Article

Komunitas: International Journal of Geger Sikep: Environmental Indonesian Society and Culture 9(1) (2017): 13-28 DOI:10.15294/komunitas.v9i1.8673 (Re)Interpretation among the © 2017 Semarang State University, p-ISSN 2086 - 5465 | e-ISSN 2460-7320 Contemporary Anti-Cement http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/komunitas UNNES JOURNALS Movement in Kendeng, Central

Setiadi1, Aprilia Rejeki Saraswati2, Nur Rosyid3

1,2,3Department of Anthropology, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia 2,3Anthropology Laboratory for Research and Action (LAURA)

Received: 31 January 2016; Accepted: 2 February 2017; Published: 30 March 2017

Abstract Over the past decade, a shift has occurred in the Sedulur Sikep community’s attitude since the increase in its popularity and coverage in the mass media following its involvement in the anti-cement movement in . However, not all members of Sedulur Sikep participate in or even approve of this movement. This anthropological study attempts to illustrate how this situation has pushed the Sikep community mem- bers to (re)recognize their values, the influence of these values on environmental discourse, and how the relations between them are understood and practiced by Sedulur Sikep and the movement fighting in its name. By examining the adaptability of ecological knowledge and the ordering of visible space as a result of complex interactions between nature and nurture, it is possible to examine the shifts in their understand- ing of environmental dynamics and their cultural identity. The ‘fragmentation’ that has occurred is rooted in different understandings of the reciprocal bonds between the Sedulur Sikep’s tani mligi identity and natural resources. The dynamics and stagnation seen in how Sedulur Sikep positions itself in relation to cement production is also apparent in various methods of (re)interpretation, particularly regarding the relevance of Sedulur Sikep’s beliefs to its ecological contestation and struggle for living space.

Keywords environmental movements; recognition; contradiction; gegeran; reinterpretation

INTRODUCTION backlash. A follow-up project was initiated by PT. Indocement, Tbk, through its subsi- At the beginning of 2007, the Sedulur Sikep diary, PT. Sahabat Mulia Sakti (PT. SMS), in community showed an increased popularity Kayen and Tambakromo Districts in 2010; in the Indonesian mass media, promoted by this project remains ongoing, as of writing. its involvement/being involved in a move- In the past ten years, the media has ment against the largest cement companies frequently positioned the Sedulur Sikep in Indonesia, namely PT. Semen Gresik and community as the main actor in the social PT. Indocement, Tbk. Both of these compa- movement against the company. Many acti- nies intended to open factories and mining Corresponding author efforts to the north of the Kendeng Moun- Jalan Sosio-Humaniora, Bulaksumur, Yogyakarta tain Range. The first project, initiated by PT. 55281 Email Semen Gresik in Sukolilo District in 2006, [email protected]; [email protected]; stopped in 2009 in the face of community [email protected] 14 Setiadi et al, Geger Sikep: Environmental (Re)Interpretation among the Contemporary Anti-Cement... vists have also been involved in and contri- that the use of Sedulur Sikep’s name in cove- buted to the construction of a narrative that ring the movement was a media misunder- positions the Sedulur Sikep community as standing. environmental agents that maintain “local This trip was planned following a 14 wisdom” (Mojo, Hadi & Purnaweni 2015) April 2015 meeting between twenty Sedulur and as promoting social justice (Crosby Sikep community members from Bombong, 2009; 2013). Several researchers, meanwhile, Sukolilo, and the Governor of Central Java have viewed them as culturally maintaining at his residence. One person who rejected an environmentally conscious lifestyle, for the anti-cement activities was called as wit- example using subsistence farming to ma- ness during a court case in Semarang on 8 nage water in the face of drought (Wibowo September 2015. Strangely, however, it was 2011; Mardikantoro 2013; Subarkah & Wicak- Sumadi—a resident of Bombong who was sono 2014). In March 2015, a short film titlednot a member of Sedulur Sikep—who repre- Samin vs Semen was released, further cont- sented the community. During his testimo- ributed to the construction of the narrative ny, he dressed entirely in black, as expected of an environmental movement1. Neverthe- of Sedulur Sikep members. In his testimo- less, not all members of the Sedulur Sikep ny, he highlighted the different values held community approve of the struggle. Some by Sedulur Sikep and argued that, far from remain silent, while others explicitly voice the media’s depiction, the community’s va- their disapproval of Sedulur Sikep’s anti-ce- lues were unrelated to the anti-cement mo- ment activities. Those who voice their disap- vement. Sumadi’s involvement in the trial proval attempt to clarify the need for obei- was claimed as an attempt to clear Sedulur sance and rejection of demonstrations and Sikep’s good name and extricate the com- protests, all of which they consider to erode munity from the anti-cement movement their Sedulur Sikep identity. Another film, and the problematic discourse over cement. Sikep Samin Semen, was made in response The attempt to “clear” Sedulur Sikep’s to and as clarification of Sedulur Sikep’s -po name of members’ involvement in the anti- sition on the environment and on the filmcement movement was supported by the Samin vs Semen2. government of Central Java when Governor On 20 April 2016, the regional govern- Ganjar Pranowo invited members from Pati, ment of Pati and the Governor of Central Kudus, Blora, and Bojonegoro, to attend an audience at the Governor’s Office Complex Java sent twenty-five members of the Sedu- in Semarang on 15 December 2016. In this lur Sikep community to Parliament, the of- meeting, the governor wanted to confirm fices of the daily newspaperKompas , and Sedulur Sikep’s involvement in local anti-ce- the offices of the Faction of National- Awa ment movements. The Sedulur Sikep com- kening Parties (Fraksi Partai Kebangkitan munity members in attendance, some twen- Bangsa, FPKB) in Jakarta. This was intended ty in total, stated that the majority of their to “bring back” the good name of Sedulur Si- community was not involved, and that only kep, to show that the “real” community has the family of Gunretno—approximately ten not involved itself in the anti-cement mo- people—was active in voicing its rejection of vement because such involvement is forbid- the cement industries. At the conclusion of den by their values. These delegates argued the meeting, the governor promised to ease 1 The full video can be accessed at https://www. administration for the Sedulur Sikep com- youtube.com/watch?v=jWaRhg2i9AU. This film was produced and released by Dandhy D Laksono munity and address questions of discrimi- and Ucok Suparta Film as part of the film and pho- nation in education. This meeting was held tojournalistic project titled Ekspedisi Biru (‘Blue following protests from JM-PPK (Jaringan Exhibition’). Masyarakat Peduli Pegunungan Kendeng, 2 Sikep Samin Semen was produced by Mkz Pic- Network of Persons with a Concern for the tures in response to Samin vs Semen. It can be accessed at https://www.youtube.com/ Kendeng Mountain Range) demanding that watch?v=jWaRhg2i9AU. the governor follow through on the Supreme UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture 9 (1) (2017): 13-28 15

Court’s decision to rescind permission for focuses solely on the Sedulur Sikep in Pati the Semen Indonesia factory in Rembang. Regency, more specifically in Bombong and This situation led to suspicion and Bowong villages, Sukolilo District, where prejudices within the Sedulur Sikep com- the pro-, neutral-, and anti-cement debate munity. On the one hand, members of the is centered. These locations have been se- community who rejected any involvement in lected because many of the Sedulur Sikep the anti-cement movement have been bran- figures involved, both in the anti-cement ded as siding with and being manipulated movement (i.e. in the struggle against the by the government and the cement industry establishment of the cement factory) and in to dismiss members of the anti-cement mo- the movement against anti-cement activi- vement as not being “real” members of the ties, live in this area. Meetings and planning Sedulur Sikep. Conversely, members of the sessions are often held at these people’s ho- Sedulur Sikep who are against the cement mes. As such, by focusing on these two villa- industry have been considered the “tools” of ges the researchers are able to better under- groups with vested interests against the es- stand the situation. tablishment of cement factories, with their This focus upon traditional commu- Sedulur Sikep identity being used to port- nity, I hope, can gives a new addition to the ray them as fragile and easily influenced. Inexisting literatures on environmental mo- discourse, this has led an argument that ce- vements which are largely non-traditional, ment factories do not only “pollute” the en- non-organic and transnational(Císař 2010; vironment, but also local society and cultu- Chen 2010). re. These mutual suspicions are exacerbated For this research, in-depth interviews by both sides’ conviction that the other side and participatory observation has been has been “bought”, a belief that has further used. This has involved various groups, fragmented the community. including members of the Sedulur Sikep This has led to questions about the community as well as non-members of the internal values of the community and the community (i.e. village administration and interpretations of environmental discourse anti-cement movements). It should be no- that underlies the issues of identity. Does ted that this article has no relevance to areas this difference of opinion also signalsuch the as Blora and Kudus, whose geographic erosion of homogeneity in the traditional situation precludes them from being af- community and its reflection on communalfected by the cement factory. rules? Or is the concept of homogeneity it- The Sedulur Sikep communities in self, frequently identified with traditional Bombong and Bowong are not directly af- communities, no longer relevant for social fected by the planned PT. Indocement patterns in modern-day traditional commu- Tbk. factory in Kayen and Tambakromo nities? These questions, which are frequent- Districts. Rather, these communities have ly treated as rhetorical within academic dis- become central to the anti-cement move- course on adat communities in Indonesia, ment because of their involvement in the leads us to two further questions. First, is struggle against the planned cement facto- it necessary to reconsider whether ethnic/ ry in Gresik between 2006 and 2009. At the traditional communities are free of internal time, these areas were affected by the plan- contradictions and continue to live simply ned factory. As such, this community’s con- no matter the dynamics they face? Second, tinued consistency in opposing the cement if there are internal contradictions, how industries is also interesting for discussion, does the agency and values of the Sedulur particularly given the fact that the commu- Sikep community guide, open, and limit (re) nities are no longer directly threatened. interpretation in their relations with their environment, ecology, and livelihoods? Before discussing these issues further, PERSPECTIVES it is important to emphasize that this article We understand that the mutual labeling

UNNES JOURNALS 16 Setiadi et al, Geger Sikep: Environmental (Re)Interpretation among the Contemporary Anti-Cement... and the maneuvering used to justify per- 2010; Sima 2011; Ackland 2011). ceptions of each “side”, as discussed above, These efforts, according to Douglas has undoubtedly led to suspicion and high Fry (2005, p. 516), are linked to complex in- emotions that have weakened the connec- teractions between nature and nurture. The tions between different members of -Sedu relations between the Sedulur Sikep and lur Sikep. The Sedulur Sikep community is nature are framed not only around environ- in a state of geger, trapped in a destructive mental issues and values, but also around emotional cycle rooted in the prejudices, an understanding of nature as a system of rumors, media broadcasts, and negative meaning. As such, various interactions with perceptions that have emerged. The geger and penetrations into the environment have concept was previously used by Nurkhoi- significant influence, both through human ron (2002) to describe the peak of the- Safactors and through the environment itself. min community’s resistance to colonialism This influence is quite strong in discussions in 1914, what he termsGeger Samin. Howe- regarding struggles for “minority rights” and ver, unlike Nurkhoiron’s use of the concept, is readily apparent in discussions of traditio- geger is used here to explain a situation of nal communities in Indonesia (Feola 2014; ). uncertainty in which greater emphasis is gi- This has been identified as one cau - ven to the process of negotiating and rein- se of fragmentation within various groups, terpreting the Samin’s history and struggle in which diverse interests attempt to adapt to better understand present-day situations. practices considered the most appropriate In examining social, economic, and for addressing specific changes. In such- ca political tensions, particularly within “mi- ses, Mary Catherine Bateson (1994 in Kyrou nority” groups, researchers are often trap- & Rubenstein 2008, p. 517) identifies two ped by their own partiality. To avoid this forms of normative decision making, na- partiality, the root of the issue causing ten- mely (1) pragmatic, in which conditions are sions must be traced in an attempt to better addressed by compromising the necessary understand their lives . values, and (2) value preservation, in which One interesting issue for examination values are preserved without any concern in the context of the intersections between for future effects. As such, it is important industry and this traditional communi- for us to position locality within the context ty is the management of the group’s space of historical life conditions and specific ac- and visibility in constructing the discourse tions in the affected area (Sutherland 2014; that the Sedulur Sikep need to voice domi- Ho 2011; Johnson 2010). nance against the long-standing narrative constructed by the New Order. An aware- ness has emerged of the need to question HISTORY OF THE SAMIN the New Order’s singular control of histo- To examine how nature is understood wit- ry (Conroy 2007, p. 264; Chen 2010; Bailey hin the Sedulur Sikep community, it is im- 2010; Bell 2010). As shown by Ariel Hery- portant to first understand the history of anto (1999 p.153), efforts to give a voice the to group’s establishment and its influence the “marginalized” have been intended to on the construction of values that now gui- resist the New Order’s master narrative and de the Sedulur Sikep. This is important to its implications for a homogenic cultural recognize cultural practices and shifts in identity in Indonesia. Santoso (2004) hasnorthern Central Java, including the use of shown that the rise of environmental move- varied names to refer to the community: ments along the northern coast of Java has “Samin”, “Sedulur Sikep”, and “Samin/Sedu- been initiated mostly by outsiders and ur- lur Sikep”, as well as the descriptors “tradi- ban activists, who seek alternative sources of tional community”, “traditional society”, income as well as renewed models of inter- “believers”, and “faithful”. actions between local communities and the Anthropological research into the is- forest around them (Peluso 1991; 1992; Císař sue of identity is quite complicated, because

UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture 9 (1) (2017): 13-28 17 it is not only linked to the identification of Raden Kohar, was the second child of Raden the research subject, but also the reinforce- Surowijoyo, a bromocorah from Bojonegoro. ment of certain boundaries and weakening He was raised in the forced planting system, of other boundaries that are directly and and as a result of working as a cooliekuli ( indirectly linked the imagining of other kencang) he grew up lean and malnourished communities. Fauzanafi et al. (2014, p. 4–5)(Hutomo 1996). Such coolie labor was part emphasize the importance of using cautionof the force planting system ( Cultuurstel- and a non-essentialist perspective regarding sel) implemented by Governor General Jo - questions of ethnicity, identity construction, hannes van den Bosch to exploit indigeno- and “tradition”, because the construction of us labor. For the duration of this system’s identity is political and associated with spe- implementation, tax obligations became an cific interests. Within this framework, this obligation to provide labor for working go- study examines how researchers have fra- vernment land, which was itself taken from med the Sedulur Sikep community in their local residents (van Niel, 2003: 4). This sys- specific discourses as well as the continuities tem was marked by widespread poverty and and changes in the community’s lifestyle. famine, with the mostly agrarian population Most researchers have tended to use suffering greatly (see Benda & Castles 1959; one of two specific terms in writing about Ricklefs 2011). the Sedulur Sikep community: the term “Sa- In 1890, driven by his concern for his min community”, which has been more com- village’s suffering, Raden Kohar conducted monly used by previous writers, while the a laku tapabrata (meditation) which ended term “Sedulur Sikep”, which is considered with his first revelation, the “seeds” of the more reflective. The term “Samin” is taken“Religion of Adam”. It was at this time that from the name of the group’s founder, Sa- he changed his name to Samin Surosentiko. min Surosentiko. In the Ministry of Educati- It must be emphasized here that the term on and Culture’s Ensiklopedia Suku-Bangsa “religion of Adam” here should not be un- (2015, p. 542), this community is considered derstood based on its religious connota- a sub-group of the and is tions, but rather a local understanding best named “Samin” or “Wong Samin”. The com- translated as ‘armed with speech’. The com- munity, however, uses the term “Sedulur Si- munity increased in number and in influen- kep” to refer to itself. ce, reaching Rembang in 1906. It was spread Understanding the term “Sedulur Si- by Surokidin and Karsiyah, the sons-in-law kep” itself is not simple. In the Javanese lan- of Samin Surosentiko (Benda & Castles 1959, guage, “sedulur” means brother or sibling, p. 211). while “sikep” is understood as meaning those Most followers of Samin’s teachings who are ready, those who embrace, or those were Javanese who worked as tani mligi, as responsible for the nation. However, owing farmers who independently and with their to extensive subjugation and exploitation of own authority supported themselves and the community through the colonial forced their families. Their opposition was moti- planting program, the term “sikep” ceased vated by their dissatisfaction and suffering, to be understood as those responsible for by their sense of being pawns in the forced the nation. It was replaced by a more sexual planting system. The Religion of Adam gave meaning: those who embrace (Widodo 1997, them the opportunity to resist colonialism p. 265). through a relatively safe approach, the “lan- As “Sedulur Sikep” is used by the com- guage of Samin” or nyamin. Plainness in munity to describe itself, the term has been language use has been identified by several used in the majority of this article. Howe- researchers as the community’s unique form ver, to better match the language of previous of resistance to colonial authority and power research into the community, the term “Sa- (King 1973, 1977; Korver 1976; Siraishi 1990; min” is used in this section. Widodo 1977; Sujayanto & Laksana 2001; Samin Surosentiko, originally named Suhandano 2015) as well as institutionalized

UNNES JOURNALS 18 Setiadi et al, Geger Sikep: Environmental (Re)Interpretation among the Contemporary Anti-Cement... religion and the nobility (priyayi) (Benda & speak both critically and frankly, and as Castle 1969; Fukushima 1987). such they were frequently considered insa- It should be emphasized here that the ne or crazy. Samin did not use a new form of language. This language use is argued by Jeanne Rather, they used their own interpretations Mintz in Mohammed, Marx, and Marhaen and freely spoke the ngoko register of Java- (1965) to be a reactionary form of resistan- nese, with some forms that were unusual. ce, meaning that the farmers’ protest was a Lestari (2013) has shown how this differentreaction to their extended poverty and their approach to communication frequently be- frustration with the elites who were mo- came hindered their interactions with sur- toring the uprising. Fauzanafi (2012),- me rounding communities. For instance, when anwhile, views the community’s plain and the researchers asked a husband and wife unusual language use as being nothing but from Kaliyoso whether there was something playing with words during its political inter- or someone worshipped (di-sembah) by the actions with colonial powers. Sedulur Sikep community, the concept of Meanwhile, Victor King (1973), in “God” frequently led to difficulty. The- in his “Some Observations on the Samin Mo - terviewees answered firmly, “The Prophetvement of North-Central Java”, typifies Adam (Nabi Adam) for women and the Rep - the Samin’s resistance as a manifestation resentative of Adam (Wali Adam) for wo- of the poor synergy between the colonial men”. Adam here was not understood as the government’s policies and the farmers’ desi- first human, nor was he understood as the res. Because of this incompatibility, dissatis- first prophet in Islamic history, but rather as faction influenced the farmers’ status, self- a symbol of Adam as speech. Nabi was not worth, behavior, etc. Victor King formulated meant as prophet, but rather the hem ta( - this in his theory of relative deprivation. pian) of a sarong, with bi meaning ‘vagina’. Benda and Castles (1969) explain that Meanwhile, the word wali was not used to the difficult situation and pressure from the refer to a representative, but rather suwali, colonial system led to members of the Sedu- meaning penis. In this manner, these two lur Sikep community “choosing” to live in members of Sedulur Sikep explained that “isolated” areas. Through this life of self-iso- their devotion was to none other than sexu- lation from colonial authority through taxa- al intercourse, which was implied through tion, religious authority through the muez - reference to the genitalia of the opposite sex. zin, and administrative authority through However, the spiritual meaning of the term the nobility (priyayi), they avoided direct sesembahan was, over the course of the in- and explicit confrontation while improving terview, also understood as an abbreviation their own fortunes, particularly by avoiding of mesam-mesem karo nggroyang nggra- severe risks by considering their every move yang (“smile while grabbing”). (Santoso 2004). Takashi Siraishi (1990), in “Dangir’s This self-isolation in areas with limited Testimony”, expands upon the Samin resources is conceptualized by Amrih Wido - community’s interpretation and understan- do (1997) as a “leave me alone” strategy for ding of language, which emphasizes plain- avoiding confrontation with colonial autho- ness in language use. Siraishi explains that rities. This goal is reflected in one guideline the Dutch colonial authorities viewed the for living as a member of the Samin com- Samin as using different ways of speakingmunity, “Aja drengki, srei, dahwen, kemeren, than the ‘general’ Javanese community and tukar padu, bedhog colong, begal kecu aja the Dutch colonial government. Members dilakoni, apa maneh kutil jupuk, nemu wae of community would only use the lowest emoh.” (Do no evil. Feel no jealousy. Do not register of Javanese, ngoko, and frequently argue, steal, rob, or fight. Do not even take twisted questions or answer them in un- things you find lost on the street)3. expected ways. They would frequently use 3 Quoted from “Kearifan Lokal di Lingkungan Ma- words with different understandings and syarakat Samin Kabupaten Blora, Jawa Tengah” UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture 9 (1) (2017): 13-28 19

Conversely, Uzair Fauzan (2005) desc- and providing useful work (for oneself), wit- ribes this phenomenon as being intended to hout facing hardship or bungah (too much promote an avoidance of desire for others’ happiness)” said Warugono (not his real possessions. He explains that, conceptual- name), one elder active in the anti-cement ly, this teaching positions the desires of the movement. This statement reflects a com- Samin community within the members of mon view among the Sedulur Sikep com- themselves. Farming, or gebyah macul, is munity regarding ideal life. “Tata gawuta considered an appropriate source of liveli- sig dumunung” is understood as meaning a hood, one that does not violate this ethic, livelihood that “provides”, that is rooted in particularly since the history of the Sedulur and produces for oneself, and that does not Sikep community is rooted in reflection of disturb the livelihoods or possessions of ot- their ancestors and their positions as far- hers. This view guides believers to think re- mers. It may also be said that these rules and lationally, to separate the economic aspects, values were formulated to emphasize the philosophical aspects, and ideological as- Sedulur Sikep community’s involvement in pects of community living and community agriculture. Meanwhile, these principles are dynamics. understood by Fauzanafi (2012) as a way of It should be recognized that, though life that values individual autonomy, even as the Sedulur Sikep community was es- members are involved in complex exchanges tablished as a form of resistance, present and recognize the authority of their elders’ construction of the community’s identity knowledge (parang pitakon). This indivi- has become depoliticized. According to Am- dual autonomy is also linked to their econo- rih Widodo (1997), this has meant a trans- mic system, in which agriculture is idealized formation from a socio-political movement in the Religion of Adam (2012) 4. How, then, into a cultural-philosophical one. The Sedu- are the relations between their understan- lur Sikep community, at first constructed ding of their environment and movements around a farmer’s movement, has been in- to (re)recognize the above-discussed cultu- ternalized as a way of life. This transforma- ral identity? tion has “repackaged” the Sedulur Sikep as a “traditional community”, an indigenous TAni Mligi people that pose no political threat. As writ- BECOMING : A ten by M. Uzair (2005), the term “traditional SOURCE OF ENVIRONMENTAl community” was first used in Indonesia in (IN)SECURITY the second half of the 1970s for the Isolated Traditional Community program formula- This section attempts to examine why far- ted by Social Department of the Indonesian ming and agriculture are (considered) ideal Republic. This program was intended to help by the Sedulur Sikep community, as realized “develop” isolated communities such as the by the contemporary environmental move- Sedulur Sikep and implemented as part of ment. President Soeharto’s efforts to modernize all “Life must be nyandang, pangan, tata fields and aspects of life. In Java, the first- or gawuta sig dumunung, aja nganti susah lan ganization for traditional communities was bungah meaning wearing clothes, eating, established in March 2003, the Paguyuban by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism (2004), Masyarakat Adat Pulau Jawa (PAMA-PUJA; p. 25. It should be noted that the government has the Association of Traditional Communities expressed interest in revitalizing the life values of Java); the Samin community was one of implicit in these linguistic principles, as manife- sted first in its encyclopedia project and later in anthe eighteen members of this association article that narrated the community’s simplicity in (Kurniawan 2003). Kurniawan writes that the face of economic and political change. PAMA-PUJA was established as an umbrel- 4 Further discussion of the Religion of Adam can la organization for traditional communities be found in Djokosoewardi (1969), van der Kroef that were struggling to promote their rights (1959) Muhaimin (2009), Suhanah (2011), Rosyid (2012, 2014), Asiah (2013), and Octaviani (2015). over their ancestral lands in the face of the UNNES JOURNALS 20 Setiadi et al, Geger Sikep: Environmental (Re)Interpretation among the Contemporary Anti-Cement... teak and other plantations throughout Java. maintained by the Sedulur Sikep commu- This historical situation has promoted nity has optimized productivity within the the articulation of an identity rooted in clo- family unit. In the family, the father’s role se ties to the environment, as voiced by the is preparing the land, including hoeing anti-cement movements as well as the film land for planting. The mother, meanwhi- Samin vs Semen. Over the course of field re- le, takes care of the rice fields, albeit at a search into the community’s system of ag- simpler level—weeding fields and -plan ricultural production, it appeared that the ting seeds—because she is also required to Sedulur Sikep depend on two main aspects: handle domestic affairs such as housework, the earth and the water. This dependence the children, and her husband. At a certain has shaped the mutualistic relation between age, children are also expected to help their the Sedulur Sikep community and its pro- parents, with their roles divided based on duction space: its rice fields and natural irri- their gender. Sons are expected to do ma- gation. Reciprocal ties with the environment nual labor such as gathering feed for their have been established because of the rela- cattle, while daughters are expected to help tions between the tani mligi and the natural their mothers with domestic work such as resources supporting them. This reciproci- cleaning and cooking. Usually, all members ty is realized in the communal perspectives of the family will focus on agricultural work and daily lives of the community, such as during the harvest, because the harvest is drinking. Before drinking water from a jug, very labor-intensive. members of the Sedulur Sikep community This clear division of roles within the will always spill one or two drops of water family structure influences children’s aware- onto the ground. Gugoh (not his real name), ness of their responsibilities. This, in turn, a local resident, explained that this is an ex- increases their own cognitive abilities and pression of gratitude to the Earth, because promotes the maturity their parents expect they consider everything they use—shelter, of them. For instance, when playing, Sedu- water, food—to be a “gift of the earth”. This lur Sikep children will keep track of time sense of gratitude and concern for the Earth and recognize when they must return home, is further manifested in their belief that they even without being reminded by their pa- must live in harmony with the environment. rents. This stems from their awareness of The term “gift of the earth” itself shows the their own responsibilities, such as taking Sedulur Sikep community’s perspective of care of their younger siblings or drying rice. the environment, one in which the Sedulur Margaret Mead explains this phenomenon Sikep community “personify” nature by vie- as part of learning culture or teaching cul- wing it as more than a resource. ture, in which education is realized through Members of the Sedulur Sikep com- practice. Within the community, education munity frequently drink water directly from is not a practice separate from culture. Rat- earthenware jugs. This, too, illustrates an her, it is the very process of observing, un- aspect of their social life, specifically their derstanding, and practicing culture (in Ko- use of srawung to build a sense of together- entjaraningrat 1990, p. 230). ness. When speaking together, members It can be seen here that the family ser- of the Sedulur Sikep community will drink ves to pass ancestral values and ideals from from the same jug, without pouring the wa- generation to generation. The Sedulur Sikep ter into glasses for each drinker. This reflects community being rooted in and oriented to- their egalitarian position with their fellow wards the ideal of tani mligi has shaped the humans and with the environment. local farming practices, which still exhibit Aside from establishing relations bet- a continuity with those of the community’s ween the Sedulur Sikep and their environ- ancestors. This can be seen, for example, in ment, the tani mligi concept is also used the basic rules followed, such as the Sedu- to ensure stability within the family. The lur Sikep being forbidden from attending traditional agrarian lifestyle that has been school or selling goods. School and trade

UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture 9 (1) (2017): 13-28 21 are both thought to have the potential to Kendeng (Network of Persons with a Con- mislead them, to make them desire things cern for the Kendeng Mountain Range, JM- that are beyond their abilities, seek mate- PPK). Established in 2008, JM-PPK consists rial wealth, and abandon their ancestral of persons from Sukolilo, Kayen, Tambakro- teachings. There is thus a constellation of mo, and the surrounding area, all of whom interlinked cultural aspects such as politics have rejected the cement industry’s presen- and religion. It has produced a substantive ce at the food of the Kendeng Mountain body of rules, including those linked to the Range. Since 2015, JM-PPK has expanded its community’s economic activities. Farming, network into Rembang. This can be attri- particularly self-sufficient farming, is consi- buted to the shared fates of the anti-cement dered to better fit the community’s values. movement in Pati and in Rembang, where residents were demanding that permit for a Sedulur Sikep Semen Indonesia factory in South Kendeng AND INDUSTRI- be revoked. As such, JM-PPK has integrated Al CHAllENGES groups from various areas that promote eco- Aside from facing the influences of mo- logical responsibility. dern lifestyles, Sedulur Sikep has also wor- ked to face the challenges of the industrial Agency and Authoritative Movement economy represented by the cement factory It should be understood that JM-PPK’s es- in the Kendeng Mountain Range, where the tablishment was not solely initiated by resi- Sedulur Sikep community of Pati resides. dents owning anti-cement position. Gunret- The Kendeng Mountain Range is a karstno explained that the idea to establish a civil mountain range that stretches from Taban society organization was initiated by several in Kudus to Tuban. Here, the beliefs of the non-profit organizations that had been in - Sedulur Sikep and their environment have volved with the movement since 2007, in- faced a new situation. The presence of the cluding SHEEP Pati, the Legal Aid Center of cement industry has forced the community Semarang, WALHI, and Desantara. This was to reflect on its teachings and how the com- hoped to provide more formal and struc- munity should position itself in the face of tural guidance in their resistance, as well real-world problems. For some of the Sedu- as more actions that were more diplomatic lur Sikep in Pati, the struggle against karst and conflict resolution approaches that fol- exploitation is one of life or death. They low legal procedures. As such, in this case equate the cement industry with londo (and in similar other ones) non-profit orga- ireng, with “black colonialists”, a new form nizations have taken a role in advocacy and of imperialism in which they are subjugated citizen education, promoting a greater un- by fellow Indonesian citizens who exploit derstanding of the law and legislation than the capitalist system for their own benefit. previously found in the villages. In the ten Interestingly, their use of the term londo years of the residents’ struggle, they have in- ireng seems to be used to justify their mo- teracted and established networks with ac- vement by framing it as a struggle against tivists, academics, researchers, and societal colonialism. This equation of the cement in- leaders who have voiced their opposition to dustry with local colonialism has not, howe- the cement factory. This has indirectly in- ver, been sufficient to protect the movement fluenced and colored members’ opposition. against charges of misusing the teachings of One example is the wayang kulit (shadow Sedulur Sikep. puppet) show by the nationally renowned Historically, the Sedulur Sikep resisted dalang (puppet master) Ki Manteb Sudar- Dutch colonialism by acting passive, apat- sono, who performed Semar Gugat in 20075. hetic, and uncooperative. Meanwhile, the 5 This story tells of the mythical figures Semar, opposition ‘led’ by the siblings from Sukolilo Kresno, and Wisanggeni, who protest the near- is embodied in the civil society organization destruction of the natural world in the conflict Jaringan Masyarakat Peduli Pegunungan between the gods and dosomuka who possessed UNNES JOURNALS 22 Setiadi et al, Geger Sikep: Environmental (Re)Interpretation among the Contemporary Anti-Cement...

The process of interactions with and bobog neg wis kadung babag, nanging siyap distribution of knowledge by institutions, bobok sakdurunge babag.” (Don’t use bobog activists, and academics provided the agen- (cold power) if it’s damaged. Use it when it’s cy necessary to promote the establishment good.) of a meaningful and prestigious movement. For example, members’ opposition is fre- Frictions within the Movement quently voiced through demonstrations. In the almost nine years since JM-PPK’s es- These actions, however, do not include ora- tablishment, it has not only faced challenges tions, tire burning, or expressions of out- from the cement industry. Internal challen- rage. Within the movement, the termde- ges within JM-PPK have been no less dif- monstration itself is not used; they insteadficult. The role of different agencies in the use the term action. First and foremost, they development of the anti-cement movement seek discussion with an audience. They car- has been discussed. Non-profit agencies and ry with them crops from the Kendeng area, NGOs have played a particularly important as well as the bamboo hats, symbolic of far- role in uniting residents, though some have mers. They also carry jugs, which are used to also sowed discord and fragmented this uni- represent the Kendeng Mountain Range. As ty. Gunarti explains, “Ibarate Kendeng iku ken- The “fuse” of this fragmentation was di, isine banyu. Neg kendine pecah, banyune first lit by an activist with NGO A through kan yo tumpah.” (Kendeng is like a jug, filled comments at a meeting meant to formulate with water. If the jug shatters, the water will a work program and provide guidance to JM- spill.) PPK.6 According to Gunretno, these com- In several actions, some members of ments seemed to imply that JM-PPK was the Sedulur Sikep community did not reci- “selling” its programs to the NGOs. Gunret- te laillahailallah (the Shahada) with mem- no, who was then serving as chair, was un- bers of the anti-cement movement, who are willing to accept this statement, and began mostly Muslim. Gunretno explained that, limiting JM-PPK’s relations with NGOs to for them, reciting laillahailallah is no longer reduce the potential for conflicts of interest. about affirming their identities as Muslims, Likewise, NGO A reduced the intensity of its but rather intended to build community in- guidance and assistance. tegration and solemnity. Here, it can be seen In 2012, the unity of JM-PPK was again that members of the Sedulur Sikep commu- tested by some members who disapproved nity who think of themselves as fighting of the dominance of Sedulur Sikep in me- against the planned cement factory in Ken- dia coverage of the movement. At the time, deng are unhesitant in “re-shaping” their JM-PPK was in the midst of shifting its focus community values and teachings to pro- to the planned construction of the Indoce- mote a “greater good” (i.e. unity within thement Factory in Kayen and Tambakromo, anti-cement movement). Although JM-PPK and some residents of these villages disap- and Sedulur Sikep cannot be considered the proved of the popularity of Sedulur Sikep in same, the culturally based and moderate re- the media despite the community not being sistance of JM-PPK has been widely recog - affected by the planned PT Indocement fac- nized as being influenced by the philosophy tory. Furthermore, the form of resistance of the Sedulur Sikep members involved. used by JM-PPK was considered by some to JM-PPK itself can be a ‘fresh wind’ for -movebe “too polite” and too ineffective in voicing ments in Indonesia that resist the dominan- their objections. As such, that year eighteen ce of extractive industries. The struggle of of the twenty-two administrators decided the Sedulur Sikep community is considered to leave JM-PPK and establish their own- or a manifestation of a local idiom, “Aja bobog- 6 The names of the activist and NGO in question have human bodies. This story was adapted to frame been anonymized to protect the good names of the in- the conflict as being about the building of- a ce volved parties, as well as to reduce the potential for ment factory. conflict between both sides. UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture 9 (1) (2017): 13-28 23 ganization, the Lingkar Kendeng Sejahtera a form of modern colonialism) cannot be (LIKRA; Circle for a Prosperous Kendeng). separated from the broader emergence of After its establishment, LIKRA was guided a discourse on indigeneity and indigenous by NGO A, which had long withdrawn from movements. As explained by Colechester JM-PPK. LIKRA became known for being and Lohmann, the rise of these movements louder and stronger in its anti-cement ac- can be considered part of the revitalization tions, which included the forced closure of of an “indigenous” spirit as part of a long the Northern Coastal Road for seven hours tradition of sub-national anti-imperialist following the 2016 Eid al-Fitr holiday.7 struggles (Colechester 1985). It can be said Gunretno views NGOs’ influences that, by referring to past struggles, members and structural penetration as making the of the Sedulur Sikep community have tried movement more vulnerable to conflicts ofto improvise and realize the same goals as interest. As such, presently JM-PPK has -re their ancestors: freedom for living. Unfortu- formed its organizational structure. The po- nately, this approach has not been accepted sitions of chair and administrator have been by all members of the community. eliminated. Likewise, contracts with NGOs Some members of the Sedulur Sikep have been severed to remove the potential community have considered their fellow for the sale and purchase of proposals. Not community members’ opposition to be a all NGOs have left JM-PPK. Several orga- violation of their ancestral teachings. As nizations, such as the Semarang Legal Aid said by Mbah Sundoyo, Jrengki, srei, lan ng- Center, continue to provide the organizati- ganggu tata gawutane wong liyo ([they] take on with guidance during court trials and the what is not theirs and disturb the work of preparation of depositions. Likewise, JM- others). They consider it inappropriate for PPK continues to function as a vessel for as - Sedulur Sikep members to interfere with pirations, discussions, and anti-cement ac- the planned cement factory or to intervene tions. However, the previously constructed in the affairs of Kayen and Tambakromo vil- structural and political attributes have been lages. The very voicing of opposition to the abandoned. Nonetheless, the dominance of factory and of the importance of conserving Gunretno and Gunarti is still apparent wit- Kendeng is considered jrengki (the most hin the JM-PPK movement. This is inevitab- severe negative act), because the Kendeng le, as both (particularly Gunretno) served as Mountain Range does not belong to any in- initiators of the movement and as mediators dividual member of the community. between members and the government. Mbah Sundoyo, one member of the Consequently, their identity as members puritanof group, explained that he considered Sedulur Sikep will remain part of the media demonstrations and other forms of protest coverage of residents’ conflict with the ce- to be nothing but mbenerke ukara, or jus- ment industry, and this coverage will con- tifying the issue. As such, he questions the tinue to cause friction both within JM-PPK function of these protests: “luru bener apa and within the Sedulur Sikep community. nggo entuk bener?” (Seeking the truth, or seeking recognition of their truth?). As Internal Contradictions such, for him and some other members of The rise of the Sedulur Sikep discourse in the Sedulur Sikep community, the anti-ce- the opposition to the cement industry (as ment group cannot be considered sikep asli (original or true), as shown more clearly be- 7 At the end of 2012, LIKRA formed an alliance with low: several other organizations, including Gerakan Ma- syarakat Ngerang (Gamorang, the Ngerang People’s Movement) and Keben Village. This alliance was “Sikep asli atau sikep lugu akan senan- called Ahli Waris Kendeng (the Heirs of Kendeng). tiasa gladyan karo sanak kadang, karo JM-PPK was also asked to join, but refused to do so Mbah-Mbah, putra-putrane, dipenging owing to its disapproval of the tactics used (JM-PPK nglakoni jrengki, dipenging ngumbar tu- rejects the blocking of traffic and damaging of prop- mindhak, ngumbar suwara, ora sekolah, erty during protests). UNNES JOURNALS 24 Setiadi et al, Geger Sikep: Environmental (Re)Interpretation among the Contemporary Anti-Cement...

ora demo.” (Sikep asli or sikep lugu will on, women have been considered to take a lead to harmony with all kin, our elders, special role in holistic approaches (Candib children. We may not bejrengki , call and 1995). In Gender and the Environment: A Fe- shout out… even if we don’t go to school, minist Political Ecology Perspective by Dian- we mustn’t demonstrate.) – Parwadi (not ne Rocheleau et al. (1996), it is explained his real name) that different gendered experiences, inter- ests, and responsibilities in the face of na- This underscores the view that voicing ture are not biological myth, but rather pro- the potential risks and pollution of the ce- duced by social interpretations of biological ment factories is inappropriate, as it is con- relations and social constructions of gender sidered taboo to speak of things that have issues. These differences are consequences not occurred yet. As such, the anti-cement of cultural constructions and the spatial movement is viewed as “overstepping” the conditions of the community. As such, this bounds of truth by speaking of things that discussion will examine the experience of have yet to pass umbar( suwara). ‘becoming a woman’ and its relation with However, it must be understood that the current ecological contestation in Ken- the Sedulur Sikep in Pati are not simply di- deng. vided into two groups based on their views Within the family structure, women’s of the economy and the cement industry. responsibilities are centered around the These categories are only the dominant ones fulfillment of fundamental needs such as prominent in the current situation with the food, clothing, and healthcare, all of which cement industry. There are still many mem- are closely linked to water and other natural bers of the community who prefer to remain resources (Moser 1989). This has promoted silent, be it regarding the cement industry or greater dependency on nature among wo- regarding popular perceptions of the group. men as well as more personal relations bet- Many of them reject the cement factory for ween women and nature. ecological reasons, citing pollution, but Gunarti, one woman member of Sedu- they do not voice this opposition during de- lur Sikep, has become a central figure in the monstrations or other activities. Because the anti-cement movement. Using the threat of factory will not be built on their land, they damage to the biota and water in Kendeng, feel as though they have no right to become Gunarti has drawn residents’ involvement involved. They consider this approach to be in promoting the reexamination of the en- the most suited to the teachings of their an- viromental impact of karst mining. Further- cestors: remaining silent and indifferent. more, to ensure unity among anti-mining The crisis regarding how members of groups, Gunarti has established a women’s the Sedulur Sikep community should act group called Simbar Wareh. Based on envi- can be traced to the death of a senior figureronmental concerns, Simbar Wareh has of- in the Pati, Mbah Tarno, in 2009. After his fered space for women in JM-PPK. Gunarti death, the Sedulur Sikep community lacked has also established an arisan group in her a figure who could guide them in facing new village to support the spread of information situations. The various strategies used by the on cement production as well as the disse- Sedulur Sikep community are a consequence mination of finances for action, including of their attempts to interpret and continue in Curug and Kedumulyo villages, Sukolilo their ancestral teachings (nutukake babate Subdistrict, Pati. mbah sepuh), which are constructed within Unconsciously, Gunarti has establis- a loose framework. hed an identity for herself, one rooted in what Seager (1993) terms feminist environ- WOMEN AND THE ENVIRON- mentalism. This concern for the environ- ment, based on her reflections on everyday MENT experiences and responsibilities, has been In many cases of environmental exploitati- shared among younger generations and re- UNNES JOURNALS Komunitas: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture 9 (1) (2017): 13-28 25 sulted in an alternative education system Earth has given, Mother Earth has been based on the principles of Sedulur Sikep, hurt, Mother Earth will pass judgment). Javanese culture, and sustainability. This This concept of nature, as represented system has been implemented through a by the Kendeng Mountain Range, has been study group known as Wiji Kendeng, where symbolized through the Ibu Pertiwi (Mot- students are taught the Javanese script and herland) icon always voiced in each action. the , as well as mathe- Anti-cement actions, which tend to invol- matics and gamelan, by an ally from Purwo- ve prayers and theatrical acts, have been dadi. This is part of an effort to ensure that mostly perpetrated by women, as symbols children internalize ancestral values and lo - of mother earth. However, it should be un- cal wisdom, infused with a spirit of conser- derstood that women’s involvement in these vation to ensure the sustainability of Samin struggles should be understood not in terms Surosentiko’s teachings and the Kendeng of Sedulur Sikep’s teachings, but rather as a Mountain Range, the source of their liveli- feminist breakthrough that has developed hood. organically. Gunarti and her take on Sedulur The above overview indicates how spe- Sikep’s teachings has also been fundamental cific understandings of “fragility” and “thre - in the image development of the nine “Kar - at” have been elaborated upon in addressing tini Kendeng” (Kartinis of Kendeng), wo - issues related to cement. This discourse of men farmers who have become icons of Pati “threat” also includes threats to the liveli- and Rembang residents’ resistance to the hoods and activities of women. This dis- cement industries in the Kendeng Moun- course has been enriched and promoted by tain Range. The nine Kartini Kendeng, whothe contributions of various actors in the In- come from Pati, Rembang, and Grobogan, donesian feminist movement, as spearhea- voiced their opposition to cement producti- ded by Jurnal Perempuan and various artists. on on 18 April 2016 by encasing their feet in These women have used their promi- cement and sitting in front of the Presiden- nence in academic and media narratives to tial Palace in Jakarta. Although these nine continue the struggle after the Sedulur Si- women are not part of Sedulur Sikep, they kep discourse, so long dominant in the anti- wore the black kebayas expected of women cement movement, lost its effectiveness in members. One of the women from Rem- drawing public support. The context of local bang, Sukinah, explained that they wanted vulnerability, once highly prominent now to present themselves as Gunarti, simple weakens the anti-cement movement, parti- yet strong, easily recognized by her blackcularly owing to puritan groups’ hesitance to kebaya. Gunarti and Hartati (the wife ofuse Sedulur Sikep in their anti-cement ac- Gunretno) explained that the Kartini Ken- tivities. The women’s discourse, manifested deng were inspired by the women’s emanci- in theatrical actions—particularly the use pation figure, Kartini. The Kartini Kendeng of cement “stocks”—has allowed the Kartini have likewise been identified with the rise of Kendeng to become new icons of the anti- women’s involvement in promoting conser- cement movement. vation in Kendeng. This shift from Sedulur Sikep to the Aside from Gunarti, women in general ideas of the Kartini Kendeng has been rea- occupy a special position in the anti-cement lized in efforts to increase community awa- movement. This can be seen in one of the reness of the potential for environmental songs frequently used by JM-PPK in its ac- degradation in Kendeng. On the one hand, tions, a song inspired by Sedulur Sikep’s lo- Sedulur Sikep has represented locality as cal wisdom and personification of the land well as threats to the socio-cultural aspects as a mother who creates new life through of the indigenous community. On the other reproduction. This is particularly marked hand, the Kartini Kendeng, who origina- in the line “Ibu Bumi wis maringi, Ibu Bumi te from the foothills of Kendeng (i.e. Pati, dilarani, Ibu Bumi kang ngadili.” (Mother Rembang, and Grobogan), have shown a

UNNES JOURNALS 26 Setiadi et al, Geger Sikep: Environmental (Re)Interpretation among the Contemporary Anti-Cement... more united concern, one centered around differences in strategy can be understood as the environmental degradation that may be a manifestation of multi-interpretability in caused by the two large cement factories at efforts to realize an ancestral wisdomnutu- ( the foot of the Kendeng Mountain Range. kake babate mbah sepuh) that has not been codified through clear rules. Furthermore, cement production has CONClUSION been considered by environmental and fe- The concept of tani mligi (self-empowered minist activists to have the potential to agriculture) is part of the communal iden- damage the Kendeng Mountain Range, a tity behind the socio-economic movement constructed narrative that frames the area as against cement in northern Central Java. lacking security and certainty in the face of This has led to different understandings industrial activity. Through their relations emerging organically regarding their identi- with these various agencies, Gunretno and ty as farmers and reflecting various changes Gunarti have constructed various spaces to that have occurred, including in the politi- facilitate residents’ struggles, including JM- cal, social, and economic spheres. This pro- PPK and Simbar Wareh. An alternative edu- cess has been important in guiding Sedulur cation system, based on local wisdom and Sikep in positioning itself in regards to the rooted in sustainability and environmenta- issues developing around it, particularly as lism, has been developed using a feminine related to cement. However, in this case, the identity when the social movement’s ori- reflection process has not been communal, ginal “Sedulur Sikep identity” became too but atomic. This is supported by interac- problematic. These are several interesting tions and exchanges of knowledge between points for further consideration, particular- Sedulur Sikep and other agencies, including ly within the context of the ethnicity-based NGOs, activists, academics, and societal movements that have a long history of invol- leaders. Gunretno and Gunarti, prominent vement in issues facing society. figureheads of the citizen movement, have This momentum may become a tur- established environmental perspectives ning point in the process through which based not only on fundamental community community values and teachings are incu- values, but also on the overlapping of those bated to create a new identity for Sedulur Si- values with the perspectives of the agencies kep, one that may be rooted more in efforts interacting with them, most of which have to support environmental sustainability or emphasized potential environmental degra- may be rooted in stagnation caused by pu- dation and damage to the land and water. ritan dominance maintained through cus- For Sedulur Sikep, as farmers, the land tomary wisdom. This process would be in- and water function not only as sources of teresting for further research as an example production, but also as spaces for construc- of conflict in a customary Indonesian com- ting their historical identities. The specific munity, as well as an example of regional so- identity attributes of “farmer” and “follo- cial movements’ use of identity—as voiced, wer of the Sikep local wisdom” that have addressed, supported, assisted, and used by been voiced by the movement have impli- agencies—in regards to resource redistri- cations for internal contradictions among bution. the Sedulur Sikep themselves. Sedulur Sikep has been split into two major groups based on the strategies used: groups may become REFERENCES puritan and ‘traditional’ by preserving the Ackland, R., & O’neil, M., 2011. Online collective purity of their teachings and their ancest- identity: The case of the environmental move- ment. Social Networks, 33(3), pp. 177-190. ral values, or they may show a sikep tolak by Asep, M. & Widodo. 2002. Orang Pesantren Sendiri gracefully using their customs to promote Memandang Samin Kurang Simpatik. Majalah broader interests—in this case, the discour- Kebudayaan Desantara, 6(2) se on preserving the Kendeng area. These Asiah, S. N., 2013. Pola Hidup Keagamaan Masyara-

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