. Q. Trophimus was probably a libertus, but the name is reduced to praenomen (gaudent praenomine molles auriculae, Horace, Sat. 2. 5. 32) and the old slave name used as cognomen. The latter comes first as best known and most distinctive. The family may, however, be Romanized ineolae, speaking Greek but bearing Roman names as cives Romani. 33. Miji/t 'A Aiovvai- OV fJ,€TO, T&IV I8ieo- v. The engraving of the letters in this and in several other cases was so careless that no drawing could adequately represent the forms. The name Castor was used in Galatia ; the predecessor of Amyntas, last king of Galatia, was so called. The type of nomenclature seems Greek (see 40). 34. 'T]diav0o<; [Mv]t]ai0[iov Teic/M>pev |?'KlOCTPO FIG. 12.—INSCRIPTIONS 30-38. AA€" I-K-TT C£KOYN,,i /\ i '"^.irnxs N I £ YXhN ^^loctrpo '[ ^ +OICfAHNIA HN L-V-S NIOY NIT yy M FIG. 13.—INSCRIPTIONS 39-48. THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 135 dedication to a pagan god. Then it may be that he has forsworn his own and his father's religion of Christianity, has performed the act called TeKfwpeveiv as proof, and now makes his offering to his new deity. See supra, p. 124. 35. L.V.S. The scratch in front may possibly be P. Then we should have the formula P(osuit) l(ibens) v(oto) s(oluto), with the name of the dedicator missing. 3(3. K[o]v/j.t)TO<; (?) Kal 'Acricdvux; /3' The name K.ov/u.r)To<; is not certain. 'Aaicdvio<; 0, i.e. 'Acr/caj/to? 'Aa/cavbov. For such a usage cf. Ramsay's Studies, etc., p. 338, 1. 25 ; p. 339,1. 9, etc. The name is typically Phrygian, but is probably a revival of a name learned through literature rather than a real survival of an old Phrygian name. On such introduction of names from literature, see Ramsay in J.H.S. 1883, p. 36, where a list of examples, some more, some less probable, is given. 37. FaXXo? Av The distribution of these names is uncertain. We seem to have only two people, FaXXos Av Faio? OVXT- a>vio<; M- Correct Latin nomenclature in Greek characters. The nomen is perhaps Voltinius (compare UovfnrovfjXios, Pompilius, and Uovj3\ov\io<;, Publilius). 39. ypd(f>[o'i. I.e. Alexander the painter. In No. 25 we have a carpenter as dedicator. 40. Ai>«t<7*ro? 41. M.t)vl 'A[(ricar)v]tp AVKICTKOS 'A0r)via>vo<; jucra yvvaticb<; Kal T€KV(0V. Evidently dedication No. 40 is by the same person as No. 41, and therefore no letter is missing before Au/aV/eo?. The nomenclature is in all probability 136 MARGARET M. HARDIE Greek, and not abbreviated or incorrect Latin (yet compare the caution stated in No. 26). If such names are to be accepted as purely Hellenic they would designate incolae of Hellenistic (or Phrygian) origin, living in Antioch, where they formed the mass of the population. Such incolae gradually attained the Roman civitas, and probably this process of Roman- ization was completed during the second century. Hence names of this class would belong either to the period before about A.D. 150, or to the period when the Roman system of naming was falling into disuse (towards the middle of the fourth century or later). This inscription bears no signs of the later period : the names point rather to the earlier period. 42. Mrjvl ev%r)V (a) 'Aim7ra.T/3O9 (6) 'Iftepax; (c) 'IovXto? (d) L(ibentes) Considering that the first two give the father's names in the second line, it is possible that we should read ^,vape[a]ro[v in (c). But Sir W. Ramsay writes ' I noticed the difficulty in copying and read -ro<;.' The L L L seemed certainly to belong to the group of three. For the using of both Latin and Greek by the same dedicators, cf. No. 22. |_ is three times repeated, one libens for each dedicator. Julius Euarestus is certainly a libertus, and probably Boubalus and Askleipiades were libertine clients of the same household; hence all are grouped together with LLL- Euarestus is nullo patre, being himself a freedman : the others were sons of liberti. 43. Ao«a[s] M(t)vl) ' There is some doubt as to the reading in line 1. Most probable seems the reading given above. With Ao/ea<; for the more frequent Aou«a?, cf. AovSr/s and A0S77?.57 But it is possible that we have not a broken-down sigma, but an iota, and in that case we must read AoK&'CbXa. If this is the true reading, it is possible that the lady was named after the empress Lucilla. MA should probably be interpreted as above, equivalent to M • A •, and not treated as the Goddess Ma. 44. L(ucius) Sentius Maximus et Sentia Utei- lia l(ibentes) v(ota) s(olverunt). The husband joins with three friends in the dedication No. 1. There all four bear good Latin names and all write them in Greek. Unless Uteilia is an error of the engraver for Uetilia,58 it seems to be a neut. plur. used as fern, singular (a phenomenon well-known in the transition from Latin to French). 57 The comparison is Mr. Calder's. [Compare the examples there quoted.—W.M.R.] also the discussion of the form KounJoia in 68 The double nomen would be unfavourable, Studies in the Eastern Provinces, pp. 365 f., and though not fatal, to this opinion. THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 137 45. So? M vl On Sekoundos (probably a different person) see infra, p. 142. 46. Only a suggestion can be made as to what these letters represent. yx,i)v) /e(aX) 47. \eto[?] II/oo- K\OS Td- lo<; Tpe/8- 5 a)~\viov ]Atr59 Almost every interpretation is open to the gravest objections. Apuleius, Proculus, and Gaius, are not likely to be three sons of Trebonius, for they bear respectively a nomen, a cognomen, and a praenomen. The last part of line 5 with 6 might explain how Trebonius in the genitive came to be placed alongside of C. Apuleius Proculus, if we admit that this Latin name came to be so strangely disarranged. AIT might be restored [7ro]\ir[evofievov]. 48. On front of a buttress (whose right side is blank). r(ato9) K.aXirovpvio<; ['I avv TOIS a8e[\- (j>oi If the reading is as given, the nomenclature exemplifies the degeneration of Latin nomenclature in Greek-speaking lands. Instead of ['I]oi)\t?, however, some native name, such as [M]oO\i?, should more probably be restored, giving the correct Roman name of a freedman. 49. Li(bens) m(erito). 50. G(aius) Valer(ius) cum s[u- is fili- is l(ibens) v(otum) s(olvit) The curious distribution of the words in this dedication is most probably due to the engraver's having followed the line of a natural break. 69 [The reading is perhaps MT or more probably AIT.—W.M.R.] vR/i ^ ^• ^ ANNTOI AOVKIOC KWMAPKOC TtKKOPtYCAN KMTfKNUJ NM-A- VALER/ FTG. 14.—INSCRIPTIONS 49-58. JC l-CATHEMERVS-ETTITV ET LVCIVSS LVS 6o y y TAAAIKOC T6KHOP6Y KAIOVAA6 4 ICACH€TArY PlOCMHNI NIACKAHNU/ NAIKOCKAIT«KNOY) METATEKNUJNEY M.HNI ACKA H NM/ j XHN I €YXHN| Fio. 16.—INSCRIPTIONS 59-67. THE SHRINE OF MEN ASKAENOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 139 51. Mavrot A.OVKIOS /cat MdjO«09 Te/cfiopevcravTes fiera ywaucwv /cat TSKVCOV M(I;V() 'A(cr/car}vq>). There was an unfinished look about this dedication, and we were unable to determine whether the third space had ever been engraved. A comparison with No. 55 strengthens the suspicion of erasure. The first name seemed not to have the form of a nomen and must be a cog7iomen. Sir W. Ramsay writes ' My copy was MUVTOI, and I think that this is the true text.' Mr. Calder agrees and quotes the inscription 'Aprefieis "la Mdvrovv \ Ttj 52. Elprj ?]i>eo? vlbs Aiovvatov Mi;ft ev-^rjv avv Ovyarpi [/Lto]u '] 53. fiera yvvai- «o This inscription was on a block found in the church. 54. G(aiae) l(ibertus) G(aiae)] l(ibertus) Iu[l]ius Alexander B[el]us l(ibens) v(otum) s(olvit). l(ibens) v(otum) s(olvit). On a fallen block in front of No. 39. Considering the similarity and contiguity of the two dedications, it is probable that both men were freedmen of the same lady, whose nomen was Julia. The stone was so worn that it is quite possible we should read C in place of L in the second case. The restoration Gaiae is given accordingly.61 55. KoiVro? "Amos m Sterrett, Epig. Jour. No. 142 ; his tran- Mantou, as Prof. Ilamsay now believes, scription is corrected as above by Prof. Ramsay in 61 [In copying the inscriptions I felt confiden Expositor, Oct. 1888, p. 263. It is perhaps that they were memorials of two freedmen of more probable that "la is gen. of a masc. name the same lady. In the second case the stone las : Artemeis, son of las, to his wife Manto or has L, carelessly engraved for C.—W.M. R.] 140 MARGARET M. HARDIE "ArTto9 is probably the Latin name rather than a Phrygian derived from Attis or other Phrygian word. Of this inscription, Mr. Calder took a photograph which seems to show traces of smaller letters and to indicate an erasure of an earlier inscription, but it is not safe to trust a photograph alone. 56. <£>(\aovio<;) 'AyaOlcov fiera reKv(cov) If Flavius is to be taken as a nomen with praenomen omitted, T. Flavius Agathion would be a freedman; but perhaps Flavius is here used in the fourth-century style as a pseudo-praenomen. * 57. "A|>]7r[a>> [N]e'- rpio<: Mr/- vl ev-%q- v. The reading is very uncertain, though all attempted it.62 In line 1 there is a difficulty. The above transcription gives "A7T7r<»?, which is probably the same as the common name "Airtrow; (occurring, e.g. in Prof. Ramsay's article in Kuhn's Zeitschrift, xxviii. pp. 381 ff. No. 1), cf. TovBm and SovOow; (Cl. Rev. 1910, p. 79). But the reading on the stone seemed to be AXirto 58. O ?]vaicdpv[i ?]os Tdi- 09 M]T?J'1 'A It was doubtful whether Ovaicdpvio<; or Ovaicappos should be read. The seeming iota between N and O may owe its existence merely to an accidental prolongation of the line from above. For the order of names cf. No. 32. But Tatov is equally possible. 62 [This was the first inscription that I read: look of the letters on these stones.—W.M.R.] my companions had read it on the previous "Urn indebted to Mr. Calder for the refer- day : we ought to have gone back to it after ences. In Histor. Comm. on Galatians, p. 201, our eyes had become used to the character and Prof. Ramsay preferred Afcr?j. THE SHRINE OF xMEN ASKAEISTOS AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 141 59. L(ucius) Cathemerus et Titus et Lucius l(ibentes) v(ota) s(olverunt). The repetition of the name Lucius suggests that something is wrong. The most obvious correction is to suppose a misreading of the first L for C. But Sir W. Ramsay writes that ' there was no misreading; but careless engraving of L for C seemed highly probable. The text was quite clear.' The noinen is apparently omitted and in that case L. [nomen] Cathemerus was a freedman. 60. iced Ova\i- pio<; In this inscription the letters, though late in form, are of quite unusual excellence in cutting. The nomenclature is imperfect Latin. 61. -]o? /cal Mrjvl 'Acr/car)va> ev^rjv os is the Latin name Titianus. 62. <£>(\aovto<;) Net/e^T??? M17- vl 'Aa/carjva) Te/cvcov ev- Perhaps 4>(\aovto 63. 'Oevowoo^] (?) re- Kfiopevaa<; vl 'Acncar)vq> The curved, somewhat elongated letter between O and € (really C) is probably a fault in the stone. The name, though uncertain, has the Pisidian wealth of vowel sound noted by Prof. Ramsay in Ath. Mitth. 1883, p. 74. 64. «l>(\aou{o?) Ki(y/M reKfwpev- tra? fiera The abbreviation Kl probably stands for some Latin namen such as Cincius or Cilnius. 142 MARGARET M. HARDIE is probably the Latin Hilaris. The transposition of the vowels between the Greek and the Latin form is interesting. 65. KWTI? dfiaprdvcov re/cfio- pevaas fiera yvvai- KO<; KOI T€KV(OV. This dedication is on a block now lying in front of the West wall. In the second line the reading afiaprdvav was not free from doubt but seemed the most probable. Thus we have an interesting juxtaposition of participles. Probably the second aorist participial form was unknown to the composer, who knew little Greek ; and we must interpret the present as equivalent to an aorist participle. Qumtius erred and performed the action called TeKfiopeveiv in token of his repentance. Now the Tekmoreioi Xenoi worshipped the pagan deities, Men and Artemis, and when a pagan dedicator acknowledges himself to have sinned, in this general fashion, he probably refers to the error of Christianity, for sin was not a common pagan idea, except in the sense of a violation of ritual. If only ritual impurity were meant, some definite act would be implied and would be designated by the proper verb (as in similar confessions64). The important fact is clear that T€K~ fiopeveiv implies some religious act of atonement or expiation on account of error, and has therefore a religious, not an official sense. 66. 'Oi>?;