Oceánide 11 2019

Fecha de recepción: 20 mayo 2018 Fecha de aceptación: 15 septiembre 2018 Fecha de publicación: 31 diciembre 2018 URL:http://oceanide.netne.net/articulos/art11-5.pdf Oceánide número 11, ISSN 1989-6328

“Words Through Walls”: Chicano and Northern Irish Mural Traditions in Perspective

Julio CAÑERO (Franklin Institute-UAH, España) Tamara BENITO (IES Luis de Góngora, España)

RESUMEN:

La comunidad chicana en Estados Unidos y la lealista y republicana en Irlanda del Norte se han servido de los murales para expresar sus aspiraciones económicas, políticas, sociales y culturales. Sin una intención claramente artística al principio, sino más bien reivindicativa, el objetivo de estas pinturas realizadas por las tres comunidades ha sido el de mostrar tanto a los miembros de su grupo, como a los rivales y, por ende, al resto del mundo, su forma de entender los conflictos de los que han surgido. En este trabajo, nuestra intención es la de presentar las creaciones muralistas de estos pueblos en términos de su evolución histórica, compromiso ideológico, aspiraciones políticas y temas principales que han sido utilizados. Aunque las realidades en las que las tres comunidades se desarrollan son muy diferentes, sí que son apreciables ciertas similitudes. De tal manera que los murales chicanos, lealistas y republicanos se han convertido en el canal para articular unidad, orgullo de pertenencia al grupo y activismo político, convirtiéndose en “palabras a través de los muros”..

Palabras clave: murales, chicanos, lealistas, republicanos, identidad, ideología, temática

ABSTRACT:

The Chicano community in the United States and the loyalist and republican in have used murals to express their economic, political, social and cultural aspirations. In their origin, these artistic creations lacked a clearly artistic intention, but rather their function was vindicatory. The aim of the paintings was to show the members of their group, as well as their rivals and, therefore, the rest of the world, their way of understanding the conflicts in which they were immersed. In this paper, our intention is to present the muralist creations of these peoples in terms of their historical evolution, ideological commitment, political aspirations and main themes that have been used. Although the realities in which the three communities develop are very different, certain similarities are appreciable. Thus, Chicano, loyalists and republican murals have become the channel to articulate unity, pride in group membership and political activism, then conveying “Words through Walls.”

Keywords: murals, Chicanos, loyalists, republicans, identity, ideology, themes

URL:http://oceanide.netne.net/articulos/art11-5.pdf Oceánide 11 2019

1. INTRODUCTION1 American majority. Visual arts, among other cultural artifacts, were used to accompany Murals have been usually associated to the political demands made by the Chicano political, economic, social and cultural community to resist racism, discrimination demands in an explicit and direct way. and social injustices (LaWare, 1998: As Kang and Gammel (2011: 267) have 140; Sperling, and Barnet, 1990: 9). asserted, murals “have increasingly Chicano muralists used murals to promote become artworks that are made by the awareness, encourage multicultural and community for the community.” Due to its cross-cultural consciousness, and stimulate ideological commitment, this type of art community harmony (Kang, and Gammel, has “blurred distinctions between ‘fine art’ 2011: 268; Mesa-Bains, 1990: 70). and ‘folk art’ (Donahue, 2011: 72), and These murals became both an important has paid more attention to content than to organizational tool as well as a means form, thus conveying words through walls. to recuperate Chicano cultural heritage. Northern Irish loyalists of the early 1900s,2 Breaking with the traditional conceptions Chicanos of the 1960s,3 and Northern Irish of ‘art for art’s sake,’ Chicano muralists republicans of the 1980s4 would be a good created a temperamental art that reflected example of groups of people that have “el alma de su gente, su sentir, su vivir y displayed their communities’ ideologies on su esperanza” (Soto Ramírez, 2003: 39), their walls. If murals act as newspapers turning their works into “a vehicle for on walls (Holscher, 1976: 45), then these political and social expression” (Arreola, three communities have used them to teach 1984: 409), which took “an affirmative about their culture, history, reality and stance celebrating race, ethnicity, and aspirations. The messages that the walls class” (Goldman, 1990b: 167). carry provide the viewer with insights of the artist’s ethnic and/or religious culture. The Chicano muralist tradition6 is primarily An information that is very valuable to linked to pre-Columbian peoples of the both the members of their communities Americas, who recorded their rituals and and those who do not belong to them. history on the walls of their pyramids (Holscher, 1976: 43). This influence was In this article, we are in line of Kang and essential to the early thematic development Gammel (2011: 267) to whom murals of the Chicano artistic creations during El “capture public attention and provoke Movimiento. Secondly, it is connected to viewers to explore layers of meaning and the “Hispanic culture that was introduced find hidden stories.” We do not intend to from Western Europe, especially in the make an artistic analysis of the murals decoration of church interiors” (Arreola, of these three communities. In fact, to 1984: 409). A tradition that has been point out a specific example as typical is retained by Chicanos, who still paint an arduous task, for they display different the interiors of their restaurants or the themes in different periods, different exteriors of their business (Arreola, 1984: regional areas and supporting very 410). Thirdly, this tradition also comes different issues. Rather, our purpose is from Mexican revolutionary-era painters to make a presentation of both Chicano José Clemente Orozco, Diego Rivera, and and Northern Irish wall paintings in terms David Alfaros Siqueiros, collectively known of their historical evolution, ideological as los tres grandes, who painted murals commitment, political aspirations and main sponsored by the Mexican revolutionary themes. We are aware that although certain government (Palomo Acosta, 2003: 1). thematic similarities are clearly perceived In parallel to the Mexican case, Chicano in the muralist art of these three groups, murals made visible models and historical it is undeniable that many differences events relevant to the community. also exist. But what is undeniable is that Chicano, republican and loyalist murals However, whereas Mexican murals resulted have become a channel to articulate unity, from well-funded governmental projects ethic pride and political activism. to embellish official buildings, Chicano murals were created in the barrios of the 2. CHICANO MURAL PRODUCTION inner cities, where the disfavored lived. AND ITS HISTORICAL CONTEXT Sidewalks, freeway bridges, fences and the walls of retail establishments, grocery The development of Chicano artistic stores, eateries, public-housing projects expressions was in the importance placed and community centers were used by by the Chicano Movement of the 1960s, Chicano muralists as blackboards to also known as El Movimiento,5 upon the antagonize the status quo, and to “paint up need to revise standard histories to include the ugliness of the city” (Simpson, 1980: voices that, generally, were concealed 521). Mexican Americans visited these or obliterated by the dominant Anglo- places, observed the murals on their walls,

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discussed matters related to their content demystify the Anglos’ notion that Chicanos (Kang, and Gammel, 2011: 267), and saw lacked both history and culture. in them a way of reclaiming their denied self-pride, cultural heritage, socio-political It is evident that in the early period (from presence, and economic empowerment. 1969 to 1975) aesthetic considerations Murals helped Chicanos to distinguish were not the primary goal of Chicano themselves from mainstream American muralists. These artists attempted to culture (LaWare, 1998: 141), and to save create “a code of visual signification that their barrios from “outsider interests, local was meaningful, commonly understood, speculators, crime, and neglect” (Cordova, and collectively validated” (Ybarra-Frausto, 2066: 360). 1990: 56). As such, they became educators and solidarity builders who showed their A characteristic of the Chicano muralist people how Mexican Americans contributed movement is that the artistic results not only to American society, but also were not the expression of an individual to humankind; an aspect systematically or personal voice, but of a collective one. denied by the Anglo-American majority. Especially during El Movimiento, local The images of their murals highlighted the residents joined the artists in the discussion discredited pre-Columbian cultures with a of the content and even in the making-of twofold objective: a) “to show historical the murals as “un nuevo arte del pueblo” continuity and cultural legitimacy” (Ybarra-Frausto, 1990: 57). Professional (Sánchez-Tranquilino, 1990: 92); and b) artists and non-artist worked together to to reflect a mestizo heritage that rejected design and paint the walls through which “Spanish colonialism as much as United Chicanos would speak to their community, States imperialism” (Cordova, 2006: 373). but also to the Anglo majority and the The muralist production of this early stage entire world. “This element of community combined demands for social and economic participation,” say Sperling and Barnet advancement with nationalistic and identity (1990: 9-10), “the placement of murals concerns. Ideas clearly developed by El on exterior walls in the community itself, Movimiento. and the philosophy of community input, that is, the right of a community to decide From mid- to late 1970s, murals continued on what kind of art it wants, characterized to be “a mirror of social conditions and group the new muralism.” Lacking whatever consciousness for the Mexican American interest in any formalist experimentation community” (Arreola, 1984: 424), but that did not contribute to the community’s they received much more institutional interests, Chicano muralists were “the sponsorship. Federal, state and local artistic counterparts of the student and governments employed them to revitalize youth movements which undertook the urban spaces, both public and private, task of ‘changing the world’” (Goldman, and as constructive youth activities. City 1990a: 24). programs were developed to provide spaces for young artists; national conferences of Rather than signifying artistic community muralists were supported to accomplishment,7 in many cases reached, increase communication between artists Chicano murals stood as a testament to of different ethnic and racial origins; and the capacity of Mexican Americans “to several books about murals were published organize, plan and direct themselves (Sperling, and Barnet, 1990: 12). In this toward the process of social change second stage, muralists transcended the and the production of art, including the identity question to grapple with more reconstruction of meaning of their exploited general themes, looking for an aesthetic and abused ethnic pre-Chicano period value that had been postponed in the imagery” (Sánchez-Tranquilino, 1990: 93). first period. Not only that, Chicano murals Curiously, the Chicano muralist movement, influenced so much of the international affirms Sánchez-Tranquilino (1990: 92), artistic panorama that they helped to was portrayed by the Anglo-dominated make the Southwest, and specifically mass media as a “colorful attempt to Los Angeles, California, one of the most reclaim the decaying American urbanscape. important centers of mural production in Murals were to be understood mostly as the world (Correll 2014: 285). environmental change and not as art.” Despite these sectarian Anglo opinions, Since the 1980s mainstream institutions through their murals, Chicano artists were have given greater recognition to Chicano able to demonstrate their artistic capacity art and murals despite the strong political vis-à-vis Anglo cultural practices, as well content always present in these works. as to show their personal and political Other areas of the country, like Chicago, needs. The painting of thousands of murals also with a significant Mexican American throughout the Southwest helped to population, joined the Southwest as

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epicenters of mural production, while D. Smith (qtd. in McQuaid, 2017: 35) calls including other Latino groups. This is also the ‘territorialization of memory,’ is the the case of Philadelphia. After the year result of two competing ideologies that 2000, the city has seen a proliferation of have tried to legitimize their discourse and Latino street art that has revitalized ethnic disavow the adversary’s. Thus, republican pride, erected pan-Latino relationships, and loyalist have manipulated cultural and and given barrio residents a sense of national myths related to the history of achievement and self-respect, especially Northern Ireland to support each side’s the youth and the disenfranchised. For ideology (Goalwin, 2013: 192). Along with Van Dahm, this demonstrates that “art has the paramilitary tactics derived from what immense power when it escapes the gallery has been known as , cultural and takes a role in social justice” (2015: practices such as painting walls became 431). It is undeniable that new focuses another way of gaining support within have caught the attention of Chicano the more moderate sides of unionists and and Latino muralists, yet, the political, nationalists, especially during the 1980s social, economic and cultural content of and 1990s with the intensification of the their murals is still greatly influenced by conflict. Although nowadays these two “a cultural and political consciousness groups of paintings still coexist, their origin developed in the earlier days of the and development has been dissimilar. Movement” (Sánchez-Tranquilino, 1990: 100). The loyalist paintings date back to the beginning of the 20th century, to 1908, 3. WALL MURALS IN NORTHERN when a picture of William III of Orange IRELAND: LOYALISM V. appeared on a wall on the Beersbridge REPUBLICANISM Road, in East (Rolston, 2003: 28). With the formation of the overwhelming The tradition of political wall murals in protestant and unionist Northern Irish Northern Ireland cannot be understood state, in the early twenties, the murals outside the history8 of the country and displaying King William at the Battle of the relationship between the two larger the Boyne (1690) were the most frequent communities that populate it, Catholics and increased with the passage of time. As and Protestants. One of the most notable Jarman states, “they helped to transform characteristics of Northern Ireland is its ‘areas where Protestants lived’ into residential segregation, which has served ‘Protestant areas’” (1998: 84). Loyalist as a sectarian division of the territory murals of this initial period were mostly following religious lines that, eventually, limited to celebrations and the turned political. In cities such as Belfast marching seasons. But with the Catholic and Londonderry, this separation has civil rights movement of the 1960s, the been physically enhanced through the terrorist actions committed by the IRA, construction of walls to avoid violence the direct rule imposed from London, and between the two groups. Concomitantly, the rapid growth of the republican mural these walls have been used by loyalists tradition in the 1980s, “loyalist murals (mostly Protestants and defenders of began to proliferate and move beyond their remaining within the United Kingdom) traditional role” (Goalwin, 2013: 198). and republicans (mostly Catholics and defenders of becoming part of the Republic Rolston explains that during the 1970s of Ireland) to express their political ideas and 1980s, the commonest murals were and to state their aspirations. As Sluka those displaying inanimate objects –e.g. (1992: 191) and Goalwin (2013: 189) flags or heraldic symbols–, most of explain, the messages conveyed in these them epitomizing loyalism (2003: 29). walls have functioned as both internal and Paradoxically enough, despite being one external propaganda, being directed to the of the periods of the highest levels of people of Northern Ireland as well as the violence, there were not many paramilitary outside world. images. However, due to the discrepancy with the Anglo-Irish Agreement signed As in the Chicano case, Northern Irish in 1985 that gave a consultative place to murals from both communities have the Irish Republic in the government of served to establish social cohesion and to Northern Ireland, military icons started produce group identity filled with a sense to be very prominent. Men posing with of tradition that, McQuaid (2017: 35) guns, frequently hooded, weapons and states, has been associated with “crucial other violent icons were part of very bleak events and historical personages.” In and frightening murals (Rolston, 1995: Northern Ireland, however, the need of iii). With the implementation of the Good attaching collective ethnic memories to Friday Agreement in 1998, the social the territory and its control, what Anthony and political situation in Northern Ireland

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changed even more (Geoghegan, 2008: Since 1998, Northern Ireland has seen an 185), but muralists continued to highlight enduring but fragile peace that has attracted military actions, including dead comrades a lot of foreign money thanks to technology and some other casualties of the war. The companies, filmmaking (TV shows like impression is that, as Anderson and Conlon Game of Thrones) and tourism. Many of (2013: 41) assure, the “conflict-and- the murals painted during The Troubles blame” murals of both sides still dominate have disappeared and those remaining the country. have turned into tourist attractions. New murals have been painted, even by former The republican wall painting tradition is members of paramilitary organizations more recent, and it is related to a sense in both sides, promoting “health and of historical grievance that can be traced harmony,” say Anderson and Conlon back to the 17th century when Scottish and (2013: 39), but they “lack the conviction English plantations started in Ulster. During and aesthetic power of the old murals born the unionist governments that dominated out of conflict and competitive identities.” the country since partition (1921), Catholics The intention has been to eradicate the were socially segregated, economically images of the conflict from the minds of discriminated, and their culture and identity, the Northern Irish, who lived through it, although palpable, were basically hidden. and from new generations. If during the Their place was private rather than public, 20th century murals “played a critical role which explains the lack of murals (Rolston, in the strategies of organizations that were 1997-1998: 14-15). Nevertheless, the locked in a vicious physical and ideological self-assurance of the unionists during the struggle for power” (Goalwin, 2013: 214), Stormont parliament began to emerge for present-day Northern Ireland is then the nationalists in the 80s, with the hunger becoming a multicultural country, with a strike of 1981 that asked for political status society much more diverse than before the for the, considered by the republicans, peace agreements. prisoners of war. It resulted in the death of ten prisoners, being Bobby Sands the most The 2011 census revealed that Catholics famous of them, which brought republicans constitute 45 percent of the population, great publicity and support inside and whereas the Protestant ‘majority’ represents outside Northern Ireland. 48 percent of the country. Eventually, if the current birthrate continues, in a few years After the deaths, people were launched Catholics will outnumber Protestants. Yet, into the streets in support of the prisoners the amount of Northern Irish with no faith and some slogans appeared. These or of a different one has also increased. became more elaborate and turned, at As Cejka (2017: 18) confirms, 10 percent the end, into murals that displayed the of the population, according to the census, strikers as victors and often surrounded is immigrant (Romanians, South Africans, by religious symbology (Rolston, 1997- Filipinos, Moroccans, Indonesians, Pakistani, 1998: 15). After the strike, issues as Lithuanians, Polish and Portuguese among the Sinn Féin electoral involvement, others), and they have little interest in the army and police repression, history and sectarian divides that have preoccupied international affairs were depicted. Military the republican and loyalist communities. murals were noteworthy as well, but they These facts have logically affected the ‘war were not as aggressive as the loyalist of walls’ between both sides. After the ones (Rolston, 2003: 30-31). Murals also peace agreement, some murals have been reflected how Republicanism emerged jointly painted by republican and loyalist as an ideology of national liberation, artists. It does not mean that The Troubles connected with other peoples around the and the murals produced during that period world who have experienced “imperialism, can completely be whitewashed. But the colonialism and state repression or who latest murals portraying a much more struggle for national self-determination, diverse Northern Ireland, with the faces of independence, and ” (Rolston, the newcomers, “their cultures and their 2009: 448-449). Finally, during the peace dreams for the future are, in turn, opening process, like loyalists, republican murals doors to peace” (Cejka, 2017: 18). commemorated the deaths of civilians and people who died for the cause. However, 4. THEMES IN THE CHICANO MURAL and contrary to their rivals, the peace PRODUCTION process was reflected on their walls through issues such as the disbandment of For Chicano muralists, communicating the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the to reinforce ethnic identity has been a release of prisoners or the demilitarization primary goal. These artists have been of the country. able to convey meanings through walls,

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making use of the old and devising new or the Chac Mool; and (c) pre-Columbian images and iconography. We should not rituals, pyramids and temples. Being raised forget that, as Goldman (1990a: 26) has as Catholics, which linked Chicanos to their said, in representational art “the theme European and Conquistador identity, was (or subject), as well as the iconography, also visually represented in their murals. are the means by which communication is Chicano muralists depicted Christian established.” At the same time, form and elements such as: churches, altars, the the ways in which color, line, shape, space, crucified Christ and/or crosses, bleeding value, scale, placement, and framing or flaming hearts, thorns and bishops and are used, or the degree to which objects parish priests (very often sardonically). are naturally depicted or expressively Probably one of the most syncretic images disfigured have been used by muralists is that of the Virgin of Guadalupe, a clear to communicate and instruct. Through representation of the mestizo character of their works, Chicano muralists have tried La Raza, and who exemplified “concepts of to ‘teach’ Mexican Americans about their group identity and class struggle” (Arreola, past, present and future. But this teaching 1984: 418). is not a close one. On the contrary, with their works, these artists “dejan un diálogo (2) Indigenous motifs: The topics abierto con el espectador para que se included in this section were also an preste a comentarios, controversia y hacer alternative to the dominant historiography conciencia de la realidad en la que viven” that undermined Native values when (Soto Ramírez, 2003: 39). compare to European ones. Aztlan, the mythical land of the Mexica, and pre- The murals painted during the 60s and Columbian warriors were represented, but 70s were politically conditioned by their also the tripartite head (Indian on the left, intention to argue “against assimilation, Spanish on the right, and Mestizo/Chicano against colonialism, and in support of in the middle), or contemporary Native indigenous, pan-Latino, and Third World American figures. They were the answer to coalitions” (Cordova, 2006: 375). They the urge to establish a strong heritage and a were the result of the exchange between heroic mythology (Goldman, 1990b: 168). the ideological and political struggle of El Movimiento against the Anglo dominant (3) Historical events: Here we would society, and the Chicano authors’ abilities find figures of pre-Columbian rulers and to illustrate or give artistic form, as their Mesoamerican warriors like Moctezuma, contribution, to that power struggle. but also Spanish conquistadors, like Cortez; Although these first murals lacked drawing, the American occupation of the Southwest composing or even painting skills, this and the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo; and responded to which Ybarra-Frausto has the Mexican Revolution. defined as rasquachismo, or “the process of molding worthiness out of perceived (4) Modern portraits: They would deficiencies” (1989: 7). The themes in incorporate influential individuals from these early murals, recreated and projected the history of México, for example Father issues that helped to construct, defend, and Miguel Hidalgo, Benito Juárez, ‘Pancho’ unify the Mexican American community. Villa, Emiliano Zapata, or ‘Las Adelitas,’ which stressed that Chicanos were not only the sons and daughters of Indian Goldman (1990a: 29-30) has proposed royalty and Spanish Conquistadors, but twelve, Holscher (1976: 45-52) four, also of patriots and revolutionaries. They Cordova (2006: 374) four, and Van Dahm would also include portraits of more (2015: 424) six flexible thematic categories contemporary leaders such as Ernesto for the Chicano mural production. Themes ‘Ché’ Guevara, John F. Kennedy, and Martin that, with variations, were used in the Luther King. And finally, Chicano leaders early stage and the following ones. For like César Chávez and Reies López Tijerina, the purposes of this article, we will be who became symbols “in the struggle using Goldman’s categorization, but against economic, social, and political complementing it with the other three. discrimination” (Holscher, 1976: 49). Chicano mural themes would be: (5) Political and social emphasis: (1) Religion: Living in a syncretic Due to the political and social content of world, Chicanos employed pre-Columbian El Movimiento, some mural issues were religious topics to stress their non- related to: (a) local matters: education as European racial and cultural history. This the key to confront Anglo ethnocentrism; would include the representation of: (a) health care and portraits of community deities such as Quetzalcotal, Ehecatl, people who served as examples for the Mictlantecuhtli or Tlaloc; (b) signs and barrios; police brutality and clashes with symbols like the Aztec ‘Calendar Stone’ police forces; drug abuse and prison

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conditions; ‘home boys,’ and ‘home girls;’ cholos/as,’ graffiti, cityscapes, skyscrapers, gang warfare and gang pride manifested in barrio homes, and freeways. paintings that evoked deceased members, but also images “to end the battles and (11) Legendary or mythical figures: stop the bloodshed, and join together Pictures of ‘la Llorona’, Superman, as ‘carnales’” (Holscher, 1976: 49). (b) Popocatepl and Ixtaccihuatl (Mexican National issues: the strikes, marches, volcanoes). boycotts of the United Farm Workers (UFW); working conditions of Chicanos (12) Texts: Words and phrases used and Mexican migrant workers; caricatures to illustrate the topic of the mural like of ‘Uncle Sam;’ a paramilitary self-defense manifestos, titles, names of personalities, Chicano group called ‘the Brown Berets.’ historical and contemporary documents, And (c) international issues: images of US poems, and slogans like ‘Viva la Raza’, ‘End military actions abroad; guerillas in the Barrio Warfare’ or ‘Con Safos’. Third World; the war in Vietnam; and the celebration of Latino cultures. After the 1970s, Chicano muralists abandoned the more militant images and (6) Non-religious symbols: Caught iconography and began to create more in a bicultural world, Chicano murals used ‘acceptable’ representations of Chicano symbols to present the influence of the demands. This change coincided with the Mexican and the Anglo-American culture artistic consolidation of many muralists on them. An example of this would be the thanks to governmental grants. With their use of flags: the American and the Mexican turn to ‘respectability,’ Chicano mural artists together, or the use of the Bald Eagle of began to restrain their murals’ thematic the United States, the Brown Eagle of content, which led to the “subtle, and not so Mexico, and the UFW Black Eagle. Other subtle, censorship and to self-censorship in flags would include those of the UFW, the form of decorative solutions to murals” Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Pan-African. (Goldman, 1990a: 53). The newest murals More symbols in this category would be won artistic value, but lost political strength. the scales of justice, tomb stones, hearts, And in this process of institutionalization, feathers, broken and unbroken chains, Chicano murals became tourist attractions mirrors, animated skeletons and skulls; of cities like Los Angeles or San Diego, in atomic symbols; suns and sun symbols; California, or Tucson in Arizona (Sperling, fire; extended hands and clenched fists; “Contradiction”: 5). Chicano muralists, moons; bags of gold; and dollars. then, explored issues that did not have “an immediate Mexican American ethnic (7) Landscapes, flora and fauna: focus,” says Arreola (1984: 423), and they One characteristic of this period was “the tried to connect the traditional Chicano incorporation of local landmarks and the iconography with topics that involved use of place-specific themes” (Arreola, mankind in general. This led to the 1984: 418). Chicano murals incorporated “appearance of Chicano mural art outside environmental themes like: images of barrios and a quest for recognition from volcanoes, mountains covered with snow, viewers who are not Mexican American” deserts; cactus plants (nopal or prickly (Arreola, 1984: 423). pear, and maguey), palm trees, corn plants; wildlife scenes (some disapproving whales Early in September 2017, a huge toddler killing); and environmental pollution and picture overlooking the US-Mexican border the greenhouse effect. wall in Tecate was made by French artist JR with the intention of opening a debate (8) Decorative motifs: Supergraphics over immigration. In the Trump Era, the and geometric abstractions; pre-Columbian 20 meter boy rapidly caught the attention geometric forms used decoratively; organic of world-wide media. It was not the first abstractions; and decorations from Mexican example of this sort. Across the border folk art. cities, some of the walls built to physically separate the US and Mexico has served to (9) Family: The representation of the painting of murals that denounce US families in many social situations was immigration policies. This is the case of related to the ideas of ‘Chicanismo and the “Mural de la Hermandad,” running from carnalismo,’ which associated Chicanos as San Diego to Tijuana, whose objective is a community or a big family troubled by to bring some happiness to the sadness the same problems and worries. that the wall represents for immigrants. We can state that current Chicano murals (10) Urban culture: Images of ‘vatos,’ continue to be a very good example of how ‘huisas,’ ‘low-riders,’ ‘pachucos/as and a landscape, being the barrio or the border,

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still “functions as an enculturating medium the white ribbon or the harp were also to strengthen group memory” (Arreola, represented, yet they make a body of 1984: 417). Recent Chicano murals on the symbols shared by the two communities. walls, doors, and windows of restaurants, butcher shops corner markets, bakeries, 3) Messages and slogans: Loyalist and and mobile food trucks of the barrios, or republican murals have commonality, in in the fences that separate Mexico from that they “combine specific verbal messages the US still represent “a cultural repertoire about nationality and territoriality with laden with social implications, personal polysemous visual messages” (Santino, meanings, and shared aesthetic values” 2001: 37). Therefore, it is recurrent the (Correll, 2014: 286). mixture of loyalist and republican slogans and messages with some of the other 5. THEMES IN NORTHERN IRISH themes. Some examples of loyalist words MURALS are: “Some Gave All, All Gave Somme,” “Tomorrow belongs to us,” “Still under In Northern Ireland, due to the different siege/ No surrender,” “Ulster says no,” origin and development of the murals as “We will never accept a united Ireland” or well as the political commitment of the “Ulster is British.” loyalists and the republicans, muralists of both communities depicted unlike thematic 4) Military: The portrayal of members contents. However, the artists of both of paramilitary groups, such as the groups tried with their works to advance Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), the their political aspirations and gather (UVF), the Loyalist greater support for their causes. In fact, Volunteer Force (LVF) or the Red Hand loyalist murals exhibited the clear intention Commando (RHC), in action or posing with of evoking “images of a glorious and weapons. These threatening murals would dominant unionist past” and of conveying contain hooded men or well-known people “the historical legitimacy of the unionist that have fought for the loyalist cause. presence in Northern Ireland as well as its hegemony and control of society” (Goalwin, 5) Memorials: To remember both well- 2013: 195). On the contrary, republican known and unknown characters like King murals expressed a wide variety of themes Billy, Trevor King (UVF), , which were grounded on the need to voice Aidrian Porter and (LVF), Brig. resistance and to assert that the republican J. McMichael (Ulster Defence Association movement -in all its spheres, including the (UDA)) or William Campbell (UFF); War military actions, - was in Northern Ireland World I soldiers; and civilians. to remain (Goalwin, 2013: 195). 6) Peace process and ceasefire: To make a list of both loyalist and republican Images of the release and support of themes, we have mostly followed the prisoners during and after The Troubles. divisions made by Rolston in his book Drawing Support 2 and Goalwin’s article 7) Mythology: Fabulous beings such as “The Art of War: Instability, Insecurity, and Cú Cuchulainn and Finn McCool. Ideological Imagery in Northern Ireland’s Political Murals, 1979-1998.” 8) Humor: The use of cartoon characters like Bart Simpson, Tom and Jerry or On the loyalist side, themes would Spike. involve:

1) History: The depiction of historical On the republican side, topics would events connecting Northern Ireland with include: the United Kingdom like The Battle of the Somme during World War I (1916), the 1) History: Although historical events Siege of Derry (1689) and the Battle of the important for Republicanism as testimonies Boyne (1690), or the celebrations for the of resistance to British authority were formation of paramilitary groups. depicted, like the Penal Law Times (1685- 1829), the Rebellion of the United Irishmen 2) Inanimate icons: The representation (1798), the Great Famine (1845-50), of flags, crests, and coats of arms of or the Easter Rising (1916), republican loyalist groups, like the Red hand of Ulster, murals focused much more on The Troubles the , the Ulster Flag, the Flag of and their continuous struggle against St. Andrew, St. George Cross, the orange unionists and the British. Thus, the Battle sash, or the Crown as symbolic expressions of the Bogside (1969), the Bloody Sunday of identity. Other images like the shamrock, (1972), or the Hunger Strike (1981), which

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“remains sacrosanct” (Crowley, 2015: 70), As has been explained, loyalist and occupied most of the republican mural republican murals were a result and, in historiography. some cases, a response to the changes of the Northern Irish situation. By looking 2) Inanimate icons: Symbols inherent at them, one can achieve the picture of a to Republicanism such as flags –the society that was in conflict, in which two Tricolor, the Four Provinces of Ireland Flag, communities were fighting for opposing Sunburst Fiana na hÉireann flag or the objectives. They were part of the politics of James Connolly’s Irish of the place, but they have also attracted Citizen Army, the green ribbon, the Celtic many tourists and researchers. Considering cross or the orange sunburst. them as separate entities, several critics have pointed out the non-evolution and 3) Messages and slogans: Some of the lack of diversity of themes in loyalist republican messages are the following: murals.9 For instance, Rolston pinpoints “Re-Route Sectarian Marches,” “Time that whilst republicans wall paintings for Peace, Time to Go,” “End Collusion. looked to the future, loyalists focused on Release POWs,” “Disband the Royal Ulster the past (2003: 38). In a similar light, Constabulary (RUC) and the Royal Irish Woods is the opinion that republican murals Regiment (RIR),” “End Unionist Veto,” were more varied because they were not “Slan Abhaile. Fag ar Sraideanna” (Safe only concerned with the past (Seeing is Home. Leave our Streets), and “Partition Believing). Besides, some murals relied has Failed. End British Rule Now.” on republicans demands the loyalist did not make. Connected with this idea, one 4) Military: Representations of members of the most salient differences for Rolston of the paramilitary organizations, weapons, is the “relative flexibility” of the republican and armed struggle itself. murals and the “inflexibility” of the loyalist ones regarding the repertoire of themes 5) Memorials: Some murals have been displayed as well as the style (1997-1998: turned into shrines for the fallen in the 25). For Sluka, lastly, the loyalists were conflict, like the murals that remember the result of “a dominant or hegemonic Patrick Pearse, Wolfe Tone, James Connolly; culture” whereas the republicans were the Bobby Sands or the blanketmen; the New product of a “culture of resistance” (1992: Lodge Six; and IRA volunteers such as 190). Martin McDonagh, Louis Scullion or Francis Liggett. 6. CONCLUSION

6) and police repression: The muralists of the three groups Violence exercised against republicans by analyzed coincide in the presentation the RUC, the RIR or the British Army. of historical events as a means to teach their communities. ‘The Battle of Boyne’, 7) Peace process and ceasefire: the siege of ‘Derry’, the ‘Bloody Sunday’, Images related to peace, the disbandment ‘The Hunger Strike of 1981’, ‘The Mexican of the RUC, the departure of the British Revolution’ and the American conquest soldiers, or the release of republican of the Southwest have been employed prisoners. to historically position the communities against their adversaries (i.e. British, Irish, or Anglo Americans). At the same 8) Elections: Murals demanding support time, these topics have showed pride in for the Sinn Féin and Gerry Adams, or on their participation during these events. the cancellation of the Elections to the Modern portraits of relevant personalities Northern Ireland Assembly by British Prime that have played a significant role for their Minister Tony Blair. ‘cause’ –even giving up their lives for it–, are presented as contemporary heroes and 9) Mythology: Irish mythical characters tokens to be imitated by the rest of the such as Cú Chulainn, King Nuada of the population. Tuatha dé Danaan or the Queen Ériu. Within the political and social themes, 10) International relations: Connections one aspect that has greatly caught our with other revolutionary movements (i.e. attention is the portrayal of paramilitary Euskadi, Catalonia, Palestine or Namibia) self-defense groups. Especially during El and civil rights movements around the world Movimiento and The Troubles, these groups (Cashman, 2008: 368), for example, the were presented as defenders of the more American Indians, the African Americans radical visions against injustice or menace or the Australian Aborigines. to their communities. Another political and

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social aspect is the demand of freedom muralist traditions, to our knowledge, only for ‘prisoners’ of the three groups as a the latter has mentioned the former. The sign of communal support. Emblems and reason might be that Chicano murals tend propagandistic symbols show up in many to give more emphasis to Third World murals, although obviously, thematically conflicts, particularly those in which the they are different for they are addressed US has been militarily involved, than to to specific targets. Shields of arms, flags, European nationalist confrontations. guns, rifles, etc. are employed to manifest allegiance to the ‘cause’ and to emphasize Despite the geographical, historical and the more militant actions. Legendary and cultural distance between Chicanos and mythical figures are utilized as glorious Northern Irish, wall paintings constitute a reminiscences of the past that transmit fundamental propagandistic weapon for the both cultural and nationalist sentiments. three communities. In this article we have And, finally, texts, slogans, historical focused on the historical evolution and the documents, etc. appear in the murals of thematic representations with the objective the three communities as throwing political of finding similarities and differences weapons against rivals or to inspire their in their muralist creations. Firstly, we own people in their feuds. can conclude that the three muralist manifestations are political, ideological and There are thematic differences in the culturally committed constructs that have wall paintings of Chicanos, loyalists and varied with the pass of time. Secondly, that republicans. One of them is religion. Even they present thematic similarities in terms though the Northern Irish conflict lays of socio-political aspects and cultural self- part of its remote foundations on religion determination. And thirdly, that apart from –Protestants and Catholics–, this topic is the propagandistic function of murals in not preponderant in their murals. However, the three cases, it is possible to find non- religion and religious artifacts, both Pre- politically biased murals essentially in the Columbian and Catholic, are depicted in Chicano case, where artistic values are Chicano creations in order to assert their more important than political, combative mestizo (Indian and Spanish) cultural messages. In any case, wall paintings identity and tradition. For obvious reasons, will almost certainly continue being a indigenous motifs, that emphasize the tremendously important artifact in the Indian origin of Chicanos, only appear in defense of cultural identity for the three this community’s murals, although, it is groups. also possible to see Celtic elements in the republican creations. The use of familiar landscapes, flora, fauna and Native American decoration motifs by Chicano WORKS CITED muralists try to accentuate Mexican Americans’ right to be in the Southwest, which once was part of the mythical Aztlan and belonged to the Mexican Republic. ANDERSON, T., and B. CONLON. (2013). Loyalists and republicans concentrate more “In the Shadow of the Peace Walls: Art, on the political aspect of their conflict, Education, and Social Reconstruction in generally avoiding the focus on art for its Northern Ireland”. Art Education 66 (4): own sake –an aspect that could be studied 36-42. in the future. ARREOLA, D. D. (1984). “Mexican American Exterior Murals”. Geographical Review 74 Another difference, as Sperling (4): 409-424. (“Contradiction”: 2) has stated, is that CAÑERO, J. (2017). Literatura Chicana. La Chicano muralists have paid attention to experiencia colonial interna en la narrativa “internal problems like gang violence, de Rudolfo Anaya. Madrid: Catarata. drugs and other self-destructive behavior CASHMAN, R. (2008). “Visions of Irish attributed to racism and poverty.” These Nationalism”. Journal of Folklore Research urban evils are not reflected in Northern 4 (3): 361-381. Irish murals, because their key element CEJKA, M. A. (2017). “Dreaming in Color: is the conflict between both communities Today’s Murals Reflect Past Nightmares, rather than their own particular problems. Current Hopes and Growing Diversity Therefore, issues such as the peace process, in Northern Ireland”. National Catholic the ceasefire or elections permeate some Reporter 54: 17-18. of their creative works. The last difference we would like to call attention to is that, CORDOVA, C. (2006). “Hombres y Mujeres though references to international conflicts Muralistas on a Mission: Painting Latino appear in both the Chicano and republican Identities in 1970s San Francisco”. Latino Studies 4 (4): 356-380.

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CORRELL, T. C., and P. A. POLK. (2014). and Society 30 (1): 23-41. “Productos Latinos: Latino Business Murals, MESA-BAINS, A. “Quest for Identity: Profile Symbolism, and the Social Enactment of of Two Chicana Muralist”. In E. SPERLING Identity in Greater Los Angeles”. Journal of COCKCROFT and H. BARNET-SÁNCHEZ American Folklore 127 (505): 285-320. (eds.). Albuquerque: University of New CROWLEY, T. (2015). “Hegemonic Shifts: Mexico Press, 69-82. The Latest from the Walls of Northern PALOMO ACOSTA, T. “Chicano Mural Ireland”. Estudios Irlandeses 10 (10): 58- Movement”. The Handbook of Texas 76. OnLine. www.tsha.utexas.edu/handbook/ DONAHUE, D. M. (2011). “Connecting online/articles/view/CC/kjc3.html. Classrooms and Communities through ROLSTON, B. (Fall 1988). “Contemporary Chicano Mural Art”. Multicultural Political Wall Murals in the North of Ireland: Perspectives 13 (2): 70-78. ‘Drawing Support’”. Éire-Ireland 23 (3): GEOGHEGAN, P. (2008). “Multiculturalism 3-18. and in Post-Agreement ---. (1992). Drawing Support: Murals in Northern Ireland”. Scottish Geographical the North of Ireland. Belfast: Beyond the Journal 124 (2-3): 185-191. Pale Publications. GOALWIN, G. (2013). “The Art of War: ---. (1995). Drawing Support 2: Murals of Instability, Insecurity, and Ideological War and Peace. Belfast: Beyond the Pale Imagery in Northern Ireland’s Political Publications. Murals, 1979-1998”. International Journal __. (Winter 1997/ Spring – Summer 1998). of Politics, Culture, and Society 26 (3): “From King Billy to Cú Chulainn: Loyalist 189-215. and Republican Murals, Past Present, and GOLDMAN, S. M. (1990a). “How, Why, Future”. Éire- Ireland 32 (4)/33 (1-2): Where, and When It All Happened: 6-28. Chicano Murals of California”. In Sperling ---. (2003). “Signs of the Times: Murals and Barnet, 23-53. and Political Transformation in Northern ---. (1990b). “The Iconography of Chicano Ireland”. In The Representation of Ireland/s: Self-Determination: Race, Ethnicity, and Images from Outside and from Within, R. Class”. Art Journal 49 (2): 167-173. Gonzalez (ed.). Barcelona: Promociones y GUNCKEL, C. (2015). “The Chicano/a Publicaciones Universitarias, 27-43. Photographic: Art as Social Practice in the ---. (2009). “The Brothers on the Walls”: Chicano Movement”. American Quarterly International Solidarity and Irish Political 67 (2): 377-412. Murals”. Journal of Black Studies 39 (3): HOLSCHER, L. M. (1976). “Tiene Arte Valor 446-470. Afuera Del Barrio: The Murals of East Los SÁNCHEZ-TRANQUILINO, M. “Murales Angeles and Boyle Heights”. The Journal of del Movimiento: Chicano Murals and the Ethnic Studies 4 (3): 42-52. Discourses of Art and Americanization”. In JARMAN, N. (Spring 1996). “The Ambiguities E. SPERLING COCKCROFT and H. BARNET- of Peace: Republican & Loyalist Ceasefire SÁNCHEZ (eds.). Albuquerque: University Murals”. Causeway: 23-27. of New Mexico Press, 85-101. ---. (1998). “Painting Landscapes: The SANTINO, J. (2001). Signs of War and Place of Murals in the Symbolic Construction Peace: Social Conflict and the Use of Public of Urban Space”. In Symbols in Northern Symbols in Northern Ireland. New York: Ireland, A. D. BUCKLEY (ed.). Belfast: Plagrave. The Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s SIMPSON, E. (1980). “Chicano Street University Belfast, 81-98. Murals: A Sociological Perspective”. Journal KANG SONG, Y. I., and J. A. GAMMEL. of Popular Culture 13 (3): 516-525. (2011). “Ecological Mural as Community SLUKA, J. A. (1992). “The Politics of Reconnection”. International Journal of Art Painting: Political Murals in Northern & Design Education 3 (2): 266-278. Ireland”. The Paths to Domination, LAWARE, M. R. (1998). “Encountering Resistance and Terror. In C. NORDSTROM Visions of Aztlan: Arguments for Ethnic and J. MARTIN (eds.). California: University Pride, Community Activism and Cultural of California Press, 190-216. Revitalization in Chicano Murals”. SOTO RAMÍREZ, E. (2003). “La cultura Argumentation and Advocacy 34 (3): 140- chicana, ¿manifestación cultural, rebelión 153. o protesta?” Reencuentro 37: 39-42. MCQUAID, S. D. (2017). “Parading Memory SPERLING COCKCROFT, E., and H. and Re-Member-Ing Conflict: Collective BARNET-SÁNCHEZ, (Eds.). (1990a). Signs Memory in Transition in Northern Ireland”. from the Heart: California Chicano Murals. International Journal of Politics, Culture, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico.

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---. (1990b). “Introduction”. In E. than common criminals” (Rolston “The SPERLING COCKCROFT and H. BARNET- Brothers”, 1988: 456). SÁNCHEZ (eds.). Albuquerque: University 5 of New Mexico Press, 1-21. The Chicano Movement started along with the African American demands for SPERLING COCKCROFT, E. “Contradiction Civil Rights in America. Those Mexican or Progression: The Mainstreaming of a Americans who were part of El Movimiento Mural Movement”. ZoneZero Magazine. shared a broad consensus on the idea of ZoneZero. http://v1.zonezero.com/ a perceptible economic, political, social magazine/essays/distant/articfram2.html and cultural discrimination against the (Last access: 20 Dec 2017). Hispanic population of the United States. YBARRA-FRAUSTO, T. (1989). “Rasqua- During the 1970s, El Movimiento lost much chismo: a Chicano Sensibility”. Chicano of its strength, but it has maintained since aesthetics: Rasquachismo. Exhibition then a historical relevance for Chicanos catalogue presented in MARS, Movimiento for a simple reason: it encouraged the Artistico del Rio Salado, 5-8, in Phoenix, growth of a Chicano activism that was still Arizona. http://geminiink.org/wp-content/ much combatant than the existing before uploads/2017/08/Rasquachismo.pdf. the demonstrations of the 60s. With the ---. (1990). “Arte Chicano: Images of a vanishing of The Movement, many of its Community”. In E. SPERLING COCKCROFT leaders rejected expressions of radicalism, and H. BARNET-SÁNCHEZ (eds.). Albu- prioritizing other issues such as voter querque: University of New Mexico Press, registration, political participation and 55-67. lobbyism. See Cañero, 2017: 112-113. VAN DAHM, S. (2015). “Barrio art: Telling 6 Chicano murals are examples of the the story of Latino Philadelphia through capacity of Chicano artists to freely murals”. Latino Studies 13: 421-433. combine the creative practices of their WOODS, O. (2003). “Seeing is Believing? cultural precedents through a process of Murals in Derry”. CAIN Web Service. http:// hybridization, juxtaposition and integration, cain.ulst.ac.uk/bibdbs/murals/woods.htm which eventually turned into a form of (Last access: 6 Oct 2017). resistance. See Gunckel, 2015: 394-395. 7 As Holscher (1976: 43) defends, many of the murals “are outstanding in terms NOTES of color, line, and depth. Others are amateurish, with figures and scenes over- simplified or out of proportion; some are 1 Research for this work has been mere copies of famous murals in Mexico. partially supported by a project financed Of most interest is the intent which lies by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and behind the painting of the murals.” Competitiveness (MINECO): FFI2012- 8 Northern Irish murals “constitute a 38790 (Nuevas Tipologías de (E/In) complex, changing, fascinating body of migración Europea y su Representación en public art that brings an added element la Literatura en Lengua Inglesa del Siglo to the understanding of the conflict in XXI). Northern Ireland and the ‘peace’ that has 2 “The loyalist tradition of mural creation followed. Taken together, these materials dates back all the way to 1908. Mural provide an important record that renders painting was a traditional part of the significant insights into the complicated unionist celebration of The Twelfth, a and strange history of Northern Ireland commemoration of the Protestant victory as it has passed from a state of war to over Catholicism at the Battle of the Boyne the unstable and as yet precarious ‘peace on the 12th of July 1690” (Goalwin, 2013: process’” (Crowley, 2015: 58). 197). 9 We are aware of some critic opinions 3 “The Chicano street art movement is that are against this assertion, for considered to have originated in 1967, in example Goalwin who states that unlike Venice, California, and from there spread the loyalist murals, “there was very little quickly to the barrios of East Los Angeles” progression over time in the themes (Simpson, 1980: 516). chosen by republican muralists” (2013: 206). On the contrary, says this author, 4 “In 1981, there was an explosion of mural there was a historical progression in the painting in republican communities. The use of themes by loyalists. Thus, “images trigger was a hunger strike undertaken of historical events were most common in by republican prisoners demanding to be the early loyalist murals, created during treated (as they had been previously) the 1970s and early 1980s; more explicitly as politically motivated detainees rather threatening images of paramilitaries during

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the mid1980s; and the crests of their organizations in the 1990s predominated as the conflict intensified” (199-200).

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Título: “Palabras a través de las paredes”: la tradición mural chicana e irlandesa del norte en perspectiva

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