PUBLIKACJE CENTRUM BADAŃ EUROPY WSCHODNIEJ

Alina NaruszewiczDuchlińska

SURNAMES OF INHABITANTS OF THE LIDZBARK DISTRICT (15001772)

Olsztyn 2009 Reviever: JERZY DUMA

© Copyright by: ALINA NARUSZEWICZ DUCHLIŃSKA All rights reserved

ISBN 9788361605164

Cover design: ELSET

Publisher: CENTRUM BADAŃ EUROPY WSCHODNIEJ UNIWERSYTETU WARMIŃSKO MAZURSKIEGO W OLSZTYNIE ul. K. Obitza 1 10725 Olsztyn

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CONTENTS:

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 7 1.1. Aim and objects of the thesis ...... 7 1.2. Chronological and territorial scope ...... 7 1.3. Historical outline...... 8 1.4. Effects of historical conditions on the anthroponymy of the region.. 13 1.5. State of research ...... 16 1.6. Nature of the sources...... 19 1.7. Classification of surnames...... 20 2. LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF SURNAMES ...... 21 2.1. Surnames from anthroponyms ...... 21 2.1.1. Surnames from given names ...... 21 2.1.2 Surnames from nicknames...... 26 2.1.3 Surnames from (proto)surnames...... 31 2.1.4 Surnames from armorial names...... 32 2.1.5 Surnames from ethnonyms ...... 33 2.2. Surnames from toponyms ...... 34 2.2.1. Surnames from topographic names ...... 43 2.3. Surnames from names of occupations...... 44 2.4. Homonymic names...... 49 2.5. Vague surnames ...... 52 3. FINAL REMARKS ...... 53 4. LIST OF SOURCES ...... 55 4.1. Manuscript sources ...... 55 4.2. Printed sources and source publications ...... 59 5. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... 60 6. BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 61

1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. AIM AND OBJECTS OF THE THESIS Although the anthroponymy of Warmia is not longer a terra incognita , it still offers many cognitional possibilities. The aim of this thesis is to present and conduct a linguistic analysis of the surnames of the inhabitants of the Lidzbark district (Pol ish ‘komornictwo’, a jurisdiction of a ‘komornik’ or chamberlain) in the period be tween 1500 and 1772. The term surname is used in this thesis in the awareness of its conventionality as regards the material from the period under examination. It results, first of all, from the fact that these types of anthroponyms were not sub ject to strict legal protection in those times, and their linguistic forms quite often did not have any stabilized form. Although rules for using surnames were not regu lated by any legal acts between the 16 th and the 18 th centuries, they still functioned as official personal names. They were placed in official documents, where they ful filled the function of a proper name and revealed features which allowed them to survive as a permanent description of a family. They played a similar role as that fulfilled today, even though they were not yet subject to formal legal requirements. This thesis will not present definitions of a surname, which have been repeat edly formulated in the history of linguistics, since the aim of the study is not to re view the onomastic terminology, but to present a certain system of local an throponymy. In the excerpted material, surnames were defined as official personal names occurring next to a given name, created for the purpose of a more precise identification of a person, which was potentially deprived of emotional marking 1 and subjected to the process of inheriting. Anthroponyms obtained from historical sources were subject to etymological and morphological interpretation. Each name occurring after a given name and revealing features which permitted recognition as a surname was subject to philol ogical analysis, both in the synchronic and diachronic aspects. Linguistic methods were applied to identify and to describe anthroponymical structures occurring in the function of a surname in Lidzbark and its vicinity. They helped to identify models of denomination functioning in this area and to determine the functions, features and etymology of individual names. Historical and geographical methods played an auxiliary role in constructing a linguistic commentary.

1.2. CHRONOLOGICAL AND TERRITORIAL SCOPE The subject of the research concerns the surnames of inhabitants of the Lidzbark district from the beginning of the 16 th century. 1500 marks the beginning of the Middle Polish era, when spelling and grammatical forms became fixed. When es tablishing the chronological scope of the study, it was also important to note that the 16 th century was the time when relatively constant and heritable anthroponyms emerged, which can be regarded as (proto)surnames. The other time period is 1772, when after the first partition of Poland, Lidzbark was placed in the Prussian parti tion 2. The new authorities abolished the statutory autonomies of Warmia and changed its internal territorial division. Former districts were transformed into

1 Usually, a source context was not elaborated enough to be able to definitely state whether a certain name at the time of its recording in writing was emotively marked and played a role of a nickname. 2 Warmia was subordinated economically, militarily, judiciarily and fiscally to the EastPrussia Chamber in Królewiec, see e.g. J. Jasiński, Świadomość narodowa na Warmii w XIX wieku. Naro dziny i rozwój, Olsztyn 1983 , p. 1617.

~ 8 ~ demesne regions. New administrative units (counties) were created in 1818. Four of them were created in Warmia: Braniewo, Lidzbark, Reszel and Olsztyn counties. This division proved stable and lasted until 1974 without any major changes 1. In the period under examination, Warmia was divided into districts (‘komor nictwa’) and deaneries (‘archiprezbiteraty’). All seats of districts were therefore seats of deaneries, but borders of both divisions did not always overlap 2. The Lidz bark deanery grouped parishes situated on both sides of the border dividing the diocese into an episcopal and capitular part and a monastic part 3. The surnames under analysis originate from the centre of the district – Lidz bark Warmiński, as well as from individual settlements and villages belonging to Lidzbark, where parishes were located: Bisztynek (Bischofstein) 4, Blanki (Blanken see), Runowo (Raunau), Ignalin (Seiberswalde), Kraszewo (Reichenberg), Rogóż (Roggenhausen), Żegoty (Siegfriedeswalde), Kiwity (Kiwitten) and Sułowo (Schulen), Kochanówka (Stolzenhagen), Wozławki (Wuslack), Stoczek (Spring born) 5. The excerption of anthroponyms depended on preserved sources. An at tempt was made to obtain onomastic material from the area of the entire Lidzbark chamber.

1.3. HISTORICAL OUTLINE Lidzbark Warmiński 6 is situated on the border of the Sępopolska Plain and Olsztyn Lakeland, in the bifurcation of the Łyna and Symsarna Rivers. Because of its con venient geographical location, this area was being used as a defensive point by Prussian times 7: “Lidzbark był już zasiedlony w pradziejach, czego świadectwem jest m.in. kurhan z epoki żelaza datowany na przełom er. Pierwszymi uchwytnymi mieszkańcami tej ziemi byli bałtyjscy Prusowie”8. Warmian administrative and set

1 See J. Jasiński, ibid., p. 1718. 2 See e.g. A. Szorc, Z działalności kościelnej biskupa Andrzeja Chryzostoma Załuskiego na Warmii (16981711) , “Studia Warmińskie” 1967, IV, p. 36. 3 See A. Kopiczko, Ustrój i organizacja diecezji warmińskiej w latach 15251772 , Olsztyn 1993, p. 164. 4 Information concerning the history of the town can be found e.g. in the following publications: L. Czubiel, T. Domagała, Zabytkowe ośrodki miejskie Warmii i Mazur , Olsztyn 1969, p. 99101; E. Sieniawski, Biskupstwo warmińskie, jego założenie i rozwój na ziemi pruskiej z uwzględnieniem dziejów ludności i stosunków jeograficznych ziem dawniej krzyżackich , vol. 12, Poznań 1878. 5 About this centre of the Marian order, see e.g.: V. Rörich, Geschichte des Firstbistums Ermland , Braunsberg 1925; A. Triller, Zur Entstehung und Geschichte der ermländischen Wallfah rsorte , “Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Alterumskunde Ermlands“, 1960, XXIX, p. 312321; K. Sarwa, Kult Najświętszej Maryi Panny Matki Pokoju w Stoczku Warmińskim do 1920 roku , “Studia Warmińskie” 1984, XXI, p. 100159; A. Kowalska, Kościół wotywny w Stoczku Klasztornym fundacji biskupa Mikołaja Szyszkowskiego , “Rocznik Olsztyński” 1989, XVI, p. 351365. 6 A basic bibliography concerning the history of the town and the castle can be found in the study of W. Ogrodziński, Lidzbark Warmiński , Warszawa 1958. Major publications are also presented by M. Biskup in the article entitled Rozwój przestrzenny Lidzbarka Warmińskiego , “Komunikaty Ma zurskoWarmińskie” No. 4 (74), 1961, p. 483. Particular attention should be paid to J.A. Heide's Chronicle, Archivum vetus et novum Ecclesiae Archipresbyteratus Heilsbergensis, ( ed.) In: Scrip tores Rerum Warmiensium , vol. 2, p. 597758. As regards later works which have not been men tioned by W. Ogrodziński and M. Biskup, one should take note of e.g.: R. Marchwiński, Ludność Lidzbarka Warmińskiego w świetle wykazu szosu z 1581 r., “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1974, No. 12 (119120), p. 5970; K. Hauke, W. Thimm, Schloss Heilsberg – Residenz der Bischöfe von Ermland. Geschichte und Wiederherstellung , Osnabrück 1981; E. Radtke, E. Skowronek, Lidz bark Warmiński. Heilsberg, Olsztyn 1994. 7 See M. Biskup, Rozwój… , p. 483. 8 E. Radtke, E. Skowronek, Lidzbark… , p. 7. See also e.g. H. Łowmiański, Prusy pogańskie , To ruń 1935, J. Powierski, Najdawniejsze nazwy etniczne z terenu Prus i niektórych obszarów sąsied nich , „Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1965, No. 2(88), p. 161183.

~ 9 ~ tlement centres were often sited around old Prussian strongholds. This was also the case of Lidzbark. The Heilsberg Chamber is the former Plica Bartha 1. Currently, Lidzbark is considered to form a part of Warmia, although researchers sometimes suggest it has a different tribal affiliation 2, claiming that “założono go na ziemi staropogezańskiej, a nie starowarmińskiej”3. The first reference to the Prussian settlement of Lecbarg dates back to 1241 when it was captured by the Teutonic Knights 4. The stronghold was then expanded and strengthened. In spite of this, the Prussians recaptured it and destroyed it only a year later. In 1251, the episcopate, through an agreement concluded with the Teu tonic Order, obtained the area of Lidzbark. Bishop Anzelm reconstructed the town in 1260. However, the Lidzbark castle (built from wood in those times) fell into Prussian hands during their second insurrection in 1261. Only after the collapse of the rebellion in 1273 did the bishop recover rule over the town 5. The first Warmian bishops understood the need to populate the acquired Prussian lands, thus the turn of the 13 th and 14 th centuries was a period of active colonisation of Warmia. The first settlers had already begun to settle in the area under discussion, although there were not many Poles among them yet. The sources mention in 1294 Henryk from Lidzbark 6, and in 1306 – Mikołaj, who obtained eight fiefs in the Lidzbark district. The surname of the Lidzbark par ish priest: Heynemann (Heynmannus) is also known from those times 7. He held his office even before the formal establishment of the town, which took place on 12 August 1308 when Bishop Eberhard from Nysa granted Lidzbark Warmiński a municipal charter according to Chełmno law 8. The founder was the husband of the niece of the bishop, Jan from the village of Kolonia (Köln), near Brzeg in Silesia. The majority of the first settlers also originated from those areas. Braniewo was the capital of the bishopric until 1341. Afterwards, this function was held for a few years by Orneta, and from 1350 – by Lidzbark. “Przeniesienie rezydencji w środek kraju było spowodowane potrzebą dopilnowania kolonizacji dalszych terenów i niewątpliwie tendencją do zdystansowania się drugiego suwere

1 See M. Pollakówna, Zanik ludności pruskiej , [In:] Szkice z dziejów Pomorza. Pomorze śre dniowieczne , ed. G. Labuda, Warszawa 1958, p. 19; A. Szorc, Dominium… , p. 32. 2 See Warmia i Mazury. Zarys dziejów , prepared by S. Achremczyk, T. Filipkowski, M. Grzegorz, B. Łukaszewicz (ed.), Olsztyn 1985, p. 76; J. Ptak, Wojskowość średniowiecznej War mii , Olsztyn 1997, p. 174. 3 M. Toeppen, Historia Mazur. Przyczynek do dziejów krainy i kultury pruskiej , Olsztyn 1995, p. 46. 4 See A. Szorc, Dominium… , p. 263. 5 See Dzieje Warmii i Mazur w zarysie, vol. 1 Od pradziejów do 1870 r., J. Sikorski, S. Szostakowski (eds), p. 2224; M. Pollakówna, Zanik… , p. 170172, 175176; M. Biskup, Rozwój… , p. 483. 6 See M. Biskup, Rozwój… , p. 484. Valuable notes concerning settlements in this area can be fo und e.g. in works by V. Rörich, Die Kolonisation des Ermlandes, “Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Alterumskunde Ermlands“ 1903, vol. 14, p. 134156; A. Poschmann, Die Siedlungen in den Kreisen Braunsberg und Heilsberg “Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Alterumskunde Ermlands” 1908/1910, vol. 17, p. 501562, “Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Alterumskunde Ermlands” 18, 1911/1913, vol. 18, p. 171215, 499532, 733801; M. Biskup, Uwagi o problemie osadnictwa i sieci parafialnej w Prusach Krzyżackich w w. XIVXV , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1983, No. 23 (160161), p. 199217; Warmia i Mazury. Zarys…, p. 129131, M. Pollakówna, Zanik…, p. 177. 7 See Codex diplomaticus Warmienis , vol. 1, No. 93, p. 131; J. Piskorska, Lidzbark Warmiński. Inwentarz ruchomych zabytków sztuki kościelnej diecezji warmińskiej według stanu z 1980 r., “Studia Warmińskie” 1982, XIX, p. 339. 8 The town was endowed with 140 drags of land. The church got six fiefs, one fief was allocated for construction works and buildings for inhabitants, 20 fiefs – for town pastures, see M. Biskup, Rozwój… , p. 484.

~ 10 ~ na – kapituły”1. The town became the central point of administration and judiciary for episcopial Warmia. The Warmian bishop had a dual role. He was at the same time the ordinary of the diocese and the secular administrator of his province. In the 14 th century, the town developed extremely dynamically. In 13481400, a castle was erected 2. The court of Lidzbark affected the cultural life of the region and also of the country 3. In 1357, construction of the defensive walls was finished. The town already had a town hall, hospital and church. At the end of the century, a water supply system was created, with drinking water drawn from Okartowa Mountain. Lidzbark became a centre of trade (e.g. in linen) and of craftsmanship. There were three fullers – of clothing, shoemaking and leatherdressing. A copper forge, a mill, a timber mill, a tannery and a grinding shop also operated in the town and Lidzbark became famous for its brewing. Craftsmanship was developing, as well as a thriving market owing to weekly and annual fairs. Favourable privileges and the bishops’ protection allowed the town’s wealth increase rapidly. Lidzbark soon became one of the richest and most populated centres of Warmia 4. After the defeat at Grunwald, the town accepted the rule of the king of Poland. This was why the then superior of Warmia, Bishop Henryk IV Vogelsang lost con trol of the diocese after the restitution of Teutonic authorities. In 14111413, Lidz bark Warmiński became the residence of the Grand Teutonic Master, Henryk von Plauen. During the “hunger war” in 1414, Teutonic units defended the town against the Polish and Lithuanian army 5. The downfall of Plauen in that year made it pos sible for the bishop to return and to regain autonomy in the administration of Warmia. Wars, epidemics and hunger resulted in significant demographic losses. They were compensated for by another wave of immigration. During the first half of the 15 th century, newcomers from Silesia, Poles and Germanized Lusatians, set tled in great numbers in the central part of Warmia. Internal migrations also took place – many settlers moved from northern to central Warmia 6. Lidzbark soon joined the Prussian Confederation, which led to a conflict with Bishop Franciszk Kuhschmalz. On 25 February 1453, a letter of agreement was signed, renouncing allegiance to the bishop, who consequently left Warmia 7. In the act of incorporation of Prussia of 6 March 1454, Warmia was incorporated into Po land. Lidzbark was now within the borders of the Polish Republic. However, the treaty was not executed in practice until the Thirteen Years’ War. The authority

1 A. Szorc, Dominium… , p. 38. 2 It is worth mentioning a document specifying the rules of the court life in Lidzbark: Ordinancia castri Heylsbergk , which was prepared and provided with comments and notes by C.P. Woelky, [In:] Scriptores rerum Warmiensium Bd. 1 (1886), p. 314346. It was also extensively discussed by A. Szorc in the paper Życie codzienne na dworze biskupów warmińskich (na przykładzie dworów Stanisława Hozjusza i Marcina Kromera) , [In:] Życie codzienne na dawnych ziemiach pruskich. Materials from the symposium Olsztynek 10 X 1996 r., Olsztyn 1997. Ordinancia… lists individual court offices and specifies the competences of their holders. The significant role of the castle as the bishops' residence is also described by e.g. J. Ptak, Wojskowość… , p. 164165, W. Ogrodziński, Lidz bark …, p. 67, 1213, 1416, 18. 3 See e.g. K. Stasiewicz, Kultura umysłowa Warmii w czasach baroku , “Rocznik Olsztyński” 1997, XVII, p. 143158; S. Achremczyk, Uwagi o mecenacie kulturalnym biskupów warmińskich w XVII i XVIII wieku , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1987, No. 1 (175), p. 331. 4 See e.g. M. Biskup, Rozwój… ; L. Czubiel, T. Domagała, Zabytkowe ośrodki… , p. 170. 5 J. Ptak, Wojskowość… , p. 67, 166. 6 See A. Szyfer, Warmiacy. Studium tożsamości , Poznań 1996, p. 51; Warmia i Mazury. Zarys …, p. 242. 7 See M. Biskup, Rozwój…, p. 486.

~ 11 ~ of Poland in these areas was sanctioned by the peace of Toruń of 19 October 1466 1. After this date, the Warmian states debated on separate conventions, giving rise to an institution called the Warmian regional assembly ('sejmik’). The sessions were chaired by the bishop and delegates from Lidzbark ran the secretariat and recorded resolutions 2. In 14661519, a large inflow of Polish immigrants to Warmia took place. Settlers from Mazovia, Chełmno and Lubawa, as well as from Ducal Prussia arrived and internal migrations also continued. The Teutonic Knights soon attempted to recover the lost areas. In 15191521, Albrecht von Hohenzollern besieged the town three times but failed to capture the town walls or the town. After the fall of the Teutonic state in 1525, Ducal Prussia became a vassal of Poland. A long period of peace began in Warmia. Ravaged areas were developed anew. Population losses in the Lidzbark district reached 45.5% 3. The Prussian population during Teutonic Wars was almost completely eradicated and the remaining part was gradually Polonized. In 15201525, a systematic settle ment campaign was carried out. Newcomers included many peasants from Chełmno and Mazovia and settlers from Pomerania and Kujawy. Former royal yeomanry arrived seeking land and offices in the bishop's court. At the beginning, most Polish settlers inhabited the area of southern Warmia 4. However, with the passing of time the newcomers gradually moved northwards. The Polishness of this area at the time is evidenced by several features, for example, foundation docu ments. Teachers and clergymen had to demonstrate their knowledge of the Polish language. The fact that the Polish population constituted a large ethnic group is proven by the foundation in 1579 of a “Polish” church, dedicated to St. Stanislaus 5. Recovery from the wars with the Teutonic Knights continued along with a settle ment campaign until the end of the 16 th century. The town, destroyed by numerous military conflicts and fires, was reconstructed and expanded 6. Warmia did not yield to reformation 7. This was affected by a ruling that infi dels could stay in the area of Warmia for only one year and one day. If they did not convert to Catholicism during that time, they had to leave the bishopric 8. The atti tude of bishops, particularly of Stanisław Hozjusz, was also very important in Lidzbark remaining a Catholic town. In 1586, a cloister of St. Catherine was es tablished in the area. Nuns nursed the sick and taught girls 9. It was an area

1 This issue is discusseed by, e.g. J. Sikorski, Monarchia polska i Warmia u schyłku XV wieku , Olsztyn 1978; A. Szorc, W sprawie włączenia Warmii do Polski w 1466 roku , [In:] Studia Histo ryczne z XIIIXV wieku , Olsztyn 1995, p. 143150. 2 See M. Biskup, Reces zjazdu stanów warmińskich z 1496 roku , “Rocznik Olsztyński” 1968, p. 117186; S. Achremczyk, Reprezentacja stanowa Prus Królewskich w latach 16961772. Skład społeczny i działalność , Olsztyn 1981; Idem, Życie polityczne Prus Królewskich i Warmii w latach 16601703 , Olsztyn 1991. 3 See A. Szyfer, Warmiacy …, p. 5152. 4 Some researchers place the ethnic border in Warmia between Dobre Miasto and Lidzbark Warmiński, see e.g. Dzieje Warmii i Mazur w zarysie , vol. I, p. 230. 5 See M. Biskup, Rozwój …, p. 487; J. Obłąk, Kult świętego Wojciecha w diecezji warmińskiej , “Studia Warmińskie” 1966, vol. III; p. 744. 6 For example, in 1497, when the town hall was burnt as well as the interior of the parish church. 7 It is also worth mentioning the exodus of peasants for religious reasons from the Protestant Duchy of Prussia to Catholic Warmia, see A. Szyfer, Warmiacy …, p. 51. 8 See Warmia i Mazury. Zarys …, p.. 248. 9 The history of the activity of order was described by B.G. Śliwińska in studies: Działalność sióstr św. Katarzyny dziewicy męczennicy w Lidzbarku Warmińskim (15871987) , “Posłaniec Warmiński” 1988, p. 5255; Udział sióstr św. Katarzyny w edukacji dzieci i młodzieży żeńskiej na Warmii w latach 15711877 , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1994, No. 1(203), p. 2333; Dzieje zgromadzenia… See also A. Szorc, Warmia czasów Reginy Protmann (w drugiej połowie XVI i na początku XVII wieku, “Studia Warmińskie” 2001 (XXXVIII), p. 167177.

~ 12 ~ of active religious orders and associations which sought to deepen spiritual life and charity. Orders which were active in Lidzbark included: the Orders of Corpus Christi, of the Rorate Mass, of the poor, of priests, of the rosary, of St. Joseph and of St. Jacob 1. The Swedish wars did great damage to the entire district. In 1656, Lidzbark, as well as the entire Warmia, was occupied by Elector of Brandenburg, Frederic Wilhelm. In 17031704, the Swedish king located his main headquarters in the cas tle. It was here that the decision to crown Stanisław Leszczyński King of Poland was made. The Warmian diocese was encumbered with the burden of supporting the Swedish army of seven thousand men. The numerous, brutally executed contribu tions and taxes drove the region into economic decline. Library collections (includ ing archives) and works of art were also taken out of the ravaged country 2. The last straw was the severe winter of 1708 and an epidemic of bubonic plague in 1709 1710 3. These events caused significant demographical changes in the Lidzbark dis trict. In 17081717, a final wave of additional migrations took place before the an nexation of Warmia, which involved the same routes as before. A certain role was also played by refugees from Prussia 4 and by internal migrations. As a result of the first partition, Warmia lost its relationship with the Polish Republic and its political autonomy. On 15 September 1772, the Lidzbark district ended up within Prussia. Warmia was divided into two rural counties: Braniewo and Lidzbark and was incorporated into the Królewiec department. Lidzbark Warmiński also became the seat of the local county, forming a union of twelve Warmian towns. Three judicial districts were also created: Braniewo, Lidzbark and Olsztyn. They were headed by judiciaries subordinated to the episcopal court in Lidzbark 5. The town ceased to be the seat of Warmian bishops in 1795. The last resident of the castle was Ignacy Krasicki 6. Following him, many former inhabitants of Lidzbark left for Gniezno 7. The autonomy of the bishopric was liquidated, and episcopal and capitular goods were appropriated by the state. The town never re turned to its former importance and splendour as the “pearl of Warmia”.

1 See H. Preuschoff, Der Priesterbruderschaften zu Heilsberg , Pastoralblatt für Diözese Ermland 1882, p. 113118; A. Kopiczko, Ustrój… , p. 227. 2 See e.g. B.G. Śliwińska, Dzieje…, p. 2829, A. Kopiczko, Ustrój…, p. 28; A. Szorc, Dzieje diecezji warmińskiej (12431991) , Olsztyn 1991, p. 80, Idem Losy biskupstwa warmińskiego w dobie wojny północnej (17001711) , “Studia Warmińskie” 1965, vol. II; p. 6593. 3 “W księdze zmarłych lidzbarskiego kościoła parafialnego zanotowano, że w r. 1710 zmarło 159 ludzi. Do tego dochodzi tysiąc kilkaset osób, które pochowano w czasie zarazy na cmentarzu św. Jerzego oraz tu i ówdzie na wzgórzach i polu.” S. Flis, Dżuma na Mazurach i Warmii w latach 1708 1711 , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1960, No. 4 (70), p. 512. 4 There were several reasons for emigration from Prussia: 1. religious discrimination, 2. banishment or escape from punishment, 3. search for better living conditions, 4. vagrancy of various types. See A. BirchHirschfeld, Eis und Auswanderung zwischen Ermland und Herzog tum Preussen im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert , “Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Alterumskunde Erm lands“1934, 25, p. 520535. 5 See T. Grygier, Próby utrzymania ustroju stanowego w Prusach Wschodnich na przełomie XVIII i XIX wieku , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1964, No. 2 (84), p. 4370, J. Jasiński, Świadomość narodowa… , p. 15 and subsequent. 6 His most famous works were created in Lidzbark: Myszeis, Monachomachia, Bajki, Satyry, Mikołaja Doświadczyńskiego przypadki. 7 See W. Ogrodziński, Lidzbark …, p. 1416, 18.

~ 13 ~ 1.4. EFFECTS OF HISTORICAL CONDITIONS ON THE ANTHROPONYMY OF THE REGION In the times discussed in this thesis, a nation was defined as the inhabitants of one country, bound by common tradition and aspirations 1. The language was not a criterion determining the affiliation to a given nation; more important was the place of living – and regional identity became as important as ethnicity. This was a particularly frequent case in border areas. Although the Lidzbark district in 1500 1772 formally belonged to Poland, it can be regarded as an ethnic and cultural bor derland 2. It also functioned as a peculiar language borderland, i.e. the “obszar geo graficznokulturowy wzdłuż granicy językowej, na którym większość mieszkańców (lub określona grupa ludzi) wchodzi stale w kontakt językowy z językiem sąsied nim”3. According to some researchers 4, the ethnic and linguistic border ran be tween Lidzbark and Dobre Miasto 5. Warmia is also described as a “contact border land” with a bilingual Polish and German population6. “Na pograniczu istnieje (…) zjawisko bilingwizmu i wynikające z tego faktu konsekwencje językoznawcze: inter ferencje, zapożyczenia, ustalanie się prestiżowej i funkcjonalnej hierarchii języków pozostających ze sobą w kontakcie”7. All of Warmia, including the Lidzbark district, was a place where three 8 ethnic groups 9 with separate cultural models met – differ ing in language, folk culture and sense of identity. But this ethnical mosaic was united by religious 10 and territorial community. Although the population living there cannot be described as a monolithic national community, it formed a certain kind of entity 11 .

1 See e.g. S. Herbst, Świadomość narodowa na ziemiach pruskich w XVXVII wieku , “Komuni katy MazurskoWarmińskie” 1997, No. 3 (217), p. 350357. 2 “Pogranicze etnicznokulturowe, to pogranicze, na którym wchodzą we wzajemne kontakty różne zbiorowości etniczne.” G. Babiński, Pogranicze etniczne, pogranicze kulturowe, peryferie. Szkic wstępny problematyki, “Pogranicze”. Studia społeczne, vol. IV, A. Sadowski (ed.), Białystok 1994, p. 5. 3 E. WolniczPawłowska, Nazewnictwo obszarów pogranicznych. Wprowadzenie , [In:] Polskie nazwy własne. Encyklopedia , p. 397. The author is of the opinion that the borderland between Po land and Germany changed its character from a contact one to a mixed one, and that from the lin guistic point of view the term “transit borderland" is unjustified. 4 See e.g. Dzieje Warmii i Mazur w zarysie , vol. I, p. 230; J. Obłąk, Stosunek niemieckich władz kościelnych do ludności polskiej w diecezji warmińskiej w l. 18001870 , Lublin 1960, p. 20. 5 It gradually moved with Polish settlers to the north of the bishopric. 6 See J. Jasiński, Świadomość narodowa… , Olsztyn 1983, p. 26. 7 E. WolniczPawłowska, Nazewnictwo… , p. 398. 8 I list only three ethnic groups: Prussians, Germans and Poles. I do not mention people of Lithuanian or Ukrainian origin, since they did not constitute significant ethnic groups in the area under examination. 9 It would be interesting to discuss identity options on the basis of social stratification of inhabitants of the Lidzbark district. However, such research should be conducted on the basis of documents showing a detailed social crosssection of the inhabitants of those lands. Unfortu nately, I was unable to locate such source documents. 10 About the role of the Catholic Church in Warmia, see e.g. T. Borawska, Czynniki kulturotwór cze na Warmii w średniowieczu i w czasach nowożytnych, “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 2004, No. 4 (246), p. 437451. 11 „Za czasów Rzeczypospolitej problem narodowościowy na Warmii nie miał większego znacze nia. Chodziło wówczas jedynie o to, aby duchowni, nauczyciele, urzędnicy mogli się porozumieć z pobliską ludnością. Sprostanie tej potrzebie ułatwiał fakt, że wyższe warstwy mówiły z reguły dwoma językami, jeśli nie trzema, również po łacinie, a także to, że wśród ludności wiejskiej i plebsu miejskiego istniała dość daleko zaawansowana naturalna dwujęzyczność”, J. Jasiński, O nazwie „Polska Warmia”, [In:] Między Prusami a Polską. Rozprawy i szkice z dziejów Warmii i Mazur w XVIIIXX wieku, Olsztyn 2003, p. 19.

~ 14 ~ Ethnic diversification of the areas under discussion can be proved, among others, by the personal names recorded there. A kind of a primary layer of local an throponyms is created by Prussian names, proving the local origin of some inhabi tants. They were preserved entirely 1 or were subjected to Germanization or Polonization. The castle in Lidzbark was the centre of pastoral services for inhabitants of the diocese using the Prussian language. In the bishop’s court there was a special office of a penitentiary appointed by the papal order. The task of this penitentiary was to deal with matters of the Prussian speaking group of the faithful, to visit Prussian communities and sermonize on Sundays and Saturdays in the St. Catherine church in Lidzbark 2. For some time, the castle housed a school for Prussian boys, preparing them to work in the church and state administration 3. However, the Prussian language was gradually disappearing 4. The local names as sumed by Polish and German settlers provide evidence of its former role 5. The turn of the 13 th and 14th centuries was a period of lively colonisation of the episcopal Warmia. The first newcomers had already started to settle in the area un der discussion. The majority of them originated from Silesia. In the town and its vicinities, the “Wrocław” ( breslauische ) dialect was preserved 6. Later on, this lan guage complex was also called Heilsbergermitteldeutsch 7. Warmia neighboured directly with High Prussian dialects, belonging to the group of Eastern Middle German dialects 8. German peasants, who settled in Lidzbark Warmiński and the southwest area of Lidzbark and Reszel districts, used High Prussian dialects (hochpreußisch )9. The majority of names listed in the “schoss” (tax) 10 register of 1581 are of German origin and German names also make a significant part of the analysed material. Besides the population structure of the region, such an abundant number

1 „Przy chrzcie wszyscy Prusowie otrzymywali imiona chrześcijańskie, takie same, jak Polacy czy Niemcy. W dokumentach krzyżackich imiona te są notowane bardzo często obok innych o brzmieniu pruskim, które w kolejnym pokoleniu są traktowane jako nazwiska rodowe”. Ł. OkuliczKozaryn, Dzieje Prusów, Wrocław 1997, p. 486. 2 See M. Borzyszkowski, Szkoły diecezji warmińskiej w okresie od XIII do połowy XVI wieku¸ “Studia Warmińskie” 1965, vol. II; p. 5455. 3 „Biskupia szkoła zamkowa w Lidzbarku Warmińskim, początkowo przeznaczona dla chłopców pruskich, później dla młodzieży dworskiej przygotowywała do objęcia stanowisk kościelnych i administracyjnych oraz do rozpoczęcia studiów uniwersyteckich. Sława jej sięgała poza granice Warmii”, M. Borzyszkowski, Szkoły …, p. 56. 4 “Ostateczny zanik pruskiego języka w XVII w. jest dowodem, że całokształt przemian społecz nych oddziałujących stopniowo na pruski lud, rozbijających jego rodzimy ustrój społeczny, jego for my życia, gospodarowania i wierzeń, doprowadził do ostatecznego zatracenia ich poczucia wspólno ty, poczucia odrębności od innych.”, M. Pollakówna, Zanik… , p. 207. “W XVII wieku zachowała się jeszcze pamięć o dawnych zwyczajach i obrzędach, zapomniano jednak mowy przodków. Ziemie pruskie stawały się ojczyzną ludzi spolonizowanych lub zgermanizowanych. Skomplikowane prze miany przyniosły im nowe poczucie przynależności narodowej.”, Ł. OkuliczKozaryn, Dzieje…, p. 497. 5 “Nazwy miejscowe pochodzenia pruskiego występują na terytorium obecnie przyznanym Polsce najliczniej w powiatach leżących na północy Prus (w tym Lidzbark). Na obszarze tym występują także najliczniej nazwy niemieckie.” W. Chojnacki, Słownik polskich nazw miejscowości w b. Prusach Wschodnich i na obszarze b. wolnego miasta Gdańska wg stanu z 1941 roku , Poznań 1946, p. 123. 6 See A. Szorc, Dominum …, p. 263, M. Biskup, Rozwój …, p. 484. 7 See J. Gajek, Elementy kultury dawnych Prusów w kulturze ludowej Warmii i Mazur, [In:] Prace i materiały etnograficzne vol. XIX 1960, p. 21. 8 See J. Siatkowski, Wpływ poszczególnych dialektów niemieckich na język polski , “Studia z Fi lologii Polskiej i Słowiańskiej” 1967, p. 36. 9 See M. Biolik, Hydronimia Pregoły z dorzecza Polski , Olsztyn 1987, p. 9. 10 See R. Marchwiński, Ludność… , p. 62.

~ 15 ~ of anthroponyms of Germanic origin can be accounted for by the fact that after the second Toruń Peace (1466), the king granted the inhabitants of Warmia the right to preserve the German language 1. It was also an official language, in which all kinds of records were made 2. Polish names are also frequent among anthroponyms of this area 3. The 15 th and in the first half of the 16 th century was a period when a systematic settlement campaign was conducted with the aim of recovering from the wars and epidemics. Colonists from Mazovia, Pomerania and Kujawy appeared in the region 4. Along with the external settlement, internal settlement was also carried out. Some settlers moved from the northern to the central Warmia 5. A significant number of Poles settled in the area of the district in the second half of the 16 th century, particularly in the times of Bishop Kromer. Newcomers from Chełmno and Mazovia spoke in Mazovian and Chełmno dialects with features characteristic of the Greater Po land region, and used various related variations typical for northeastern Poland 6. In 1579, a Polish chapel dedicated to St. Stanislaus was established in the parish school. It was moved to a separate building in 16181619 7. The inspector of 1597 noted that “parafianie polscy w kaplicy są liczni”8. Clergymen and teachers had to demonstrate their knowledge of Polish and it was the language in which prayer books, hymn books and church prints were published. The last wave of settlements before the partition of Warmia took place during the rule of Bishop Teodor Potocki. Its aim was to balance the population losses after the northern war and accompa nying epidemics. A significant role was then played by internal migration in Prussia. Large clusters of Poles were found in the area of the former district even in the mid19 th century 9. The Polish language was valued by Germans due to the need to communicate with the Polish population and seasonal workers. Addition ally, the CounterReformation was favourable for the expansion of its reach in the area of Prussia 10 as most clergymen were Poles and an important role was played by the bishop's court. The cultural influences of Poland also strengthened the trend towards Polonization. It seems that coexistence of Germans and Poles in the area of Warmia pro ceeded harmoniously 11 . “Stosunki językowe na Warmii nie uległy ‘zamrożeniu’. Ist niał stały przepływ ludności polskiej do obszarów o przewadze niemieckiej i odwrotnie. Po pewnym czasie mniejszość stawała się dwujęzyczna, a w następnym

1 See S. Reczek, Języki w dawnej Rzeczypospolitej , “Język Polski” 1989, LXIX, No. 12, p. 13. 2 Offical language also bore features of Middle German and was similar to the language of the Saxon registry; see M. Biolik, Hydronimia… , p. 9. In the area of Warmia and Mazury “panowały gwary dolnoniemieckie i wysokoniemieckie, zaś kancelarie posługiwały się w wiekach średnich języ kiem wschodniośrodkowoniemieckim. Ów stan wpłynął na to, że w dokumentach historycznych nazwy niemieckie zapisywane są niemal bez wyjątku w języku (lub raczej ortografii) kancelarii.” BCK p. 154. Documents were also made in Latin; Polish was rarely used as a chancellery language. 3 “Z istniejących wzmianek wynika, że osadnictwo polskie dotarło do powiatu lidzbarskiego, a sporadycznie nawet i do braniewskiego.” J. Jasiński, Świadomość… , p. 24. 4 See Warmia i Mazury , p. 38. 5 See A. Szyfer, Warmiacy… , p. 53. 6 See M. Biolik, Hydronimia… , p. 9. 7 See R. Marchwiński, Ludność… , p. 62. 8 See J. Obłąk, Kaplice polskie Marcina Kromera na Warmii , “Studia Warmińskie” 1965, II, p. 730. 9 See e.g. A. Szyfer, Warmiacy… , p. 53. 10 See S. Herbst, Świadomość narodowa… , p. 5. 11 By the 19 th century, “Warmia, z zaznaczoną bardzo silnie indywidualnością historyczno wyznaniową ani w świadomości władz, ani lokalnej społeczności nie dzieliła się na tereny zamieszka łe przez ludność polską i niemiecką.” J. Jasiński, Zagadnienia narodowościowe w Prusach Wschodnich w XIX i XX wieku , Olsztyn 1993, p. 5.

~ 16 ~ pokoleniu posługiwała się już językiem większości jako językiem domowym, mo dernizowała swoje nazwiska”1. The Polish and the German languages existed next to each other in peace until the mid19 th century. 2 After the annexation of Warmia by Prussia, new authorities conducted Germanization activities. A larger emigra tion of the PolishWarmian population and immigration of GermanProtestant population took place at the same time. Consequently, the reach of the Polish lan guage in the existing ethnic borderland moved back to the border of the Olsztyn and the Lidzbark districts 3. After the Treaty of Versailles, the plebiscite conducted in Warmia did not concern the areas of the former Lidzbark district. These lands were not regarded as a “questionable” area and it was widely acknowledged that they belonged to Germany.

1.5. STATE OF RESEARCH Warmia and Mazury is a region of a very interesting, complicated culture and his tory. There have been many research papers written, both in Polish and in German, dealing with its history. Unfortunately, the same is not true for local onomastics – where many issues still wait to be studied 4. The necessity of creating an an throponymical dictionary of those lands is postulated by W. Chojnacki in the article entitled Słownik polskich nazw osobowych na Mazurach i Warmii5, where he lists the most important sources of the material. Unfortunately, besides the Diocesan Archive in Olsztyn, they are located abroad (among others in Berlin, Lipsk and Salt Lake City). Possible research topics are also suggested by A. Szorc 6. The need to carry out research into Warmian and Mazurian onomastics is emphasized by Z. Abramowicz 7, who analyzed the problems resulting from the multifaceted historical and political conditions of this region. Old Prussian personal names collected from historical documents are pre sented in a study by R. Trautmann 8 which contains highly varied and well documented material. His interpretation may cause difficulties due to the fact that the names underwent some changes because several national groups using other languages were also located in Prussia. This subject matter was also dealt with by E. Lewy 9 and M. Mechow 10 . One should not omit the study of W. Kętrzyński, entitled O ludności polskiej w Prusiech niegdyś krzyżackich 11 . Apart from that, many valuable remarks concerning the development of Warmian and Mazurian

1 J. Jasiński, Świadomość… , p. 57. 2 “Położenie formalnoprawne obu etnosów było jednakowe, chociaż w praktyce język niemiecki był częściej używany niż polski. Wynikało to z tradycji, kiedy zarówno biskupi, kapitułą, a także mieszczaństwo było niemieckie.” J. Jasiński, Świadomość… , p. 57. 3 J. Jasiński, Świadomość…, p. 97. 4 See M. Biolik, Badania językoznawcze na Warmii i Mazurach, “Komunikaty Mazursko Warmińskie” 2002, No. 1 (235), p. 2533; Idem, Badania onomastyczne na Warmii i Mazurach. Problemy badawcze i metodologiczne, [In:] Metodologia badań onomastycznych, M. Biolik (ed.), Olsztyn 2003, p. 8390. 5 W. Chojnacki, Słownik polskich nazw osobowych na Mazurach i Warmii , “Komunikaty Ma zurskoWarmińskie” 1988, 34, p. 387402. 6 A. Szorc, Dzieje Warmii 14551660. Stan badań i postulaty badawcze , Olsztyn 1999. 7 Z. Abramowicz, Wieloetniczny… , p. 916. 8 R. Trautmann, Die altpreußischen Personennamen , 2. Umveränderte Auflage, Göttingen 1974. 9 E. Lewy, Die altpreussischen Personennamen , Breslau 1904. 10 M. Mechow, Preussischen Namen als deutsche Familiennamen , [In:] Altpreussische Geschlechterkunde. Neue Folge , 1975, vol. 8, p. 313351, Idem Prussische Namenreste in Masuren , [In:] Altpreussische Geschlechterkunde. Neue Folge , 1987, vol. 17, p. 175180. 11 W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej w Prusiech niegdyś krzyżackich , Lwów 1882.

~ 17 ~ onomastic system can be found in papers devoted to the local naming, 1, e.g. in the article of H. Górnowicz, Rodowe nazwy miejscowe Mazur i Warmii 2. A general picture of the naming system in the northeastern borderland is presented by M. Biolik in one of the entries of the encyclopaedia Polskie nazwy własne 3. The study discusses, against the political and settlement history of the re gion, all layers of onyms from the areas of former Eastern Prussia: preBaltic, Old Prussian and Jatvingian, German and Polish naming, as well as the connections and relations occurring between them Two articles dealt with the subject of surnames of inhabitants of Węgorzewo and neighbouring areas 4. They presented a description and classification of components of this local anthroponymical system as well as language interfer ences and substitution changes on the basis of abounding examples. Other studies, concerning personal names in the Land of Great Mazurian Lakes 5 and in Pisz 6 were published by G. Białuński. The only published monograph of Warmian anthroponyms is the study of B. Mossakowska concerning surnames of the inhabitants of the Olsztyn district 7. The study consists of a material and a synthetic part. A dictionary of surnames, concerning etymological explanations, was supplemented by an analysis of the naming material 8. There have also been studies concerning the surnames of the Barczewo area 9 and the anthroponymy of the Jeziorany district 10 . The most recent works devoted to the anthroponymy of this region include the articles by E. Breza, Nazwisko Protman(n) 11 and Nazwiska równe nazwom wsi warmińskich 12 . Earlier, the author analysed selected nicknames of the nobility

1 It is worth mentioning here, e.g. G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen , BerlinLeipzig 1922, M. Biolik, Interferencje językowe w nazewnictwie Warmii i Mazur , [In:] Nazewnictwo na pograniczach…, p. 3644, B. CzopekKopciuch, Adaptacje niemieckich nazw miejscowych… , Kra ków 1995. 2 H. Górnowicz, Rodowe nazwy miejscowe Warmii i Mazur , “Komunikaty Mazursko Warmińskie” 1965, No. 2, p. 197223. 3 M. Biolik, Pogranicze północnowschodnie , [In:] Polskie nazwy własne. Encyklopedia , p. 427 452. 4 M. Biolik, Nazwiska polskie mieszkańców okolic Węgorzewa w latach 16531853 , [In:] Antro ponimia słowiańska. Materiały z IX Ogólnopolskiej Konferencji Onomastycznej. Warszawa 68 IX 1994 , E. WolniczPawłowska and J. Duma (eds), Warszawa 1996, p. 3950; Germanizacja nazwisk polskich mieszkańców okolic Węgorzewa w latach 16531853 , “Zeszyty Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Pedagogicznej w Olsztynie. Prace Językoznawcze”, 1997, No. 1, p. 519. 5 G. Białuński, Nazwy osobowe na Mazurach w XVXVII wieku (ze szczególnym uwzględnie niem Krainy Wielkich Jezior Mazurskich) , “Onomastica” 1996, XLI, p. 8395. 6 Idem, Nazwy osobowe w Piszu w XVIXVII w. (pogranicznym miasteczku polsko niemieckim) , [In:] Nazewnictwo na pograniczach etnicznojęzykowych… , p. 2636. 7 B. Mossakowska, Nazwiska mieszkańców Komornictwa Olsztyńskiego , Gdańsk 1993. 8 It is also worth mentioning here some other works of this author, dealing with more specific is sues: Z badań nad antroponimią Warmii (Nazwiska derywowane sufiksem ic(z) i jego pochod nymi) “Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego”, 1987, No. 13, p. 6973; Nazwiska polskie de rywowane formantem k (XVIIIXIX w.) “Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego”, 1988, No. 14, p. 143158; Z badań nad antroponimią Warmii w XVIXVII wieku (nazwiska z sufiksem ski) “Slavia Occidentalis” 1988, No. 45, p. 4546; Formant ak i jego pochodne w nazwiskach mieszkań ców parafii blichowskiej w dawnym powiecie płockim (16831865) “Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersyte tu Gdańskiego” 1992, No. 16, p. 165173; Nazwiska obce mieszkańców Warmii (XVIXVIII wiek) [In:] Antroponimia słowiańska… , p. 229235. 9 They were the topic of a doctoral thesis by Agnieszka Wrońska in 2001. 10 This issue is presented in a doctoral thesis by Iza Matusiak in 2006. 11 “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 2000, No. 1 (227), p. 7378. Regina Protmann was the founder of the Congregation of St. Catherine, Virgin and Martyr. One of its locations was Lidzbark Warmiński. 12 “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 2004, No. 4 (246), p. 427436.

~ 18 ~ of Warmia and Mazury 1. Noble names have been also recorded in works e.g. by J. Krzepela 2 and A.Kosiński 3. In 2003, the University of Warmia and Mazury and Centre of Academic Research organised a conference entitled Onomastyka region alna ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Warmii i Mazur (Regional onomastics with particular focus on Warmia and Mazury). Presented papers included the follo wing studies: Nazwiska równe nazwom miast z Warmii i Mazur (E. Breza), Na zwy terenowe Warmii i Mazur jako świadectwo historii regionu (M. Biolik), Księ gi metrykalne parafii Ramsowo jako źródło badań onomastycznych (I. Matusiak), Nazwiska i przezwiska w parafii Sząbruk w powiecie olsztyńskim (K. Krupa). To date, the surnames of the inhabitants of the Lidzbark district of 15001772 have not been the subject of an extended, separate thesis. However, they have been published in various papers 4. R. Marchwiński in the article Ludność Lidzbarka Warmińskiego w świetle wykazu szosu z 1581 roku 5 establishes an approximate number of town inhabitants on the basis of the document referred to in the title 6. The list includes the names of owners of real estates and the size of their property. Unfortunately, the author limits himself only to providing a transcription of personal names without providing a linguistic analysis. The tax records did not contain names of the inhabitants of the castle, which can be found in, e.g. works by S. Achremczyk 7 and H. Zins 8. Representatives of a local artistic community were referred to by J.B. Kluk 9 and J. Piskorska 10 . Names of nuns and monks were in cluded, e.g. in the works of A. Boenigk 11 and B.G. Śliwińska 12 .

1 The annex to the study entitled Pochodzenie przydomków szlachty pomorskiej (Gdańsk 1986) includes and discusses nicknames of the Warmian and Mazurian nobility (p. 335353). 2 J. Krzepela, Rody ziem pruskich , Kraków 1927. 3A. Kosiński, Szlachta pruska podług rękopisu z 1671 roku , “Biblioteka Warszawska” 1857 vol. III; p. 349372. 4I included them in the source materials. I used publications containing larger sets of surnames. They were usually based on materials which otherwise were unavailable to me. Bibliographic data are provided in the source list. 5 There is also a tax record known from 1572, which provides information concerning population and social and material crosssection of inhabitants, but without surnames. See M. Biskup, Dekla racje podatkowe miast warmińskich z roku 1572 , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1962, No. 3, p. 616620. 6 The author establishes – on the basis of residential buildings recorded in sources (150 houses, 69 sheds) – that the number of inhabitants was then about 2,000. At those times, Lidzbark was one of the largest urban centres of Warmia. 7 S. Achremczyk, Inwentarz ruchomości pozostałych po śmierci biskupa warmińskiego Andrze ja Chryzostoma Załuskiego , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1986, No. 34 (173174), p. 147 165. Idem, Testament kanclerza wielkiego koronnego i biskupa warmińskiego Andrzeja Chryzo stoma Załuskiego , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1984, No. 4 (166), p. 375397. 8 H. Zins, Nieznany testament biskupa warmińskiego Maurycego Ferbera , “Rocznik Olsztyń ski”, 1958, I, p. 223233. 9 J.B. Kluk, Malarze z Lidzbarka Warmińskiego 16801780 , “Rocznik Olsztyński” 1997, XVII, p. 93107. 10 J. Piskorska, Lidzbark Warmiński… , p. 339405. 11 A. Boenigk, Kloster Springborn , “Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Alterumskunde Ermlands“ 1919, XX, p. 228335. 12 B.G. Śliwińska, Działalność sióstr św. Katarzyny dziewicy męczennicy w Lidzbarku Warmiń skim (15871987) , “Posłaniec Warmiński” 1988, p. 5255.

~ 19 ~ 1.6. NATURE OF THE SOURCES Anthroponymical material was excerpted from over 150 manuscripts and 17 printed sources. Unfortunately, they did not include many registrar books or records containing certificates of marriage or funerals 1. This omission results from the fact that many precious records concerning Warmia were taken out of the country or destroyed during the Swedish occupation in the 18 th century and during both world wars 2. As regards records from the examined period and area, the State Archives in Olsztyn contained only a set of remains of various acts from 13591937. Much richer collections concerning Warmia are held by the Diocesan Archive. They include correspondence of church clerks and chancellery documents, reports from bishop's inspections, lists and other documents related to imposed contributions and archives concerning the secular management of the bishopric. The names were recorded also in individual documents concerning the bishopric and its institu tions, diocesan churches and foundations operating at those churches, general German and Polish national problems, as well as municipal issues. Particular atten tion should be paid to records collected in the section marked with the catalogue number of H. It contains rare manuscripts and prints, e.g. AB H 37 is a copy of the chronicle of Lidzbark parish Archivum vetus et novum Ecclesiae Archipresbyter alis Heilsbergensis . The majority of the material was provided by parish books originating from Lidzbark and other settlements in the district. Unfortunately, not many archives were preserved from the period of 15001772. Much more abundant collections of anthroponyms are contained in later documents. The condition of preserved books is varied. Some of them were subject to mechanical damage, while the others were timeworn. Some records were preserved only in the form of the 18 th and 19 th copies. Printed sources, containing anthroponymical materials, were also excerpted. These include works by Polish historians and articles from Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ermlands (ZGAE ). The chrono logical scope of the work did not permit the usage of other materials, e.g. Codex diplomaticus Warmiensis oder Regester und Urkunden zur Geschichte Ermlands 3. Almost all volumes under analysis were written in Latin and German. Only a few documents were created in Polish. As a rule, the records were dated; some times the time was specified in a descriptive form in Latin or German. In such cases, while quoting the entry, the date is provided in a commonly used form. A correct transcription of anthroponyms is hindered by inconsistent graphical forms (some proper names are written in the same text in many ways – in small or capital letters, by means of various graphic signs, marking the softness or nasal ity in many ways) and the illegible handwriting of some clerks. The level of education and ethnic background of the clerk was also important. In the area under discussion, records were probably often made by German speaking clerks. Surnames were usually provided to them in an oral form. Clerks tried to record Polish and Prussian surnames according to their pronunciation and phonetic sound. This resulted in numerous deformations of the forms of those sur

1 The lack of consistently kept books of this type made it impossible to trace the history of given families or changes in their family names. 2 The history and the content of Olsztyn archive is dealt by e.g. B. Ryszewski, Archiwa olsztyń skie jako warsztat badawczy nie tylko dla historyków, “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 2002, No. 1(235), p. 1924, J. Judziński, Zarys dziejów Wojewódzkiego Archiwum Państwowego w Olsztynie, [In:] K. Cybulska, M. Tarnowska, Zasób Wojewódzkiego Archiwum Państwowego w Olsztynie. Informator, Olsztyn 1982, p. 1114; Archiwa państwowe w Polsce. Przewodnik po zasobach, A. Biernat and A. Laszuk (eds), Warszawa 1998. 3 Published by J.M. Saage, C.P. Woelky, Bd. 14, Mainz 1860, Braunsberg 1935.

~ 20 ~ names in official records, unlike German anthroponyms, which, as a rule, were used in documents in their literary forms. Given names were almost always re corded in German or Latin language forms. It must be also taken into consideration that printed sources could apply modernized notation of proper names, pursuant to the standards used in those times.

1.7. CLASSIFICATION OF SURNAMES The material which is the subject of this thesis is of a historical character. The ap plied classification of surnames presents their etymology, method of creation and wordformation construction. Considering the types of the most probable etymo logical bases for a given surname structure, the following groups of surnames of inhabitants of the Lidzbark district have been distinguished: I. from anthroponyms, II. from toponyms, III. from names of occupations. Additionally, there were distinguished groups of surnames that were: homonymic, vague. Considering the method of their creation and their structure, surnames were classified as: 1. simple (without morphological derivation) 1, 2. derived (using wordformation or inflexion). Within the above mentioned groups, surnames were divided into: I Polish II German III Prussian IV Latin V hybrids. The word “foreign" was not used in the classification, since it is not adequate in relation to equal ethnic groups inhabiting areas of the Lidzbark district, which belonged to Poland during the period under examination. The nature of the analysis presented here is that of a general classification schema. The analytical part of the thesis discusses semantic subgroups and classes of secondary surnames, according to derivative formants. In order to facilitate analysis and classification of material involving various interpretation possibilities, location was considered as the most probable motivation in case of surnames cre ated by ski suffix and its compound variants, while motivation concerning persons was assumed as the most probable motivation in surnames derived with patro nymic suffixes ic, icz, owicz, ewicz . If surnames are motivated by names origi nating from the tradition of the Christian culture, it is assumed that these types of anthroponyms are internationalisms present in the surnames of various nations.

1In other words, those that were transferred to the class of surnames as ready units, without any morphological exponents of the surnameforming derivation process. These types of anthroponyms are referred to, e.g. as: primary , or only functionally transferred to the class of surnames (see H. Borek, U. Szumska , Nazwiska mieszkańców Bytomia od końca XVI wieku do roku 1740. Stu dium nazewnicze i społecznonarodowościowe , Warszawa 1976, p. 56) and translocationary , i.e. “przeniesione do płaszczyzny nazwisk z innych płaszczyzn języka jako gotowe jednostki” (see Z. Ka leta, Kierunki i metodologia badań. Terminologia , [In:] Polskie nazwy własne. Encyklopedia, E. RzetelskaFeleszko (ed.), Warszawa 1998, p. 55). One can also talk about semantic derivation – in contrast to wordformation and inflectional conversions.

2. LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF SURNAMES 2.1. SURNAMES FROM ANTHROPONYMS 2.1.1. Surnames from given names Anthroponyms derived from given names or equal to various name forms, occur ring in the second position after the proper given name, have been classified as pat ronymic surnames. This category did not include designations in which a given name fulfilled the function of the only identifier for the individual, i.e. Daniell 1581 1, Jerennsche 1581, Fransche 1581, Tibertius 1581, Melchersche 1581, Pancra tio 1587, Gr∫egor∫ 1595, Woÿtek 1595, Sebastian 1611, Clemens 1611, Climek 1619. This method of naming was still quite productive in the 16 th century. It gradually disappeared later on, replaced by twoelement designations, composed of a given name and a protosurname. Originally, names derived from given names probably had a patronymic or matronymic function. This is indicated in the excerpted anthroponyms by e.g. structural elements sen, son, sohn < der Sohn ‘son’, e.g. Caspersohn 1737 , De lanson 1663. The creation of onyms of the discussed type was also influenced by the identification of individuals with two given names, one of which began later to fulfil the role of a surname. It concerned both full and diminutive forms. Shortened and hypocoristic given names were emotionally marked. After the transfer to the class of surnames, expression was replaced by a function of a proper name. Chancellery records also played a certain role in the development of patronymic names, by re cording a Polish form popularly used in spoken language along with the Latin form of a given name, and by entering two given names in event of a birth of a child of unknown parents, while the second given name fulfilled the role of a surname 2. It is questionable whether a certain name was derived on the level of a given name or by surname formation processes. In order to facilitate the presentation of the collected material, surnames derived from shortened and diminutive given names are usually treated as simple formations, formally equal to their basis. They are considered morphologically derived when excerpted material includes their simple equivalents or their etymology clearly imposes such a way of interpretation. In order to simplify the analysis and classification, the number of formations re garded as homonymic was limited. While interpreting surnames derived from a given name or an appellative, in most cases patronymic motivation has been con sidered as the basic motivation. When potential bases included Christian and Old Polish names, a given anthroponym was usually classified on the basis of the for mer. Christian names were regarded as a more probable etymological basis for sur names of the Lidzbark district due to the fact that these areas were inhabited by Catholics. Religion was one of factors joining the local PolishGermanPrussian ethnic and linguistic complex. On the basis of the frequency of individual types of names, it can be claimed that in the area of the Lidzbark district, names known as a result of the universal effect of Christian culture were more popular than for mer Slavonic names. Surnames originated from given names preserved in the Bible and/or those popularized through the veneration of saints. It is assumed that anthroponyms of this type are internationalisms present in surnames of various nations. The ma

1 Personal names quoted in the analytic part of the thesis are followed by the date of their first denotation. Abbreviations of sources are provided in the dictionary. 2 See J. Bubak, Geneza nazwisk polskich równych imionom, “Ogólnopolska Konferencja Ono mastyczna” III, p. 20.

~ 22 ~ jority of such names are motivated by Latin and Greek given names. Also, names of Slavonic or Germanic origin are very popular. Some German names (e.g. Bruno, Heinrich ) and Polish ones (e.g. Stanisław, Wojciech ), have been popularized owing to the influence of Christianity – prayers, liturgical calendars, etc. However, they were most popular in their native countries and preserved some distinctive features of the mother tongue. Consequently, they are perceived as names of German or Pol ish provenance and will be presented in appropriate groups of anthroponyms. The same rule was applied for surnames originating from shortened and diminutive first names. On the other hand, the group of surnames derived from Christian names includes forms modified by Germanized and Polonized Greek and Latin given names and other names of biblical origin. There were recorded, among others, the following forms derived from full Christian given names: Achaty 1587, Alexander 1594, Antoni 1672, Augustinus 1681, Benedict 1530, Christoph 1643, Cleophas 1637, Daniel 1530, David 1761, Erasmus 1587, Eugenius 1747, Gerszon 1705, Jordan 1581, Juda 1595, Kilian 1581, Laurenty 1608, Martin 1666, Marcelii 1700, Materna 1587, Mathis 1703, Mauritz 1735, Procopius 1726, Simon 1595 , Simin 1643 , Szyman 1736, Stefan 1727 , Steffen 1619 , Stephun 1727, Tobias 1706, Valentin 1609, Wit 1573. The analysed material includes also surnames derived from shortened and hypocoristic given names, e.g. Alex 1769 , Lex 1667, Zander 1584 < Aleksander , Austen 1619, Austin 1581 , Außtein 1664 < Augustyn , Barcz 1671 , Bartsch 1537 , Bartz 1613 < Bartłomiej , Beni(c)k 1579 < Benedykt or Beniamin , Benutr 1581 < Bonawentura , Entzel 1716 < Anzelm , Gedeck 1643 < Gedeon, Gusk 1763, Gusek 1765 < Augustyn , Jaksch 1762, Jaxa 1762 < Jan or Jakub , Kostka 1726 < Konstanty , Lentz 1700 < Lorenc , Leo 1609 < Leon or Leopold , Lex 1667 < Aleksander , Merkell 1600 < Marek, Mick 1614, Nicz 1580, Misz 1744, Mitz 1616, Nitz 1737 , Niecz 1700, Nöcz 1595 < Mikołaj , Pecz 1724 < Piotr , Poll 1581 < Apolinary or Apoloniusz , Tysz 1681, Tyszek 1587 < Tymoteusz . Surnames originating from Old Polish given names, which were popular be fore Christianity was assumed, make up a smaller group. Church organization, be sides religious and administrative functions, gradually began to assume the role of a naming codifier. Native given names did not disappear completely, they were found “w źródłach w zmienionej funkcji, jako drugie obok imienia chrześcijańskie go określenia osób, i tą drogą weszły stopniowo do zasobu polskich nazwisk” Mal p. 5. As regards their structure, three types of native given names are distinguished: compound forms (composed of two elements), shortened and diminutive forms derived from given names consisting of two elements, and onestemmed (appella tive) forms 1. The material under analysis includes only two surnames originating from a full form of a Slavonic given name, with one appearing in a Germanized form: Niebus 1672 – from a hypothetic name *Niebus, the first segment in the form of a negation nie, and the other from compound given names beginning with Bu, of the type Budzisław Rymut 1 p. 64, cf. * Nebušьkъ < Budzisław 2, Niebud < Nie bąd 3, Miltztrey 1674 – cf. also Milstrey, Millstreich, Mildenstrey , a Germanized variant of a Slavonic compound given name Miłostroj. More names are derived from shortened and diminutive forms, created by reducing the second segment of a compound given name and sometimes by adding a consonant formant to the first syllable of the abbreviation, e.g. Bisch 1711 – a graphically Germanized sur

1 See M. Malec, Imiona…, p. 100. 2 See E. RzetelskaFeleszko, J. Duma, Językowa przeszłość Pomorza …, p. 315. 3 See D. Kopertowska, Żywotność dwuczłonowych nazw osobowych (na podstawie wybranego materiału antroponimicznego z terenu centralnej i północnej Małopolski) , “Onomastica” XXXVII, 1993, p. 137.

~ 23 ~ name from the shortened given name Bisz , from given names beginning with By of the type Byrad, Bysław 1; Bohl 1734 – from Bol, from compound given names of the type Bolesław or from ból, boleć Mal p. 65 with Germanizing insertion of h silent Borim 1611 – from the Polish personal name Borzym , a shortened form of the given name Borzymir, Borzysław, etc. Mal p. 65 with Germanizing graphical substitution of rz : r , Bork 1570 – from Borek, a diminutive form of Old Polish given names, based on the root borzy ‘fight’ with the Germanizing disappearance of moving e2; Fal(c)k 1643 – a hypocorism of the given names Chwalisław, Chwalibor , etc. Mal p. 61, 66, 109; Goss 1709 – a derivative form from Old Polish given names with the first segment of Gości , e.g. Goscław, Gościsław SSNO II p. 172; Grod 1595 – from a shortened form of the given name Grodzisław, etc. Mal p. 69; Pakusz 1587 – from Pakosz/Pakusz, a hypocorism of the first name Pa kosław or Pękosław SSNO IV p. 178179, Mal p. 72, 177; Radek 1576 , Radick 1577 , Radig 1612, Radij 1716 – from a hypocorism of the first name Radosław, Radomir ; Stach 1618 – from an abbreviated form of the first name Stanisław . The Lidzbark district is a linguistic borderland with a bilingual Polish and German population. This is connected with the phenomenon of bilingualism and its consequences: interferences and borrowings. A population that easily used the German language also made use of its anthroponymical resources for identification purposes. Originally, German names, just like Slavonic ones, were of a wishful character ( Wunsch or Heilnamen ). Most of them are twoelement structures, composed of segments genetically marked with symbolism, e.g. Wig ‘fight’, Gang ‘warpath’, Brand ‘sword’, Helm ‘helmet’, Ber ‘bear’, eber ‘boar’, stark ‘strong’ 3. In the course of language evolution, given names lost their “magical” character, and they were given and created more by the reason of their sound than their former meaning. Sagas about knights and heroes, e.g. Nibelungs, had an effect on their popularization, leading to the creation of such given names as: Hildebrand, Sieg fried, Ridiger, Giselher 4. Some given names of German origin were popularized by the cult of the saint who bore them. Some given names, through religion, acquired a permanent place in the European anthroponymical system, but for the same rea son, a lot of given names regarded as pagan names disappeared from the system. Patronymic names of German provenance, as it was the case with Slavonic ones, were divided into surnames equal to full forms of given names and equal to diminutive and shortened forms. It is possible that surnames equal to given names used to have a patronymic ending of s, en , etc. but in the course of language de velopment, it could be reduced and consequently, the surname of the son was made equal tonally with the given name of the father. The material included, e.g. the fol lowing surnames derived from full Germanic given names: Arnold 1675, Borcard 1578 , Burchert 1609, Conrad 1737 , Cunradt 1581, Dankwart 1761, Ditrich 1680, Elert 1619, Ebert 17 th c .5, Emerich 1509, Folkman 1647, Fridman 1611, Gottschalk 1643, Gunter 1581, Ginter 1619; Hartmann 1709, Hartwich 1607, Heinrich 1610, Herbert 1564, Herman 1563, Kolmer 1589 , Kelmer 1711, Lampert 1702 , Lamprecht 1636, Leopold 1716 , Lepold 1719, Reimer 1622, Reinholdt 1643, Ridiger 1707, Rudelhoff 1765, Sigmund 1764, Tidman 1625, Walter 1630, Weichert 1574, Weigert

1 See. K. Rymut, Nazwiska Polaków. Słownik historycznoetymologiczny, vol. I AK, p. 66. 2 See J. Bubak, Słownik nazw osobowych i elementów identyfikacyjnych Sądecczyzny XVXVII wiek. Imiona, nazwiska, przezwiska , vol. I AM, Kraków 1992, p. 80. 3 Germans were particularly willing to use given names referring to the aspect of fighting. See e.g. B. Duda, Geneza i znaczenie imion germańskich, “Języki obce w szkole” 1974, No. 1, p. 611 4 See HB; p. 913. 5 Some books did not record detailed dates of the entry.

~ 24 ~ 1611, Werner 1581, Wi(e)nert 1671, Wichert 1678, Wichman 1581, Wilhelm 1581, Wolter 1700. Compound given names were used to create numerous abbreviations (Kurzformen) and diminutives ( Verkleinerungs and Koseformen ). One of the rea sons for the popularity of those forms was the disappearance of the sense of their expression. Diminutives lost their emotional character with time and functioned as full given names. This was influenced by phonetic processes (assimilations and reductions), which wiped a specific name from its relation to the etymological base in the linguistic awareness of users. Excerpted material included, among others, the following surnames: Appell 1581 < Albrecht , Arendt 1581 , Arent 1575 < Arnold , Bangel 1734 – from compound given names with the first element of Bang , e.g. Banghard , Bangert + el S5 11, Got 102, Bötz 1726 < Burhard , Brande 1529 < Hildebrand , Eckell 1643 Ecker 1604 , Eckert 1595, Eggert 1568 < Eck(e)har(d)t , Fritsch 1753 , Fritz 1644 < Friedrich , Gerick 1585, Gerigk 1623 , Gerrig 1636 , Gerich 1740 < Gerhard , Gise 1523 < Gisulf , Hink 1700, Hönigk 1605 < Heinrich , Hu(h)man 1581 < Hugimar , Kauer 1700, Kintzel 1766 < Konrad , Koll 1683 < Kollmer , Kotz 1643, Kunert 1595 < Konrad , Lamp 1718 < Lampert , Lidigk 1646 < Ludolf , Lieber 1639 < Liubher , Marx 1581 < Marcus , Reichel 1708 < Reichelt , Riedel 1768 < Ruodolf, Ridal 1712 , Riddoll 1595 , Ridil 1587 < Ruodolf, Ridier 1700 < Riediger , Siber 1597 < Sigibert , Steincke 1581 < Steinhart , Them 1622 < Thomas , Thiel 1571, Titz 1611 < Dietrich , Wölck 1700 < Walther . Some of the recorded surnames derived from given names are of Prussian provenance. They are derived from anthroponyms composed of one or two seg ments, of a primary nickname or a wishful character. Surnames were derived se mantically and morphologically, both from full given names and shortened or diminutive ones 1, e.g. Alsut 1619 < Alsutt(e) T p. 12, 131, Damreis 1689 – with metathesis er > re from the Prussian personal name * Damerĭs , this name formed with the suffix er T p. 177 from Damme T p. 22, Dingel 1660 < *Dingel(e) , a per sonal name formed with the suffix el from Ding T p. 24., Kantell 1700 < *Cantele, this one from Kante or Kant with suffixel T p. 42, 141, Kariot 1643 < Karioth T p. 43, Kunlig 1615 < * Kunĭlik T p. 49, Meisuw 1718 < *Meisaw T p. 57, Meling 1701 < *Meling T p. 174, Mille 1716 < Mile , Myle T p. 59, 145, Nadram 1682 < *Nadram T p. 6364, Naprat 1585 < *Naprat T p. 66, 149, Padelucke 1566 < *Padelukē T p. 73, Penquit 1610 < *Penkit T p. 75, Same 1581 < *Samē T p. 8586, Schaybott 1581 < *Skaibotē T p. 92, Scodick 1612 < *Skodik T p. 94, Tinger 1726 < *Tinger T p. 105106, Warskeit 1583 < *Warskeitē T p. 116, Waskait 1643 < *Wais(ĭ)kaitē T p. 180181, Wille 1537 < *Wilē T p. 115116, Woppain 1714 < *Wōpainē T p. 121. Besides simple constructions, the material under examination included de rived surnames. Forms were created mainly with suffixes patronymically marked: icz, owicz , ewicz, with preservation of the primary distribution with o after a hard sound and e after a soft sound (including historically soft ones), e.g. Błusz kowicz 1684 < Błuszek/Błoszek , Gregorowicz 18 th c. < Gregor , Jachimowicz 1617 < Jachim , Mańkowicz < Maniek , Moszkowicz 1595 < Moszek/Moszko ; Janicewicz 1705 < Janic(z) , Juszkiewicz 1675 < Jus(z)ko < Józef , Markiewicz 1668 < Marek, Mik(i)ewicz 1743 < Mik, Stankiewicz 1754 < Stank/Stanko . A few surnames were created with the suffix ski. Patronymic motivation was regarded as a basis, e.g. in the following forms: Bendowski 1769 < Bened, Benski 1714 < B(i)en , Boniecski 1579 < Boniec , Bożanecki 1674 < Bożanek, Damkowski 1643 < Damek , Janaszkowski 1765 < Janaszek , Jardowski 1587 < Jard, Kwidrowski 1731< Kwiedor, Mund

1 See M. Biolik, Pogranicze północnowschodnie, p. 433435.

~ 25 ~ kowski 1723 < Mundek, Philipowski 1694 < Filip, Pieczykowski 1731 < Pieczyk , Protkowski 1726 < Protek, Radzimirski 1599 < Radzimir, Roszyński 1700 < Rosz, Szymowski 1587 < Szym. Patronymic derivates were also formed by formants: ic / iz 1, e.g. Hiplic 1643 < Hipolit ; Williz 1643 < Will ; os(z) , e.g. Klawos(z) 1700 < Klawe ; s, e.g. Juchs 1752 < Juch , Roks 1713 < Rok ; ik , e.g. Frolik 1744 < Froł , Polik 1737 < Pol ; ach , e.g Mosach 1581 < Mos ; er , e.g. Finseler 1654 < Wincel , Moser 1760 < Mos ; ener , e.g. Basener 1643 < Bas ; el , e.g. Bastell 1620 < Bast ; al , e.g. Mishal 1609 < Misz ; il , e.g. Rochill 1740 < Roch . Some formations originating from Slavonic given names were Germanized in graphical and wordformation as pects (with suffixes e, en, ener, au, sche ), e.g. Vosche 1581 < Wosz, Anderken 1580 < Anderek/Anderka , Vosener 1581 < Woszeń , Barzau 1751 < Barz(y) , Fin zsche 1581 < Finc(z) . Surnames created by such formants as: s, en, i are interpreted in structural description in two ways and considered as derived by addition or paradigmatically. Original genitive formants also occur in German as individual suffixes, e.g. i cre ates shortened and diminutive forms of given names and surnames originating from given names 2. Surnames of this type are also treated as genitival forms pre served in their nominative role 3. Original genitive formants: “strong” s, “week” en and borrowed from Latin i could have a patronymic function and indicate the name of the father: Gorgs 1700 < Gorg, Eimen 1636 < Eim , Alberti 1678 < Albert , Lemki 1579 < Lemek, Tros(z)ki 1633 < Tros(z)ka , Witki 1592 < Witek . German surnames were derived, both from full and shortened forms of given names, with the following suffixes: ik, e.g. Berick 1617< Bero , Grunik 1668 < Grun , Lemik 1674 < Lem ; ach, e.g. Hamach 1737 < Ham; in, Bordin 1628 – from the first segment of Germanic given names Bord, e.g. Bordwig, Borthard Got 202, Werlin 1643 < Werl(e) ; ert, Brunsert 1576 < Bruns , Richert 17 th c. < Rich ; er, Fei der 1595 < Feid ; t, Tilt 1769 < Til < Thilo Got p. 154; au , Fickau 1614 < Fi(e)ck; ing , Döhling 1745 < Dehl , Helming(k) 1581< Helm . Prussian borrowings underwent various adaptive processes. There were most often Germanized, e.g. Nenchen 1636, from Nen T p. 69, Germanized by the suffix chen , Kadau 1620 – derived by the Germanising suffix au from the Old Prussian root Kad, cf. Old Prussian personal name *Kădar T p. 41; Sebirmann 1580 – Germanized with the element mann , the Old Prussian name, related to the root *Seb T p. 91; Weller 1643 – derived with the suffix er from the Old Prussian per sonal name Wele T p. 116; Willen 1659, from *Wilē with en in a Germanization function; Alshoff 1700 – a Prussian and German hybrid , with the first element from the Old Prussian personal name Alsebut , cf. Alsaute, Alsune, Alsutte T p. 131 and the second from German Hoff ‘court’; Wellerstein 1724 – from Old Prussian Weller, Germanized with the element stein . One Polonized form was also excerpted: Anutta 1729 < * Anŭtē T p. 12 and one Latinized one: Pobos 1694 – created with the Latin formant os, from the Old Prussian root Pob, cf. Pobilte T p. 77. The material under examination contained 457 surnames derived from full or shortened and diminutive given names. Most frequently, German onyms pro vided the bases for surnames – 178 surnames were derived from them. The second largest group was made of surnames derived from Christian names of international

1 See HB, p. 1113. 2 See e.g. HB; p. 1113, N p. 17. 3 The Latin genitive suffix ius turned into i: “owo drugie określenie osoby, występuje w zlatynizowanych postaciach zawsze w formie dopełniacza. Dopełniacz ten wyraża przynależność bez względu na to, czy rodzaj przynależności jest wyrażony innym jeszcze wyrazem ( filius, uxor, frater, gener ), czy też nie jest wyrażony”. B. Żabska, Nazwiska polskie typu dopełniaczowego , Wro cław 1977, p. 50.

~ 26 ~ character (162). 68 recorded anthroponyms, in which patronymic motivation was regarded as a basis, were of Old Prussian genesis. 49 formations originated from Old Prussian first names. 345 surnames were considered simple, formally equal to their etymological bases. 112 surnames were classified as created by morphological derivation: 89 formations were created by adding a suffix, eleven by the alternation of suffixes, three were created by disintegration of the basis and nine were derived paradigmatically. Most often, surnames were created from shortened and diminu tive forms of given names, e.g. only three surnames originate from full Old Prussian given names, and 26 from shortened and hypocoristic forms. Adaptation processes played a significant role in creating patronymic surnames, which includes, in par ticular, Germanization by means of suffixes and inflection of names of Old Prussian origin, which originally formed an important element of the anthroponymical sys tem in the area of the former Lidzbark district.

2.1.2 Surnames from nicknames Surnames originating from nicknames are sometimes classified into the group of formations derived from appellations 1. However, they are motivated by common names only indirectly, therefore in this thesis they are included into the category of derivatives originating from anthroponyms. Originally, nicknames identified a given person, at the same time expressing appellative content and “mogły być stworzone na podstawie metafory utartej w języku lub przez doraźną kreację w celu scharakteryzowania jego cech”2. Designations of this type “mogły być stworzone na podstawie metafory utartej w języku lub przez doraźną kreację w celu scharakte ryzowania jego cech”3. Originally, nicknames were predicatively marked – they in dicated properties of a given individual, at the same time fulfilling a referential function 4. They referred to internal or external features of a given person, or were created on the basis of free associations. Gradually, a genetic appellative function was replaced by proprietary function and the name ceased to characterize and started to identify . The terms nickname and surname are used in this thesis in the contemporary meaning of these words 5 although as regards anthroponyms from the period of 15001772, it is a matter of convention. It is difficult to definitely determine, without a wider source context, whether the name was still a nickname or already a surname. In an attempt to reduce the risk of error, the analysis covered an throponyms recorded in historical sources as the second denotation after the given name, revealing features of permanence (proven by the fact that there were more holders of the same name or a given name was identified by it in several docu ments), and heritability (occurring also in later sources, SSNO, Słownik nazwisk współcześnie w Polsce używanych ). Nicknames motivating surnames were usually of a pejorative character, e.g. Lechman 1570 < lechman ‘thriftless, wasting money’ , Ledzian 1742 < lędzian

1 Surnames originating from nicknames are included into the category of formations derived from appellations by e.g. B. Mossakowska (M p. 119), E. JakusBorkowa ( Nazewnictwo polskie , p. 60), H. Borek (Borek p. 5556). 2 A. Cieślikowa, Sposoby przenoszenia antroponimów do kategorii nazw osobowych , “Ogólno polska Konferencja Onomastyczna” V, p. 88. 3 Ibid. 4 See Z. Kaleta, Ewolucja nazwisk słowiańskich. Studium teoretycznoporównawcze, Kraków 1991, p. 1718. 5 The second denotation after the given name was often referred to as a nickname regardless of the character of a specific name. Currently, it is limited to forms expressively marked, functioning inunofficial language circulation.

~ 27 ~ ‘scoundrel’, Dick 1611 < dick ‘fat’ . Disapproval in the name occurred much more fre quently than praise included in meliorative denotations. There were only a few de notations with a positive implication, e.g. Frölich 1700 < frö(h)lich ‘joyful, cheerful, playful’ , Hübsch 1718 < hübsch ‘nice, handsome, wellshaped’, Schön 1700 < schön < ‘beautiful, nice, pleasant, kind’ , but they might have been used ironically, and somebody described by the name of pretty could have possessed quite contrary features. A significant part of potential nicknames is semantically neutral and re fers to e.g. circumstances of birth: Maj 1585 , Wieczor 1707 or deprived of an evaluating element of the description of a given person, e.g. Bielo 1639 , Fahl 1623 < fahl ‘pale, fair’ . Nicknames which provided bases for surnames have not been divided into groups referring to internal or external properties, designations originating from plant or animal worlds, etc. since these features are important in the classification of these unofficial anthroponyms, but not in classification of surnames derived from them. Additionally, such a division can be vague, e.g. nickname Baran (‘ram’) can be interpreted both as an original denotation of the breeder of this animal, as well as the person with curly hair, or a stubborn person. In order to create a precise, systematisation of this type based on facts, the real motivation for all of these nicknames should be known. It is only feasible in relation to contemporary material and not to historical surnames, the etymological basis of which can be es tablished only hypothetically. For the same reason, only basic explanations of appellatives that potentially motivated nicknames (and later surnames) are quoted. Surnames of the composed structure are treated as simple formations, equal to original compound nicknames, popular in German, e.g. Anhut 1643 < Anhuth ‘without a hat’, Feierabend 1736 < Feierabend ‘free evening’, Lachermunt 1770 < Lachermunt ‘laughing mouth’, Langhals 1581 < Langhals ‘long neck’, Manteufel 1737 < Manteufel ‘devil’s servant’, Sparwein 1581 < Sparwein ‘saving wine’, Guttseit 1704 < Gutzeit ‘good time’, Mitwitz 1531 < Mitwitz ‘with wit’ or ‘with rea son’, Schonjoan 1581 < Schonjoan ‘pretty Jan’, Weisspferd 1713 < Weisspferd ‘white horse’. Names are classified into individual categories on the basis of the “settlement” of their bases in a given language. A detailed analysis concerning ety mology of individual common names was not carried out, and they were regarded e.g. as Polish, for the reason that they were assimilated into the lexical system of the Polish language. Of course, the material included some surnames that un derwent so many adaptation processes that the basis of a given formation could not be explicitly classified into a specific language, e.g. Stobbi 1715 – could be inflex ionally derived from the Latinized personal name of Stobius, from the Polish Stoba or from the German appellative Staub ‘powder’ M p. 97. The analysis distinguished, e.g. the following simple forms of the Polish ori gin: Bury 1616 < bury ‘(dark) grey’; Cincol 1672 < cięcioł , (‘woodpecker’) used in the south of Poland 1, a graphically Germanized name; Czapla 1702 < czapla ‘heron, species of bird’, figuratively ‘man on long legs’ 2; Grzywacz 1611 < grzywacz ‘somebody with a mane’, also ‘old person’ Rosp 2 p. 108; Kalik 1610 < kalik = kaleka ‘invalid, disabled, infirm person’ Rymut 1 p. 368; Karkoszka 1643 < kar koszka ‘splint, torch’ 3; Kluk 1616 < kluk 1. ‘long, crooked nose’ MC p. 184, 2. ‘beak’ 4,

1 See B. Kreja, Księga nazwisk Ziemi Gdańskiej, Gdańsk 1998, p. 5657. 2 See J. Bubak, Słownik nazw osobowych…, p. 126. 3 See Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku, c. X, p. 140. 4 See Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku, c. X, p. 377.

~ 28 ~ 3. ‘son, boy, snot’ Rosp 2 p. 315; Kum 1643 < kum ‘godfather’, also ‘companion’1; Lis 1568 < lis ‘fox, species of animal’; Malak 1744 < malak ‘child’ MC p. 242; Wróbel 1611 < wróbel ‘sparrow, species of bird’; Zuch 1676 < zuch ’daredevil, someone brave, courageous, vigorous’; Żak 1607 ‘student’. The examined material included e.g. the following forms of German origin, created by the ellipsis of the article of nouns and substantivization in case of adjectival denotations: Bleis 1677 < Bleis(e) , from blīdi, blīde ‘satisfies, joyfull, cheerful’ Got p. 197; Block 1575 < Block ‘block, log, lump, chump’; Boltz(e) 1546 < Boltz ’arrow, mandrel, pivot‘ H p. 69; Dowe 1595 < Dove , from dôf ‘numbed, dull’ Bch I p. 335, N p. 93 or Dove ‘dove’ HB p. 131, H p. 101; Fox 1599 < Fox ‘fox’; Habicht 1736 < Habicht ‘hawk’; Has 1568 < Has ‘hare’; Kienast 1767 < Kienast ‘pine bough’ Lex p. 107; Klein 1581< klein, originally ‘glossy, smooth’ Lex p. 109, Bch II p. 55, later ‘frail, thin, slim, small’ N p. 165, also ‘wellshaped, graceful, deli cate, nice’; Knoblauch 1568 < Knoblauch ‘garlic’; Kran(i)ch 1622 < Kranch ‘crane’; Kraus 1574 < kraus ‘curly’ Bch II p. 107; Kuhe 1581 < Ku(h)e ‘cow’; Mann 1767 < Mann ‘strong, brave man’ Bch II p. 232, N p. 200, also: 1. ‘vassal, feudatory’, 2. in Bavaria ‘dogcatcher, slaughterer’ H p. 330; Pfaff 1587< Pfaff, contemptuously ‘Holy Joe’ 2; Pfennig 1612 ( Phenningk) < Pfennig ‘pfennig’, figuratively ‘grosz, penny’; Quant 1583 < Quant ‘goodfornothing’ 3, N p. 233, ‘wiseacre, crafty bugger, rogue’ HB p. 399, Bch II p. 359, S5 p. 153; Reich 1528 < Reich ‘rich man’ H p. 413; Scharf 1643 < schar(p)f, sarf ‘sharp, rough, coarse, tough’ Got p. 506, N p. 255; Schatz 1664 < Schatz 1 ‘treasure’ Lex p. 180, 2. ‘beloved, sweetheart, truelove’; Schwar(t)z 1575 ( Swartz) < schwar(t)z ‘black’; Stiltz 1636 < Stilz ’onelegged’, from appellative stülz ’wooden leg‘, colloquially ’cripple‘ Bch II p. 697; Weis 1581 < weis ‘reasonable, experienced, wise’, but also ‘orphaned’, figuratively ‘forlorn’ N p. 305; Wolff 1581< Wolf, ‘wolf’; Wolgemut 1577 < wo(h)lgemut(h) ’generous, with positive attitude to life‘ Bch II p. 828, N p. 313; Wunder 1626 < Wunder(er) 1. ‘miracle man’ H p. 537, 2. ‘somebody who brings news’ HB p. 573, Bch II p. 837. The category of surnames deriving from nicknames include the following forms of Latin provenance: Lepus 1610 < lepus ’hare‘ 4; Long(us) 1530 < Long(a), ‘tall man, beanpole’, from Latin longus ‘long’ 5; Pater 1619 < pater ‘father’, also ‘head, supervisor’ (as title for persons and gods) and ‘maker, creator, founder’ 6; Paternoster 1615 – from Latin name of prayer Paternoster ‘Our Father'’ < pater ‘father’ + noster ‘our’, perhaps a nickname of a priest, Paternoster is also a description of a person selling rosaries Bch I p. 297 and a surname frequently given to foundlings Bch II p. 204. The examined material included attempts to weaken an appellative character of the surname by adding the suffix ski, its variants or other morphological seg ments, fulfilling a structural, patronymic and diminutiveexpressive function. The suffix ski often caused palatalization of the final sound of the stem. Alterations occurred in the following examples: ł > l; n > ń; k, ś, sz, c, cz + ski >cki : Czekalski 1749 < Czekała, from czekać 'wait' ; Gembucki 1703 < Gębuk, Gębuś or Gębusz, this one from Gęba ('mug')+ usz or the suffix ucki from the personal name Gęba Rosp 2 p. 31; Komnacki 1703 < komnata ('chamber') ; Mocki 1691 < Moc(z)ek/Mocko cf. Moc(z)ek SSNO III p. 540541, in the opinion of M p. 72 Moc

1 See Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku, c. XI, p. 545. 2 See A. KarszniewiczMazur, Zapożyczenia leksykalne ze źródła niemieckiego we współczesnej polszczyźnie , Wrocław 1988, p. 37. 3 A. Lübben, Mittelniederdeutsches Handwörterbuch , Darmstadt 1980, p. 288. 4 See Słownik łacińskopolski , vol. III p. 346. 5 See Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku, c. XII, p. 306. 6 See Słownik łacińskopolski , vol. IV p. 46.

~ 29 ~ zek < moczyć się (‘get wet’) + ek , the surname can be also derived from the Ger man nickname Motz ‘stubborn, defiant man’ Bch II p. 228 , from south German Motz ‘ram’ Got p. 436 or somebody ‘sloppy, sluggish’; Tuziński 1737 < tuzin ‘dozen, twelve pieces’. Some forms were derived with the suffix owski , occurring pursuant to the original distribution after a hard sound: Gambrowski 1608 < gambrat, from gamrat ‘companion, mate, gallant’, cf. Latin gameratus ‘promiscuous man’ Rymut 1 p. 216, Rosp 2 p. 12; Nogowski 1737 < noga ('leg’); Wydrowski 1587 < wydra (‘ot ter’). Names created with formants of a patronymic character: owicz, ewicz pre served diversity into o after a hard sound, and e after a soft one and a historically soft one, e.g. Karłowicz 1582 < Karzeł , a nickname from the appella tive karzeł ‘dwarf, a very short person’; Pieniążkowicz 1733 – from a hypothetical nickname Pieniążek ‘somebody often dealing with money’, ‘rich man’ or ‘usurer’, cf. appellatives: pieniążek ‘small coin’ and pieniężnik ‘person dealing with money ex change’; Pil(e)chowicz 1649 < Pilch SSNO IV p. 252, from the appellative pilch ’dormouse’ 1; Buczkiewicz 1746 < Buczek , from Buk Breza 1 p. 176; Gałkiewicz 1676 < Gałek , from Gała SSNO II p. 67; Marmoszewicz 1753 < Marmosz SSNO III p. 406; Pierkiewicz 1689 < Pierek , from Piero , and this from the appellative pioro ‘feather’ MC p. 300; Ruszkiewicz 1729 < Rusek lub Ruszek. This surname can be also related to the ethnic name Rusek (Russki) and a verb ruszać (‘to move’) MC p. 337; Szrankiewicz 1708 < Szranek, Szrank, Schrank SSNO V p. 324, this one can be from the German appellative Schrank ‘barrier, dam, fence, grating’ Lex p. 186, Got p. 525, figuratively ‘someone who lives next to the fence, dam’ HB p. 468, S5 p. 231. Other formants participating in creation of surnames derived from nicknames in the Lidzbark district include: acz , e.g. Wardacz 1692 < warda ‘lefthanded, lefty’ 2, cf. also wardać ‘wander’ 3; ek , e.g. Bombeck 1587 < bomb 1. ‘a ball filled with explosive’, 2. figuratively ‘surprise’, 3. ‘type of heavy carriage, 4. ‘a large beer mug’ SłW I p. 189 or from bąba Rymut 1 p. 47, cf. Bąbek SSNO I p. 112; ik, e.g. Kasznik 1736 < kasznia ‘plant from the papilionaceous family’, cf. also dialectal kaszna ‘halfflour’ Rymut 1 p. 385; ki , e.g. Kremki 1737 – from basis krem, cf. krem ‘tree suitable for a beehive’, Ukrainian okremnyj ‘secluded’ Rymut 1 p. 462; is 4, e.g. Gnalis 1697 < Gnal , from gnać ’speed ahead‘ Rymut 1 p. 243; s, e.g: Grembs 1581 < Gręb, Grąb < gręby 1. ‘wrinkled’, 2. ‘tart’ SłW I p. 907; el , e.g. Bac(z)el 1744 < baca ‘the one who heeds’, cf. baczyć ‘take care of sth, see, observe’ Rymut 1 p. 13; al 5, e.g. Tubal 1589 < tuba ‘trumpet’, probably a nickname of some body playing the trumpet or endowed with a socalled stentorian voice et , e.g. Bo cet 1755 < bok ('side') or boczyć się ('bridle') Rymut 1 p. 46. Forms of clear Germanic provenance were derived e.g. with suffixes er, e.g. Eichler 1531 < eichel 1. ‘young oak’, 2. ‘acorn’ Lex p. 36, S5 p. 38; Kemler 1734 < Kiemle , from kīm(e) ‘germ’ Rymut 1 p. 395; Schrotter 1574 < Schrott, ‘man of a strong build but sluggish and primitive’ Bch II p. 565, S5 p. 232, from the appella tive Schrot(t) ‘scrap’ Lex p. 187; Sterner 1641 < Stern ‘star’ Lex p. 210; ler , e.g. Hupler 1581 < hupfen ‘jump; ich , e.g. Werdich 1581< Werd , from wërth ‘worthy, valuable’ or wërd ‘host’ Kauf p. 1395; ert , e.g. Argert 1626 < arg 1. ‘bad, poor, not

1 See Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku, c. XXIV, p. 196. 2 A. Brückner, Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego , Warszawa 1957, p. 602. 3 Z. Abramowicz, L. Citko, L. Dacewicz, Słownik historycznych nazw osobowych i elementów identyfikacyjnych Białostocczyzny (XVXVII wiek) , Białystok 1997, vol. II, p. 161. 4 This can be the Polish suffix isz of an expressive character – written in the form of is, or the Latin suffix is. 5 This might be the suffix ał , graphically Germanized.

~ 30 ~ good’, 2. ‘gross, heavy, large’; Reichert 1713 < Reich , from reich ‘rich, wealthy, af fluent’; Schiffert 1595 < Schiff ’ship, vessel‘ or from schief : 1. ‘slanting, sloping’, 2. ‘false, wrong’, 3. ‘crooked, oblique’; art , e.g. Schmalardt 1611 < schmal : 1. ‘nar row’, 2. ‘slim, thin’, 3. ‘miserable, scanty’; et, e.g. Perlet 1671 < perl ‘pearly’; t, e.g. Schekert 1726 < Schecker 'scoundrel, highwayman, bandit, robber’ HB p. 408; e, e.g. Vogalle 1581 < Vogel 1. ‘bird keeper’ H p. 535, 2. ‘person of a cheerful disposi tion’ N p. 297, 3. ‘somebody inspired, creative’ Bch I p. 482, S5 p. 274, from the ap pellative Vogel ‘bird’; el, e.g. Mintzel 1643< Münz(e) ‘coin minted pursuant to cer tain regulations, money, silver coin, monetary law, workshop where coins are minted‘, Polish minca ‘coin, money, mint‘ 1; in , e.g. Kerlin 1678 < Kerl , colloquially ‘fellow, chap, buddy’; wald , e.g. Marderwald 1764 < Marder 1. ‘marten’, 2. col. ‘burglar, thief’. German names were also created by the formant of a structural type, man, deriving anthroponyms from various base forms 2, e.g. Bulman 18 th c. < bula ‘bull’ from German Bulle ‘bull’ or Bul 1. ‘close relative’, 2. ‘suitor’ Lex p. 28; Grauman 1716 < grau ‘grey’, figuratively ‘old’ Bch I p. 586, S5 p. 66; Hohman 18 th c. < hōh ‘haughty, dignified’ 3, hōch ‘dignified, proud, tall, large’ Lex p. 91, S5 p. 105; Hos mann 1712 < Hos(e) ’trousers‘; Kretzman 1674 < Kretze ‘pannier’ Rymut 1 p. 462; Sauermann 1692 < sauer , ‘sour, tart’, figuratively ‘unpleasant, bitter, cruel’ HB p. 444, S5 p. 218, Lex p. 219, Bch II p. 473, N p. 253; Scheuman 1581 < scheu ‘timid, anxious, apprehensive, shy’; Schirman 1746 < schier ‘clean, smooth’ Got p. 414, cf. also schirmen ‘protect, defend, cover’; Widderman 1700 < Widder : 1. ‘ram’, 2. ‘battering ram’. Names originating from nicknames also include hybrid forms: GermanPolish: Baukrowicz 1682, derived with the suffix owicz from the Ger man personal name Bauker , this one from Baucher < Bauch + er M p. 19; Holtski 1741, derived with the suffix ski from the German appellative holt ‘kind, nice, lov ing’ Lex p. 92, S5 p. 107 or holt < alt ‘old’ Rymut 1 p. 4; Schmalowski 1705 , created with the formant owski from the German appellative schmal ‘narrow, poor, scanty’; Bajtner 1734, derived with the Germanizing suffix ner , from the Polish appellative bajt, bajtek ‘little bag’ or bajtała ‘butterfingers’ Rymut 1 p. 15; Polish and Latin: Glagius 1694, derived with the Latinizing suffix ius from głag < głogotać, glegotać, gołgotać, gulgotać ‘clatter, gobble’ Rymut 1 p. 237; Kłodovius 1695 < Kłodow SSNO III p. 25, from the appellative kłoda ‘trunk without branches, block’ Rymut 1 p. 413. In the area under examination, translocation and derivation by suffixing were processes prevailing in the analysed group of names. Derivation by means of alteration was less frequent, e.g. Burke 1595 – a surname created by reversing the Polish suffix ek into Low German ke < Burek Breza 1 p. 178; Fitkau 1577 – from the personal name Fitkał < Fit < dialectal fitać ‘grasp’, fita ‘tool to measure tree diameter’, cf. also German personal name Fit Rymut 1 p. 195, the Polish suffix ał was replaced with German au ; Hupke 1646 – a surname created by alternating Polish suffix ek with German ke from the Old Polish personal name Hupek SSNO II p. 325, cf. hupać ’jump, throw up‘ Rymut 1 p. 316; Lotke 1582 – a surname de rived by replacing Polish formant ka with ke from the personal name Lotka SSNO III p. 279. All alterations mentioned above were of a Germanizing type.

1 See A. KarszniewiczMazur, Zapożyczenia leksykalne…, p. 88. 2 Bch I p. 62164, S5 p. 39. 3 H. Kaufmann, Ergänzungsband zu Ernst Förstemann Personennamen , MünchenHildesheim 1968, p. 179.

~ 31 ~ Most surnames created by paradigmatic derivation are of Polish origin. One of them ( Gemm ) can be treated as a Latin one. In the group of surnames derived from nicknames, the following paradigmatic oppositions took place: o: Ø, y – B(i)elo 1639 < biel, biały (‘white’), Kaszuby biela ‘blond’ Breza 1 p. 248, derived without marked softness; Ø : a – Cebahl 1734 Germanized and paradigmatically derived from the appellative cebula (‘onion’) > Cebul; Ø : a – Gemm 1756 < Gemma 1: ‘gemstone, jewel’, ‘pearl’, also ‘bud, eye’, in former Polish it was the name of every polished gemstone. Derivation from Old Slavonic * gъm/*gom > Giem is less probable, cf. Russian dialectal gomonitь ‘making noise’, Silesian dialectal giemzać, giemiza Rosp 2 p. 34; Hoy 1589 – graphically Germanized from choja, choina ‘coniferous tree’ Rymut 1 p. 80; Ø : infinitive– Mig 1595 ( Mieg, Migk) < migać ‘blink, move fast, particularly something shiny' also ‘move eyes fast’ 2. One can also search for the relationship with the German nickname Müg(e) ‘someone troublesome’, from müeje ‘burden, concern, worry’ Bch II p. 290; a : Ø – Drobnika 1573 derived by the female ending a, from the nickname Drobnik SSNO I p. 520 < Drobny ('slight') Borek 109, i: a – Podaczki 1748 < Podaczka ‘duty, tax’; i : a, Ø – Gembki 1752 ) singular genitive form of nickname Gembka , Gębek, Gembek, M p. 37, Rosp 2 p. 30, these from the appellative gębka ‘small mug ’ Rosp 2 p. 31. It may be possible that the above three forms were primarily genitive: Drobnik > Drob nika, Podaczka > Podaczki, Gembka > Gembki. Most frequently, nouns were the material for creating nicknames and later on – surnames, e.g. Bajda 1611 , Blin 1607 , Czapla 1702 , Grad 1621 , Piętak 1711 , Pukel 1713 , Brant 1587 , Zadek 1764 , Schambogen 1623 , Pfennig 1612 , Schiller 1581 , Sprengel 1615 , Steinbock 1705, Ochs 1672, Pingel 1610, Schacht 1581, Schull 1606. Also adjectives were popular as a base, e.g. Lepki, Szybki 1744 , Zimny 1678, Blau 1729 , Blenk 1611 , Grembs 1581 , Frölich 1700 , Grün 1755 , Hübsch 1718 , Schandt 1581 , Schön 1700 , Schwach 1672 , Schwank 1714 , Sonder 1754 , Argert 1626 , Schmalardt 1611 , Perlet 1671 , Lieder 1726 , Rahn 1634, Rot 1581, Weiß 1700. Five anthroponyms derived directly from verbs: Mig 1595 , Mus(z)al 1623 , Piska 1705 , Wirnik 1589 , Wypych 1674 . Excerpted surnames did not include any formations derived from numerals. 133 surnames were created from appellatives of a nickname type. 78 anthroponyms are of German origin, 48 denotations are Polish surnames, three are Latin anthroponyms and five surnames in the entire group are hybrid forma tions. Surnames of this type were created mainly by onymization, without a change in the structure of the motivating appellative. 89 anthroponyms are simple names, formally equal to their etymological basis. 62 of them are German surnames, 25 are Polish and two are Latin. 37 surnames have been derived by means of addition. Polish anthroponyms are most numerous in this category (eighteen). They were created by suffixes: ski, owski, yński, icz, ek, ak, ik, ki, el, al, et, s. Fifteen German names have been derived with suffixes: er, ler, ert, art, erg, et, t, in, man, wald. Eight anthroponyms were paradigmatically derived.

2.1.3 Surnames from (proto)surnames The examined material contained surnames which might be structurally expanded variants of earlier, simpler names, occurring in the area of the Lidzbark district. Of course, this conclusion is a kind of interpretative hypothesis, and not a categorical judgement. Names of this type can be also classified into other groups

1 Słownik łaciny średniowiecznej…, vol. IV p. 499. 2 K. Rymut, Nazwiska Polaków , Kraków 1991, p. 189.

~ 32 ~ of names, e.g. the form Lampertowski 1758 could be created by Polonization of the already existing surname Lampert 1702 or it could originate directly from the given name Lampert. In this case, it should be treated as a surname derived from the given name. The original surname and the anthroponym created from it could par allelly identify the same person. The following forms, among others, were consid ered to be surnames originating from (proto)surnames: Buruk 1643 < Bury 1616 + uk ; Höppel 1659 < Hopp 1579 + el ; Wolfeil 1736 < Wolf 1581 + eil ; Grinig(k) 1763 < Grin 1610, Heinigk 1595 < Hein 1588 ; Kronig 1744 < Kron 1633 ; Ronig 1602 < Rohn 1592 + ig(k) ; Englingk 1738 < Engel 1708 + ing ; Gravina 1643 < Graw 1643 + ina ; Bartscher 1725 < Bartsch 1537, Heischer 1581< Heische 1580 , Hoyer 1764 < Hoy 1589 + er ; Niczman 1595 < Nicz 1580 + man ; Hintzman 1643 < Hintz 1510, Steinsohn 1624 < Stein 1581. Anthroponyms based on other (proto)surnames were created by formants usually marked patronymically and by affiliation, also by original German genitive endings ( en, s, es, sch ). The follow ing forms can be regarded as former genitives suffixally derived or fossilized in the nominative function: Hagnaus 1607 < Hagnau 1568; Ditrichsch 1699 < Ditrich 1680, Steffensch 1700 < Steffen 1619 , Thielsch 1699 < Thiel 1571 + sch 1. The following forms are considered to have been derived by disintegration: Kieswets 1726 – a surname created by backformation and an addition of the suffix s (probably a genitive ending) from the surname Kieswetter 1726; Neima 1688 – a surname created by shortening and by graphical and phonetic Polonization of the German name Neumann 1581 . OldPrussian origin seems less probable seems; cf. Neymoco, Nemoy, Nemok T p. 69 or Latin Neuma, tis 2.

2.1.4 Surnames from armorial names Coats of arms are designation of the entire family or a few families, identifying not only a specific individual or family, but a larger community. Originally, they oc curred as second or third denotation after the given name, later on they were pre served as a hereditary surname or its part in case of forms consisting of multiple words. They played the role of surnames secondarily, limiting their scope of identi fication. Transformation of armorial names into a full surname or its component used to be a reaction to the expansion of adjectival surnames originating from lo calities 3. Onyms derived from armorial names emphasized the noble origin of the family 4. Such motivation was recognized as basic one in three surnames recorded in the area of the Lidzbark district: Rogalla 1622 < Rogala 5, Rubach 1700 <

1 This formant was found quite often in source excerpts, but most frequently it was used for cre ating female forms of surnames, similarly to Polish suffixes owa or anka . In the above examples, names referred to men, therefore they were regarded as separate surnames. 2 See Słownik łaciny średniowiecznej w Polsce , vol. VI p. 678679. 3 See J. Bystroń, Nazwiska polskie, Warszawa 1993, p. 69. 4 Of cause, forgery happened also here “legitymował się, kto mógł znaleźć jakieś prawdziwe czy nieprawdziwe papiery; odpadło przy tym nieco prawdziwej szlachty, która nie mogła formalnie udowodnić Studia Warmińskie” oich tytułów, dużo zaś namnożyło się ‘dictusów’, jakby się w XVII w. powiedziało. Dość obojętną przy tym rzeczą, do jakiego herbu się legitymowano; i tu z pewnością dużo nastało pomieszań i zmian.” See J. Bystroń, ibid, p. 72. 5 “Na to się wszyscy zgadzają, że z Niemiec ten herb do Polski wniesiony, czy to przez Rogalów , czy przez Biberszteinów, którym znać, że za jakieś kawalerskie dzieło, potem drugi róg przydano i Rogalą nazwano, miało się to dziać w roku 1109 za Bolesława Krzywoustego.” K. Niesiecki, Her barz polski, vol. VIII p. 121.

~ 33 ~ Rubach 1, Zaremba 2 1679 < Zaremba 3. An armorial name was considered one of possible etymological bases in the following anthroponyms: Bartsch 1537 < Bartsch , Bock 1581 < Bock H p. 66, Bch I p. 168; Greiff 1608 < Greiff Bch I p. 587, Strauß 1612 < Strauß N p. 284, Bch II p. 687. Bielinski 1664 < Bielina MC p. 61, Boniec(s)ki 1579 < Bończa SG I p. 305; Czapla 1702 < Czapla 4; Grzymała 1692 < Grzymała ; Kurowski 1721 < Kur with the formant owski M p. 63; Lis 1568 < Lis 5; Pobos 1694 < Pobog , Poboż ‘name of the coat of arms’ 6, Polentz 1658 < Polęcz 7. A secondary motivation by the coat of arms could take place in the forms: Roch 1700, Roman 8 1612.

2.1.5 Surnames from ethnonyms Surnames deriving from ethnonyms can be included in the group of formations originating directly from locality names 9 or treated as surnames motivated by ap pellatives 10 . Another possibility of interpretation is to regard them as names origi nating from anthroponyms 11 which entered the class of surnames by means of transferring an already stabilized name of the representative of a given nation, tribe or a country. In this thesis, they are classified as surnames originating from anthroponyms. The examined material included more than ten surnames motivated by ethnic names 12 . The following Polish forms were recorded: Englik 1675 < Anglik (‘Eng lishman’) with hypercorrective (against wide pronunciation of front nasal) en M p. 33, German 1581 < German ‘ Germanic ’, Kaszub 1639 < Kaszub, Litwic(z) 1576, derived with the patronymic suffix icz from Litwa (‘Lithuania’), the word collectively denoting Lithuanians as a nation Breza 1 p. 255, Pałuk 1737 < Pałuka ‘inhabitant of the area between the Wełna and the Noteć rivers’ MC p. 288, Perski 1614 < perski (‘Persian’), Ruski 1590 < ruski , Rus(s)ek (‘Russki’) 1595 < Rusek,

1 “Tym się herbem pieczętują Rubachowie, dom w Pomorskiem księstwie starożytny, z którego niektórzy wojennej sławy szukając i po innych państwach rozrodzili się.” K. Niesiecki, Herbarz pol ski, vol. VIII p. 121. 2 Zaremba one of the armsbearing Zaremba K. Niesiecki, Herbarz…, vol. X p. 8189. “Zaręba, który tu przyniesion z Niemiec; ma być czarny lew na polu brunatnem wspięty, jakoby z białego muru, na którym trzy kamienie żółte.” B. Paprocki, Herby rycerstwa… , p. 577. 3 It was also a knightly appeal to attack the enemy, therefore, Zaręba could also be a denotation of a Studia Warmińskie” ashbuckler. Cf. also appellative zaręba , which meant: 1. ‘butcher’, 2. ‘blaze on a tree’ Z. Abramowicz, L. Citko, L. Dacewicz, Słownik historycznych… , vol. II p. 194, 3. ‘the per son who cut a blowhole in ice’, 4. ‘the person who notch wood for cutting’ Breza 1 p. 440. Cf. also zarąbić ‘to bar, to cover up’, originally the name would then mean ‘loafer’ Breza 1 p. 440. 4 See K. Niesiecki, Herbarz, vol. II, p. 169171. 5 Słownik etymologicznomotywacyjny staropolskich nazw osobowych cz. 6 Nazwy heraldycz ne , ed. M. BobowskaKowalska, Kraków 1995, p. 29. 6 See K. Niesiecki, Herbarz, vol. VII, p. 331335. 7 M.B. Linde, Słownik języka polskiego , vol. III p. 201. 8 See K. Rymut, Nazwy heraldyczne , [In:] Polskie nazwy własne. Encyklopedia, E. Rzetelska Feleszko (ed.), Warszawa – Kraków 1998, p. 165. 9 See e.g. J. Bubak, Proces kształtowania się…, Kraków 1986, p. 133134. 10 They are qualified into this category, by e.g. S. Rospond ( Słownik nazwisk śląskich ) and W. Taszycki ( Kilka uwag o nazwach mieszkańców od nazw krain i miejscowości, “Prace Filologicz ne” 1964, XVIII, part. 3, p. 261265). 11 Surnames derived from ethnic names are treated as derived from personal names by e.g. M. Malec ( O imionach i nazwiskach w Polsce. Tradycja i współczesność, Kraków 1996, p. 53). B.Tichoniuk includes names originating form ethnics into the group of nicknames created as a result of existing social relationships, see idem Antroponimia południowej Białostocczyzny w XVI wieku, Opole 1988, 71, p. 7677. 12 This section will include surnames for which the motivation from ethnic names was considered primary, as well as those for which it was less probable.

~ 34 ~ Sas(e)k 1737 < Sasek ‘inhabitant of Saxoni’ 1, Sasiński 1687 < Sasin ‘Saxon’ MC p. 343, Szwaba 1611 < Szwaba, from Szwab ‘Swabian, originating from Swabia’ , secondarily ‘German’, Turek 1604, Turka 1637 < Turek (‘Turkish’). Two surnames can be classified both as Polish names and graphically Polonized German names: Beger 1611 – from a Polish dialectal form of the German ethnonym Beier , Bayer ‘inhabitant of Bavaria’ Breza 1 p. 38, MC p. 57, Hol(l)ender 1633 < Holender ‘Dutchman, originating from Holland’, German der Holländer . The following anthroponyms of German provenance were excerpted from the material: Behm 1535 < der Böhme ‘Czech’ H p. 67, Berber 1581 < der Berber ‘Ber ber’, Dähn 1702 < Dähn /Däne ‘Dane’, Döring 1700 < Döring ‘Torinese’, Frise 1643 < Friese ‘Frisian’, Helvetig 1719 < Helvetien ‘Helvetia, Switzerland’, Lettau 1575 < Lettau ‘Latvian’, Östreich 16 th c. < Österreich ‘Austria’, Pohl 1615 < Pohl ‘Pole’ H p. 388, Preiss 1643 < Preuß(e) ‘Prussian’, Preuße 1531 < Preuße ‘Prussian’, Re imann 1576 < Reinmann ‘Rhinelander’ Bch II p. 391, H p. 415, Reus < Reus ‘Rus sian’. The material also included Latinized forms: inflectionally – Polony 1577 and by suffixing – Scotus 2 1611 < Szkot (‘ Scotsman’), Westphalus 1715 < West fal/Westwal ‘Westphalian’. The latter two surnames, besides the fact that they were created with a suffix of Latin provenance, were also graphically Latinized. Certain designations could originally have a character of nicknames, e.g. ex pressing similarity to a given nation 3: Niger 1595 – Latin equivalent of the surname Schwarz, equal to the appellative niger : 1. ‘shiny, black’, 2. ‘dark’ 4, also designation of a black person 5, probably originally a nickname describing a person of dark complexion or hair colour; Judd 1771 – can be derived from e.g. Jude ‘Jew’, the name used for long as a nickname, not only towards Jews Bch I p. 783, H p. 267; Jokel 1609 – probably from a derivative form of the given name Jakobus, but Jokiel is also a dialectal, colloquial designation of a person of Jewish nationality M p. 48. Names derived from ethnomyms could refer to a stay in a given country or region, or could indicate the place of origin of the progenitor of the family. They were, to some extent, relational denotations. On this basis, it is possible to draw some conclusions as regards the settlement history, but this purpose would require using a wider set of anthroponyms than analysed in this thesis, also dating back to before 1500.

2.2. SURNAMES FROM TOPONYMS One of the original methods of identifying a person was to indicate his or her place of origin, living and/or property possessed by this person, i.e. expressing spatial or property relations. The popularity of designations originating from locations, be sides a relatively clear method of creation, was influenced by their sociological marking. They were considered to be noble surnames, thus elitist and exclusive, unlike surnames derived from appellatives and personal names, perceived as char

1 M.B. Linde, Słownik języka polskiego , vol. V p. 222. 2 In the opinion of A. Bach, the Latin suffix us could be the base of the German suffix s, see idem Die deutschen Personennamen , vol. I, Heidelberg 1952, p. 24. See also E. Breza, Pomorskie nazwiska typu Draws, Szews, Walkows , “Slavia Occidentalis” 56, 1999, p. 1525. 3 There may be also another motivation, e.g. from a frequently used word: “ Rusin bynajmniej nie pochodzi z Rusi, jakby przypuszczać można; zwie się on Marcinek, tylko zwykł mówić, gdy go ktoś nie zadowala: tyś taki, jak Rusin !” J. Bystroń, Nazwiska polskie, Warszawa 1993, p. 23. 4 Słownik łaciny średniowiecznej w Polsce , M. Plezi (ed.), vol.VI s. 685. 5 J. Bubak, Słownik nazw osobowych…, vol. II p. 13.

~ 35 ~ acteristic for lower social classes: townsmen and peasants 1. Names of this type were originally marked predicatively; they not only denoted but also provided some meaning – identifying the owner of a given locality (even still in the 16 th c. there were cases when the designation of a person changed along with a change of land property belonging to this person 2). They also indicated the current place of residence, often being at the same time the place of birth. This way could also be used to describe individuals changing their residence, newcomers in a given area identified as “outsiders.” Even today, despite of increasing globalisation, people ask each other about their place of birth and of residence or about their family origins. The place we come from is one of the determinants of individual and group iden tity. Some anthroponyms excerpted from sources concerning the Lidzbark district constitute analytic formations, created by adding a construction with a locative preposition to a given name. These are specific descriptions derived from locations, which were transformed in course of the evolution of anthroponymical system into synthetic forms. Their presence in the Polish language can be explained by the in fluence of German and Latin, which were used by clerks in those times. Another hypothesis is to regard analytic constructions as a colloquially functioning struc ture, secondarily accepted by chancelleries 3. In the material collected, designations of this type were formed by means of Polish z, Latin: ab, de , ex, à, a, and German von (this preposition was the most frequent one) . Nowadays, constructions with this locative preposition are used by aristocratic German families, but contrary to stereotypical opinions, this did not always identify only noble families 4. In the material under examination, Latin and German prepositions were sometimes used interchangeably while denoting a given person. Basic components of the analytic construction under discussion include given names and prepositional phrases derived from locations (of the type: de etc. + local name in a nominative or genitive form). Sometimes they are completed with deno tations concerning social status, church or secular position, information concerning family relations, e.g.: Joannis de Colonia in Heilsberg sculteti 1609, Christoph von Delau Marscalkus 1514, Erbardus à Glanden Burgrabius castri Heilsbergk 1572, Nobis dilectus Johannes ab Hatten Oeconomus noster 16 th c., Nobilis ac Gnosy Dn. Casper Sigismundus ab Hatten Nob. Anna Euphrosina uxor 1673, Eustachio à Knobelsdorff Burgrabius Schmoleinen et Advocatus Epatús 1610, Michael v. Preuck alias von der Laute Marscalkus 15561565, Hans von Lusian Advocatus 1515, Viri Fratoris Henrici de Lutren olim Ecclesiae Nostrae Advocati 1767, Nobilis

1 “Odapelatywne nazwiska – niepożądane etykiety deprecjonowały (…) jako posiadających niższy status społeczny. Stanowiły same w sobie dla niższych warstw społecznych antywartość”. Z. KowalikKaleta, Nazwisko w kulturze polskiej, Warszawa 1998, p. 9495. 2 “Stawiane pisarzowi układającemu tekst aktu prawnego zadanie aktualnej identyfikacji osób w tym akcie wymienionych było też właściwą przyczyną wspomnianej już praktyki zmieniania ozna czeń odmiejscowych.” S. Grzybowski, Nazwisko i jego stałość jako elementy identyfikacji osoby w dawnym prawie polskim , „Onomastica” 1957, vol. III No. 2, p. 495. 3 See Z. Kaleta, Staropolskie nazwy osobowe motywowane przez nazwy miejscowe, Wrocław 1981 , p. 3539, J. Bubak, Proces kształtowania się… , p. 122. 4 Das Wörtchen von vor einem Namen muß nicht darauf hinweisen, daß es sich bei der betref fenden Familie um ein Adelsgeschlecht handelt. Namentlich in SchleswigHolstein, in Niedersachsen und in Westfalen, wo der allergrößte Teil den nachfolgend aufgeführten Familien herkommt, gibt es sehr viele Geschlechter nichtadeliger Herkunft, die ein von in Namen tragen, aber nie adelig waren. Ihr von kommt von den ursprünglichen Herkunftsbezeichnungen. See http:/home.foni.net/adelsforschung.zurek00.htm. This website also contains the list of nonnoble families using the preposition von .

~ 36 ~ D. Sigismundus a Nadram Capitaney Heilsbergen 1667, Sp. Caspari de Ninerolles Proconsulis et Curia Notarÿ 1718, Nobilis Domina Ursula Matthia a Pakusch ab Adekamp hone∫ta coniunx 1618, Gertrudis ex Purden Coniuges cohabita 1575, Nob. Dna San∫ori Bombeck hone∫ta coniunx Ju∫tina a Quossen 1625, quod Georgius a Schedlin possesorsit honorum Kunczkaim 1584, Nob. Adm. R.D. Euchardu∫ à Zornhau∫en Canon. Warm. Et Oecon. Heilsb. 1629. The higher, the more impor tant the position held by a given person, the more precise was his or her description and the more identification elements that were used next to his or her given name. Gradually, forms of this type became shortened and a precise description of a person was replaced with a prepositional phrase derived from the location, placed directly after the given name, like e.g. in: Georgio de Bayßenn 1529, Georgio a baysen 1529, Georgio von Bayssen 1530, Georgius vonn Bayßenn 15301, Johan nes ab Hatten 1576, Hugo a Damerau 1576, Christopherus de Diehle 1604, Erasmi vonn der Dielung 1604, Erasmus von der Dile 1576, Georgius ab Elditten 1576, Georgy à Konopat 1587, Fabian von Legendorf 1528, Fabiano de Legendorf 1528, Casparus de Leten 1576, Hansen a Lu∫ien 1530, Andreas Nicolaus de Marquart 1766, Euphemia de villa Polpen 1582, Hedwigis ex Rottenfliß 1576, Georgius a Schedlin 1576, Georgen von Schedlin 1580, Georgius à Sorenbom 1587, Fr. Fran ciscus à Sosa 1602, Hÿppolitus à Sussenberg 1586, Joanni de Werdenn 1531, Cath erina ex Wilken 1576. Specific descriptions turned out to be a regressive naming model, superseded by synthetic forms 2. This was affected by two processes: shortening by elision of colloquial names, and linguistic formalisation. “Powstały w ten sposób synte tyczne prototypy nazwisk: patronimika i nazwy odmiejscowe, które miały specjalny status, mianowicie zachowały cechy predykatywne w początkowym okresie funk cjonowania. Świadczą o tym paralelnie z nimi używane do identyfikacji tego samego człowieka odpowiednie deskrypcje określone” 3. The analysed material includes frequent examples of this type of constructions, e.g. Mattheum Peltz de Arensdorff 1573, dem Heilsbergen Burgrafen Georg Padelucke v. Elditten 1566, Laurentius Josephus de Bulowice Nycz 1703, Christophorus ab Eicholtz Jablonowskÿ poßeßor Beneficÿ Georgÿ in Sacello Arcis Heilsbergen 1623, Barbara di Niecßisßewo Trze binska G. Nicolai di cad. Nießießewo Trzebinski filia 1607, Johannes Hosius de Rausching 1576, Stanislao Ho∫ius de Rubno Can. Varmien. 1582, Thomas de Rup niow Uyeyski 1659, D. Chistophorus a Schedlin Czarlinski 1660, Antonius ex Sittu ater Prischorn 1615, Andreas Joannes in Stupow Szembek 1620, Christophorus Andreas Joannes Comes in Stupow Szembek 1727, Gregorÿ Blün von Tolnick 1607. The documents featured some tautological constructions – synthetic and ana lytic expressions derived from the same basis – which were found side by side. This occurred when “formacja przymiotnikowa najwidoczniej nie informowała w sposób przejrzysty i jednoznaczny o relacji zachodzącej między nosicielem imienia i nazwą miejscową będącą podstawą nazwy osobowej. Dlatego też ustosunkowanie to sy gnalizowane jest dodatkowo za pomocą wyrażenia przyimkowego typu de (z) + na

1 It is worthwhile to point out the fact of the alternation of prepositions in analytic constructions referring to the same person, in one document. 2 “Utrzymanie tych przyimkowych określników przy nazwiskach elitarnych odmiejscowych moż liwe było w językach analitycznych, nie wykazujących takiej elastyczności i bogactwa formatowego antroponimicznego, jakie mają języki słowiańskie.” S. Rospond, Ze studiów nad polskim nazewnic twem osobowym VI. O nazwiskach odmiejscowych, ”Poradnik Językowy” 1978, vol. 8, p. 425. Ana lytic forms derived from locations survived still marked as nicknames in dialects (particularly in southern Little Poland), see. J. Bubak, Proces kształtowania się…, p. 123. 3 Z. Kaleta, Ewolucja nazwisk…, p. 16.

~ 37 ~ zwa miejscowa, która stanowi podstawę derywatu przymiotnikowego” 1, e.g.: Princi pe Episcopo Adamo Stanislao de Grabow Grabowski consecratum 1769; Helenae Grabska de Grabie Nostrae secundum comem sororis Chari∫∫imae 1745; Adamus Sigismundus de Konarzyn konarski 1679; Joanne Carski à Konopat Konopacki 1673; Ignatius de Siecin à Krasiczyn R. Comes Krasicki 18th c.; Ignatio de Krasiczyn Krasicki 1769; Princeps Venceslaus Comes de Leszno Lesczynski in Episcopatum consecratus est Varmiensem 1645; Venceslaus Comes de Leszno Leszczynski Dei et Aplica Sedis Grae Princeps Episcopus Varmien et Sambiensis 1648; Paulus in Niszczyce Niszczycki Capitaneus Heilsbergensis 1685; Dnus The odorus à Potok Potocki 1712; Rnd Dni Michaelis Comitis in Radziejewice et Krytow Radzieiewski 1677; Dominus Michael Stephanus Comes in Radzieiowice et Krytow Radzieiowski 1679; Jasnie Oswieconemu Xiążęciu Jegomosci Michałowi Hrabi na Radzieowicach y Krytowie Radzieiowskiemu z Bozey y stolice Apostolskiey Łąski Biskupowi Warmińskeimu y Sambińskiemu Panstwa Rzymskiego Xiążęciu 1682; Dominus Dnes Joanes Stanislaus Comes de Sbąszyn Sbąski 1689; Jaśnie Oświeco nego Xiążęćia Iego Mośći Xiędza Jana Stanisława z Sbąszyna Sbąskiego 1695; And reas Chrysostom Comes in Załuskie , Falenty, Blędow, et Kozietuly Załuski Dei et Aplica Sedis graa Eppus Varmien et Sambien 1700; Andreas Chrystom in Załuskie Załusky 1703. In two cases, the original locative preposition was combined into a uniform whole with the name of the location. E. Breza describes this type of names as compounds 2, while S. Rospond considers them to be agglutinative units 3. This type of formation is also referred to as false decomposition and they are considered to have been created by perintegration . Genetically, such structures are close to analytic descriptions: name + prepositional attribute 4. The material analysed in cluded the following forms of this type: Casparus Antonius Deninerolles Proconsul Heilsbergensis 1721, cf. Sp. Caspari de Ninerolles Proconsulis et Curia Notarÿ 1718, Nblis Gasparus de Ninerolles Pro Consul 1725; Petrus Dereux mp. 1763, Petrus Dereux 1759, cf. Urban Rex 1611, Petrus Rex molitor 1677, a.p.d. Gregorio Rex scult. Glott. 1683, Anton Rex 1737. Synthetic forms included a large group of surnames equal to locality names 5. Such structures lacked suffixal exponents of derivation. The name was transferred from the class of toponymic names to the class of surnames, without changing its formal shape. Such anthroponyms were created by elision of preposition in analytic constructions of the type de/von + locality name, caused by the disappearance of relativity. After this reduction, the only element left was the locality name, usu ally in the nominative singular 6. After the transfer to the category of anthroponyms, toponymic names originally had a descriptive character, informing about a relation

1 Z. KowalikKaleta, Staropolskie nazwy osobowe…, p. 25. 2 “Nie rozstrzygając teoretycznego zagadnienia zrostów, traktuję struktury typu Dejanicz (de Janicz ) jako zrosty, choć większość badaczy za zrosty uznaje wyrazy złożone z dwóch morfemów leksykalnych.” E. Breza, Pomorskie nazwiska typu Degórski (: de Górski ), Elnis (: E Lniska ), In: Antroponimia słowiańska… , p. 58. 3 S. Rospond, Klasyfikacja strukturalnogramatyczna słowiańskich nazw geograficznych , Wrocław 1957, p. 52. 4 See E. Breza, Pomorskie nazwiska typu Degórski… , p. 5768. 5 This class also includes surnames being variants of regular forms, i.e. with devoicing of the final consonant, containing inserted consonants, etc. 6 “Po elizji przyimka w funkcji nazwy osobowej najczęściej występuje nazwa miejscowa w formie mianownika liczby pojedynczej lub mnogiej, rzadziej nazwa miejscowa w formie dopełniacza liczby pojedynczej lub mnogiej. Forma mianownika występuje po elizji łacińskiego przyimka de , zaś forma dopełniacza po elizji polskiego przyimka z lub łacińskiego de , który pozostał w polskiej składni rządu z nazwą miejscową.” Z. KowalikKaleta, Staropolskie nazwy…, p. 38.

~ 38 ~ occurring between the holder of the surname and a given locality. Later, their fun damental task was to denote a specific person 1. Surname function is secondary for such formations – primary function is also onomastic, but in a toponomastic level 2. In this type of surnames, one and the same basis (i.e. locality name) could be used in various linguistic forms, e.g. a genetically Old Prussian locality name could be Polonized, Germanized or Latinized. Surnames included into the group of Polish surnames are equal to Polish (genetically Polish and Polonized) linguistic forms of locality names. Names included in the group of German names have a German toponymic base. A group of Old Prussian surnames is made by anthroponyms cre ated from locality names, genetically Prussian, but those names are often recorded in a Germanized form. Since the aim of this thesis was not interpretation of locality names, a philological analysis of toponyms forming etymological bases of this type was not conducted in such details as to establish the role of a Prussian substrate in their formation. Some names described as German could have their genesis in Old Prussian onyms, but they ”podlegały one daleko idącym zabiegom adaptacy jnym już w momencie ich utrwalania w dokumentach historycznych. Były zapisy wane w postaci różnorodnych substytucji fonetycznograficznych, morfologicznych i leksykalnych, wynikających z potrzeby dostosowania obcych genetycznie i strukturalnie nazw pruskich do systemu języka niemieckiego” 3. Forms equal to the names of localities included e.g. the following Polish sur names – Lubin 1628 < Lubin SG V p. 414417, SG XV 2 p. 243; Menczel 1595 < Menczel SG VI p. 328, cf. also Menczele SG XV 2 p. 316; Necki 1734 < Necki SG VI p. 945; Perk 1766 < Perk 4; Res(z)ki 1633 < Reszki SG IX p. 623624; Rostki 1705 < Rostki SG IX p. 796797, Ch p. 125; Runy 1673 < Runy 5. One surname derived from the name of Polish origin, although it was graphically and probably phonetically Germanized: Gorry 1618 – from the locality name Gorry < Góry SG II p. 624, without marked o closed and gemination in place of r. A representative group is made of German anthroponyms, e.g. Bludau 1729 < Bludau Ch p. 18; Blum(e)nau 1700 < Blumenau SG I p. 251 ; Elbing 1569 < Elbing Ch p. 25, SG II p. 326342; Großendorff 1587 < Großendorff SG II p. 856; Grunau 1592 < Grunau Ch p. 34, SG II p. 854; Hochwald 1715 < Hochwalde SG III p. 85; Hohenstein 1738 < Hohenstein Kohl p. 334, Ch p. 37, SG III p. 94; Holstein 1737 < Holstein SG III p. 102; Kalborn 1573 < Kalborn Ch p. 39, SG III ps. 674; Kanitz 1740 < Kanitz ( Kahsnitz) Ch p. 104; Kurzbach 1696 < Kurzbach S5 p. 139; Landau 1700 < Landau SG V p. 72, 199; Lingnau 1581 < Lingnau SG V p. 239; Rehagen 1577 < Re(e)hagen SG IX p. 593; Schönwalt 1619 < Schönwalt/Schönwald Bch II p. 557, SG X p. 389390; Sommerfeld 1718 < Sommerfeld SG XI p. 71; Sternberg 1708 < Sternberg Bch II p. 670, SG XI p. 332; Wildenau 1608 < Wildenau Bch II p. 809, HB p. 563, SG XIII p. 463; Wildenhagen 1576 < Wildenhagen Bch II p. 810, SG XIII p. 463. Transfer of locality names of German origin into the category of anthroponyms often involved small changes in their form. This type of transformation can be treated as resulting from imperfections of the spelling sys tem and various spelling habits for recording sounds, e.g. Grinhagen 1587< Grün hagen SG II p. 851; Grinwalt 1586 < Grunwald , High German Grünwald HB p. 189, alteration ü > i as a result of EastMiddleGerman and High German delabi

1 See Z. KowalikKaleta, Staropolskie nazwy… , p. 43. 2 Idem, Strukturalistyczna a strukturalna klasyfikacja nazwisk, p. 237. 3 M. Biolik, Pogranicze północnowschodnie , [In:] Polskie nazwy własne. Encyklopedia , p.435 4 The name of this locality is shown on the map of J.F. Endersch. 5 See G. Leyding, Słownik… , part II; p. 78.

~ 39 ~ alization (Entrundung) ü S5 p. 82; Herndorff 1587 < Herrendorf Ch p. 36, SG II p. 67, with simplification of unstressed en > n; Hugendorf 1576 < Hogendorf SG III p. 93 , spelling o : u can be accounted for by the influence of Silesian pronun ciation: ō > ū or fluctuation o/u in various German dialects BCK p. 50, 190; Klefelt 1531 < Kleefeld SG IV p. 127, with devoicing of the final sound; Lamfelt 1708 < Lamsfeld SG V p. 68, with reduction of s and denotation of the length of the vowel; Langfeld 1746 < Langfelde SG V p. 77, with the loss of the final e; Lauterwalt 1587 < Lauterwalde SG V p. 106, with loss of e and devoicing in the final position; Mei bom 1587 < from Maibaum/Majbom SG V p. 907908, with transfer of East MiddleGerman diphthong ai/au (NewHighGerman eu ) into Polish ei/ej BCK p. 210; Melfelt 1528 < Mühlfeldt SG VI p. 795, phonetically Polonized; Rault 1737 < Raulitt SG IX p. 549, with reduction of i; Schonfeld 1587 < Schönfeld Ch p. 70, SG X p. 398, SG XI p. 18, 896, a form without umlaut BCK p. 137, 139, 162; Schonfliss 1581 < Schönfliess SG X p. 388, a form without umlaut BCK p. 162; Zeem 1765 < Zehm, with replacement of h1 with the vowel e. There were also excerpted names of Prussian provenance: Elditten 1610 < Elditten , earlier Eldite Sien 165, Ch p. 25; Grunaw 1605 < Grunaw T p. 36; Konegen 1643 < Konegen Got p. 378; Maraun 1574 < Maraun(en) Ch p. 53, SG VI p. 103; Napratten 17 th c. < Napratten SG VI p. 900. All the above mentioned toponyms constituting bases for surnames were recorded in the area of the former Lidzbark district. One surname was derived from the name of the locality situated in the vicinity of Olsztyn: Worein 1571 < Worein SG XIV p. 20. Besides anthroponyms motivated by Polish, German and Prussian locality names, some of the recorded surnames originated from locality names of a hybrid character, which were formed usually by alternation of the Polish suffix ow/ów (and its variants) with the German au ‘lea’ , e.g. Krakau 1708 < Kraków, Lassau 1643 < Lasowa, Lasowy etc. SG V p. 9092 , Titkau XVIII < Tytków SG XI p. 729; Wątkau 1659 < Wątkowy M p. 106; Wytkau 1716 < Wytkow SG XIII p. 670. In total, 134 simple surnames equal to toponyms were excerpted. These types of names are considered characteristic of the German anthroponymical system 2 and most surnames of this type are formations of Germanic origin – 101 surnames. The second largest group is made of Polish surnames – the material analysed in cluded nineteen of them. Eight names originated from hybrid bases. Surnames of clear Prussian genesis formed the smallest group, of only six. Affiliation relationship between a person and a location was also expressed by means of morphological exponents. As regards the material under examination, suffixal forms proved a more productive and expansive anthroponymical type than analytic constructions. The most effective suffix forming Polish surnames derived from locations was ski . The popularity of this morphological element was affected by its semantic marking – names created with it were regarded as noble, and thus “better”. Holders of surnames derived from appellatives sometimes “dignified” themselves by adding the above formant to their surnames 3, but frequently without the awareness of the fact that surnames ending with ski were based on the relation of affiliation and identified not only the owner of a given property, but also persons originating from a given location (including subjects). Although the suffix had its

1 “Niemieckie h było dźwiękiem obcym polszczyźnie, toteż często zanikało, zwłaszcza w nagłosie nazwy lub w nagłosie drugiego członu.” BCK p. 218. 2 See e.g., E. JakusBorkowa, Nazewnictwo polskie, Opole 1987, p. 62. 3 Critical image of this phenomenon is given by W. Nekanda Trepka, Liber generationis ple beanorum (Liber Chamorum), part I and II, Wrocław 1963. “Nazwisko na ski ustala się w Polsce jako par excellence “polskie” i “szlacheckie”; staje się tytułem dumy dla tych, którzy je noszą, a ce lem pożądań dla innych.” J. Bystroń, Nazwiska polskie , p. 95.

~ 40 ~ primary possessive function, it extended its scope and also indicated provenance – “z chwilą wystąpienia tej drugiej funkcji szybko nastąpiła pełna strukturalizacja te go formantu i zaczął on często tworzyć nazwiska od innych podstaw: od wyrazów pospolitych, a także od innych nazwisk, pełniąc onomastyczną funkcję ogólnego wskazywania na pochodność” 1. In this thesis, in order to simplify analysis and classification, most surnames created with the ski formant are considered to be motivated by locality names, e.g.: Dembowski 1729 < Dębowa, Dębowo etc. SG XV 1 p. 409; Działyński 1621 < Działyń SG II p. 265; Gronowski 1643 < Gronowo Ch p. 100, SG II p. 854; Jabło nowski 1623 < Jabłonowo, Jabłonów etc. SG III p. 346352, SG XV 1 p. 622623; Lipowski 1741 < Lipowo SG V p. 280293, SG XV 2 p. 233234; Miaskowski 1708 < Miaskowo SG VI p. 286; Orłowski 1721 < Orłowo , Orłów etc. SG VII p. 588593, SG XV 2 p. 415; Szymanowski 1702 < Szymanowo SG XII p. 111114; Turowski 1724 < Turowo SG XII p. 655; Wołowski 1690 < Wołowo, Wołów etc. SG XIII p. 909; Zakrzewski 1722 < Zakrzew , Zakrzewo etc. SG XIV p. 318, 321, SG XIV p. 315321. Additionally, names sometimes underwent morphological alterations and the proc ess of derivation was accompanied by simplifications as well as other phonetic processes, e.g. reduction of a sound belonging to the wordformation stem ( Bogda noski 1659 < Bogdanów , Bogdanowo etc. SG I p. 277, SG XV 1 p. 177, Kuczborski 1564 < Kuczbork SG IV p. 841, Strzebliński 1611 < Strzebielino , SG XI p. 451), pala talization of the final consonant of the base n : ń 2 ( Czarliński 1660 < Czarlin SG I p. 736; Olszański 1701 < Olszana , Olszany SG VII p. 496505, SG XV 2 p. 408; Pisiń ski 1603 < Pissina Kos p. 360; Ruczański 1624 < Ruczany SG IX p. 883, SG XV 2 p. 555; Trzebiński 1607 < Trzebin, SG XII p. 555, 557; Tymiński 1738 < Tymin SG XII p. 706707; Worański 1632 < Worany SG XIII p. 939), depalatization of labial sounds b’ : b in the final position of the stem ( Grabski 1745 < Grabie SG II p. 764 765), alternation ó : o (Korzeniowski 1659 < Korzeniów SG IV p. 435436, SG XV 2 p. 131; Makowski 1715 < Maków SG V p. 928931, SG XV 2 p. 292293; Szcze kowski 1581 < Szczeków SG XI p. 836). There were also observed single sound ex changes – d : ż (Mełżyński 1735 < Mełdany ), y : e (Przetulski 1614 < Przytuły SG XV 2 p. 525), a : i (Talibski 1587 < Talaba Nies IX p. 3), o : u (Zawurski 1758 < Zawory SG XIV p. 501502), as well as assimilations and simplifications at the point of contact between the stem and the formant: ch + ьski > šski > sski > ski (Proski 1597 < Prochy SG IX p. 4546, Nies VII p. 501501, Smoleski 1705 < Smolechy, SG X p. 897), sz + ski > ski (Zbąski 1689 < Sbąszyn SG X p. 513515, SG XV 2 p. 717), s + ski > sski > ski ( Zembrzuski 1633 SG XIV p. 570 < Zembrzus ); zd/źdź + ski > z’d’s > s’t’s > śćs >śs> js 3 (Ujejski 1659 < Ujazd SG XII p. 763); t + ski > cki 4 ( Galicki 1575 < Gality, Galica, Galice SG II p. 445, 476, Gronicki 1595 < Gronity in SG II p. 851), c + ski > cki ( Tylicki 1600 < Tylice SG XII p. 699); cz + ski > cki (Halicki 1603 < Halicz SG I p. 1519, SG II p. 19, SG XV 1 p. 550), k + ski > ski ( Rudnicki 1606 < Rudnik(i) < SG IX p. 911 943, SG XV 2 p. 556560), d + ski > dzki (Brodzki 1585 < Brody, Bród etc. SG XV 1 p. 231233). One surname featured inserted w, unjustified with the structure of the wordformation stem: R.P. Joan. Nepom. Modlibowski 1700 < Modli bożyce/Modliborzyce SG VI p. 565567.

1 B. Mikołajczakowa, Nazwy osobowe w XVIIXIX wieku… , p. 4546. 2 German clerks often did not mark sound softness in their records. 3 See Z. Klemensiewicz, T. LehrSpławiński, Urbańczyk, Gramatyka historyczna… , p. 133. 4 “Zakończenie c(s)k(i) jest regularne w nazwach osobowych motywowanych przez nazwę miej scową z wygłosowymi spółgłoskami: zwartym t, d, tylnojęzykową k, zwartoszczelinowymi: c’, dz’, ć, dź, č ”. Z. KowalikKaleta, Staropolskie nazwy osobowe… , p. 91.

~ 41 ~ Surnames were created from locality names by the suffix ski and its com pound variants: iński (Kalwiński 1605 < Kalwa SG III p. 710, Krasiński 1633 < Krasne SG IV p. 622, SG XV 2 p. 157158), yński (Kotarzyński 1700 < Kotarz SG IV p. 491), ecki (Bojanecki 1663 < Bojan(o) SG I p. 293, SG XV 1 p. 186, Żalecki 1731 < Żale SG XIV p. 731), acki (Rozachacki 1737 < Rosachy SG IX p. 748, War dacki 1737 < Warda SG XII p. 949), icki (Garnicki 1768 < Garna < SG XV 1 p. 488, Klinicki 1735 < Klin SG IV p. 127). The material under examination pre serves its original distribution into suffixes with e after a soft sound and o after a hard one, e.g.: Błotowski 1698 < Błoto SG I p. 252; Firsnowski 1706 < Wirsnie, Wirsna SG XV 2 p. 690 , with substitution alternation of v : f; Górnowski 1608 < Górne, Górna SG II p. 719720; Kulkowski 1587 < Kulka, SG IV p. 867; Szarczewski 1747 < Szarcz, SG XI p. 795. As regards nominal suffixes forming Pol ish surnames derived from locations, the excerpted material included only one: an (Częstochowian 1727 < Częstochowa SG I p. 853; Dąbrowian 1607 < Dąbrowa ). Surnames of inhabitants of the Lidzbark district include 232 formations de rived from local names of Polish origin by addition. The most productive formant was the element of ski (after simplifications and assimilations also cki ), which alone was used to create 205 recorded anthroponyms, and its derivatives ( ewski, owski, iński, yński, ecki, acki, icki ) forming 21 surnames. The excerpted mate rial included only two Polish surnames created with the use of the nominal for mant: an. As regards the group of surnames of Germanic provenance, the formant er proved very expansive. It indicated the place of residence or the place of origin when combined with locality names, and while deriving surnames from an throponyms, it was marked patronymically. In creating surnames from Slavonic bases, it also assumed a structural function 1. Surnames of this type can be inter preted in two ways: as derived with the suffix er from a locality name, or as simple, equal to the name of an inhabitant of the place, e.g. Brandenburger 1672 – derived with the suffix er from Brandenburg or simple, equal to Brandenburger ‘inhabi tant of Brandenburg’ and analogically: Braunberger 1672 < Braunsberg Ch p. 20; Bremer 1529 < Bremen Bch I p. 259; Eisenberger 1724 < Eisenberg; Gerner 1707 < Gern Bch I p. 550, H p. 166; Korschner 1581 < Korschen SG IV p. 424; Medenber ger 1700 < * Medenberg, Meisner 1687 < Meißen Got p. 428; Neidenberger 1706 < Neidenberg SG VII p. 21, Ch p. 56; Ölsner 1643 < Olsen SG VII p. 471474; Packeiser 1736 < Packhausen Got p. 458, Bch II p. 58, SG III p. 93; Ranter 1734 < Ranten SG p. 527; Rosner 1604 < Rosen, Rosna or Rosenau Bch II p. 434, HB p. 434, Bch I p. 155, S5 p. 212; Stepner 1615 < Stepen Bch II p. 670; Streer 1614 < Strien SG XI p. 401. One surname ( Brombergsche 1581 2 < Bromberg, Polish Bydgoszcz SG I p. 377) was created with the suffix sche < sch, which can be derived from Sla vonic sz , but it got settled in German and “dlatego trudno rozstrzygnąć, czy jakaś nazwa osobowa została utworzona w polszczyźnie czy zapożyczona w podstawowej formie z języka niemieckiego” 3. It was used e.g. to create local names 4. It can be also treated as a variant of an originally genitival s.

1 See B. Siciński, Zachodniosłowiańskoniemieckie hybrydy nazwiskowe z przyrostkiem er w wiekach XIVXV , “Onomastica Slavogermanica” II, Wrocław 1966, p. 8387. 2 This form is considered to have been derived with the suffix sch , since it originated from the “schoss” record of the inhabitants of Lidzbark, which contained only surnames in their nominative forms. 3 E. Breza, Nazwy osobowe z sufiksem sz, s i ś po spółgłosce w języku polskim, “Slavia Occi dentalis” 1978, vol. 35, p. 20. 4 “Die Ortsnamen auf (i)schi : Brugsch (aus Brügge), Gentsch ( aus Gent ).” Bch I p. 261.

~ 42 ~ Surnames of inhabitants of the Lidzbark district were also created using the element en, which could be equally recognized as a weak ending of genitive en , a diminutive suffix, creating names derived from locations or a patronymic one 1. Anthroponyms mentioned below were derived with the suffix en from specific toponyms or they constituted originally a form of genitive of surnames equal to lo cality names. This thesis assumed the first option of interpretation due to the fact that excerpted examples usually provided names in their nominative forms. Also the context (usually various types of lists of persons) indicated that these are nomi native constructions: Bisteinen 1741 < Bistein SG I p. 240; Heilsbergen 1716 < Heilsberg ; Sommerhoven 1713 < Sommerhof SG XI p. 71; Thurauen 1632 < Thurau/Thurow SG XII p. 655. Hybrid formations, created with a Polish suffix from a German word formation stem, have been included into this category. The formant ski (and its variants) proved the most productive: Barski 1696 < Barsen SG I p. 109; Bergfridzki 1604 < Bergfriede SG I p. 108; Gand(e)lowski 1596 < Gand low/Gandlau SG II p. 507; Skotski 1615 < Skottau SG XI p. 924; Stolzki 1749 < Stolz SG XI p. 362; Sztemborski 1705 < Stêmborn BCK p. 135; Woreinski 1573 < Worein SG XIV p. 20; Gertowski 1677 < Gerthen SG II p. 538; Kampowski 1672 < Kampen SG III p. 799, 801, Ch p. 104; Korszeniewski 1695 < Korschen SG IV p. 424, Hattyński 1608 < Hatten Bch I p. 664. Apart from Polonisation, the process of Latinization also occurred. Suffixes of Latin origin ovius, eus, ensis were added to wordformation stems: Marunovius 1692 < Maruny SG VI p. 103, 142 143 p. 53; Bathoreus 1589 < Bator SG I p. 117, Warthemburgensis 1712 < Wartem burg SG XIII p. 116. Only less than 20 surnames derived from locations can be interpreted as derived by alternation. The final part of the stem underwent the process of alternation, and was replaced by the expansive suffix ski and its derivatives: ice/ica: ski (Adamczowski 1569 < Adamczowice SG I p. 20, SG XV 1 p. 7; Falinski 1532 < Falenica SG II p. 368, Bon V p. 250252; Idzikowski 1749 < Idzikowice SG III p. 243; Postęgalski 1602 < Postękalice SG VIII p. 849; Pręd kowski 1576 < Prędkowice SG IX p. 38; Przedworski 1754 < Przedworzyce Krzep p. 206), icze : ski (Strakowski 1767 < Strakowicze SG XI p. 387), icz : (ew)ski (Molewski 1700 < Molwicz SG VI p. 640), yn : ski (Kobierski 1736 < Kobierzyn SG IV p. 204; Konarski 1679 < Konarzyn SG IV p. 319320; Krasicki 1769 < Kra siczyn SG IV p. 612614; Stawiski 1608 < Stawiszyn SG XI p. 300301), ów/owo: iński/yński (Badyński 1674 < Badów , Badowo SG I p. 81, Szyszliński 1646 < Szyszłów or Szyszłowo, Syszlyowo SG XII p. 130), uny : owski (Pajtowski 1603 < Pajtuny SG VII p. 819), nia : cki (Paprocki 1705 < Paprotnia Krzep p. 205). Only one surname was created by alternation of suffixes einen : an : Lichtian 1587 < Lichteinen SG V p. 210. Paradigmatic derivation was not a very popular method of creating names in the area of the Lidzbark district. It was used to create only a few formations, e.g. Grochowalski 1762 < Grochowalsk SG II p. 814, SG XV 1 p. 534, Nicki 1742 < Nick SG XV 2 p. 374 Szacki 1737 < Szack (i : Ų); Załuski 1699 < Załuskie SG XIV p. 358 359 ( i : e ); Prol 1700 < Prole SG IX p. 49 ( Ø : e ); Wydżga 1660 < Wydzgi /Wydźgi SG XIV p. 80 ( a : i). Anthroponyms originating from German locality names, in which unstressed suffix en was rejected, were regarded created by backformation: Glom 1770 < Glommen SG II p. 594; Lichtenhag 1581 < Lichtenhagen SG V p. 211, Ch p. 51; Langkirsch 1737 < Langkirschen SG V p. 77; Rehag 1645 < Rehag SG IX p. 593;

1 See Bch I p. 257.

~ 43 ~ Schmolain 1648 < Schmolainen , SG X p. 381, Ch p. 70; Strie 1726 < Strien SG XI p. 401; Wedig 1700 (Wedigk ) < Weddingen Bch I p. 259. Surnames derived from localities can be explained on the basis of names from the area of the former Poland, Eastern Prussia, Germany, Lithuania and Russia, which was presumably related to the migration of populations into these areas after fall of Prussian resurrections and later wars. A significant group is made up of surnames motivated by Warmian and Mazurian local names, including toponyms originating from the Lidzbark district: Blankenfeld, Elditten, Gronowski, Großendorff, Grunau, Heilsbergen, Konegen, Lingnau, Maraun, Melfelt, Naprat ten, Parkitte, Rehagen, Schönwalt, Schontwese, Sommerfeld, Sternberg. Among surnames derived from localities by addition, anthroponyms of Polish origin constitute a straight majority (232 forms). The most productive suffix in cre ating this type of surnames was ski and its derived compound suffixes. In German, a significant number of surnames equal to toponyms was created (101), presumably originating from primary analytic expressions, characteristic for this an throponymical system. Only 20 anthroponyms were derived by the addition of a suffix, including fifteen created by means of the most popular suffix in the loca tionderiving function er, four were created by the suffix en , and one – by sche. Names of Prussian or Latin origin that could be derived by means of addition were not observed in the excerpted material. On the other hand, fourteen denotations were of a hybrid character. Most of them were surnames derived by the Polish suf fix ski and its variants from German toponyms. Three surnames were Latinised with suffixes: ovius, eus, ensis. Only eighteen surnames were created by alterna tion of stem suffixes, most often with the element ski and its derivatives. Six an throponyms were paradigmatically derived, usually by adjusting them to the adjec tival pattern of alteration. Eight surnames were created by reduction of an unstressed element en from locality names of German origin. In total, the excerpted material included 298 surnames morphologically derived from locali ties and 134 created by translocation, formally equal to their basis. The analysis included 442 excerpted anthroponyms the etymological bases of which were names of localities. 134 surnames were formally identical to toponyms. 252 personal names were created by derivation by means of addition. Polish surnames, account ing for 205 anthroponyms, were dominant in this group. Seventeen surnames were created by alternation of suffixes. As regards the material under examination, paradigmatic derivation (six names) and derivation by disintegration (seven names) were less productive types of transformations.

2.2.1. Surnames from topographic names Categories of designations expressing spatial or ownership relations also include denotations originating from names describing local area features, indicating a place of residence of a given individual. Classification of this type of anthroponyms is a difficult task. This is caused by the fact that “niestety nie da się rozstrzygnąć w poszczególnych wypadkach, czy mamy do czynienia z nazwą te renową czy tylko z terminem topograficznym” 1. They are often classified as names originating from appellatives. However, in this thesis they will be analyzed in the chapter devoted to surnames derived from toponyms, since their root indicates a relationship between the person identified and a specific place.

1 J. Bubak, Pochodzenie nazwisk polskich równych terminom topograficznym typu Dolina, Kępa , “Ogólopolska Konferencja Onomastyczna” V, p. 71.

~ 44 ~ The majority of excerpted denotations, both Polish and German, was created by transferring the topographic name into the category of anthroponyms, without any change of its form 1, e.g. Grapa 1528 < grapa 1. ‘mountain peak, rocky ridge’, 2. ‘precipice’, 3. ‘ravine’ SłW I p. 902; Gropp 1638 < gropp = grapa Rosp 2 p. 84; Laguna 1755 < laguna ‘coastal lake or a bay divided from the sea with a narrow stripe of land’ SłW II p. 676; Nagórny 1736 < nagórny ‘highlander, inhabitant of mountains’ SłW III p. 71; Baumgart 1728, Bomgart 1648 < Baumgart(e) < Baumgart ‘orchard’; Berg 1756 < Berg ‘mountain’; Bredau 1566 < Bredau(e) ‘wide lea’; Brok 1679 < Brôk ‘area next to the estuary’; Bürcke 1595 < Birke ’birch‘; Tahl 1616 < Thal ‘valley’. Surnames derived from stems with the suffix man include e.g. Brückman 1614 < Brückmann ’living next to the bridge‘ N p. 78, Bch I p. 228; Eichmann 1643 < Eichman ‘living next to the oak’ Lex p. 32; Poschmann 1619 < Poschman ‘living in the forest or in bushes’ N p. 229, Lex p. 29, Bch I p. 190; Steg mann 1596 < Stegmann ‘living at the path or on the hill’ Got p. 552, Bch II p. 661. The above constructions with man(n) can be also motivated by locality names, created from topographical denotations. Suffixaly derived surnames found in the given material were created using the following suffixes: ich, e.g. Wedich 1753 < Wede ‘wood’, cf. also Pomeranian wéda ‘pasture’, from German Weide ‘ts’ Breza 1 p. 422423; sch, e.g. Weichersch 1700 < Weiher ‘pool, fish pond’ 2. One surname was created by combining the name with a locative preposition: Vomberg 1704 vom ‘from’ + Berg ‘mountain’, primarily as denotation of someone living on the mountain or near the mountain or originating from the locality of Berg.

2.3. SURNAMES FROM NAMES OF OCCUPATIONS Surnames derived from names of profession, occupation or function constitute an important category in both Polish and German anthroponymical systems (Berufsnamen ). The group under discussion also includes surnames derived from forms indicating social and economical status of the person identified, e.g. Leman, Bauer. Although these are not description of professions sensu stricto , by answer ing the question of: Who is a given person in the social hierarchy? , they indirectly provide information on his or her occupation3. Originally, names of profession or occupation, particularly in small environ ments, were sufficient to describe identity, e.g. forms recorded in 1587 4: Ancilla Agnesi , Socio Adamo , Pictori Ambro∫io , Alteri Loggai Andrea , Florianus Loggai , Sartori Andrea , Molitor Casparus , Dominico ad Bonés , Georgius scultetus , Leo nardus Scriba , Nicolao agrimensori , Martino pistori , Sigismundo Camerario , Si moni Auriga . The above indicators were not surnames. This status arose with he redity and replacing a predicative function with that of a proper noun. With early source excerpts it is difficult to explicitly and definitely decide whether a given de notation is still a name of a profession or has already undergone onymization proc esses and may be regarded as a (proto)surname. In the present thesis, this category includes names found in the documents as a permanent second description after

1 “Specyfika omawianych tu form nazwisk polega na tym, że zostały one utworzone bez żadnego formantu onomastycznego (nazwiskotwórczego). A więc określano kogoś np. grapa, bo mieszkał na Grapie ”. J. Bubak, Pochodzenie nazwisk polskich… , p. 71. 2 See E. Breza, Pochodzenie i pisownia nazwiska Wejher , “Rocznik Gdański” 1982, vol. XLII, No. 1, p. 243247. See also S. Ciara, Kariera rodu Weiherów 15601657 , Warszawa 1980. 3 See J. Bubak, Proces kształtowania się… , Kraków 1986, p. 156. 4 They originate from a document marked in the Olsztyn Dioecesian Archive with a catalogue No. C 68 – Rationes Oeconomi Reverendissimi Episcopi Warmiensis 1587, fol. 109.

~ 45 ~ a given name. The fact that these were surnames and not names of professions is also proved by the observation that Polish forms were recorded in combination with Latinized or Germanized given names, e.g. Andreas Botnik 1752 < botnik ‘shoemaker’ 1, Michael Czesnick Heilsbergen 1673 < cześnik ‘butler, town official’, Mathias Colodzei et Gertrudis ex Purden Coniuges cohabita 1575 < kołodziej (‘cart wright’), Valentinus Pacholek 1766 < pachołek (‘menial’). If the abovementioned forms were names of profession and not surnames, it would be easier for a clerk to use synonymic Latin or German nouns – the more so, because records were made mainly in those languages. Sometimes, the context excluded the appellative charac ter of the name, e.g. Carolo Affayta Pralatus et Canonicus Ecclesia Cathedralis Varmiensis 1679 < Latin affaita ‘gravedigger’ 2, Petrus Scheer Sartor Mater Gertrudis 1637 < German Scher ‘sheepshearer, former barbersurgeon, medic’. Also, a few holders of the same surname were recorded, which proved stabilisation of its form and the fact that it was the name identifying the entire family, e.g. in the book of baptisms from Rogóż of 15741696: Joannes Furman filius relictus Georgi Furman Heilsberg 1615, Georgius Furmann 1615. Also, female formations were created from the analysed forms, e.g. Jungfrau Aremborstin 1737 < Aremborst ; Vidua Breiersche 1749 < Breuer ; Frau Fleischerin 1737 < Fleischer, Vidua Sybilla Hoppin 1744 < Hopp, Mater Elisabeth Krügeriana 1653 < Krüger, Vidua Schultzin 1756 < Schultz. Surnames derived from appellatives were regarded as characteristic for lower social levels: bourgeoisie and peasants 3 – contrary to surnames derived from locali ties, which were treated as noble names. Names originating from occupations were characteristic for urban anthroponymy. They rather did not play any major role in rural areas 4, as the excerpted material confirmed. The surnames of inhabitants of the Lidzbark district included only a few denotations referring directly or indi rectly to life and work in the country, e.g. Ochsenknecht 1587 < Ochsenknecht ‘per son dealing with ox farming’ , Pflügen 1726 < pflügen ‘plough′, Schepper 1700 < Scheper ‘shepherd’ . The type of surnames under analysis was most frequently created by means of transfer, without any change in the structure of the motivating word or morphological exponents of transformation. The onyms under discussion were also created by morphological derivation. In view of the form of the anthroponym and the type of transformation, which led to its creation, surnames can be divided into simple and derived (by addition, alternation, disintegration or paradigmatically). Due to the affiliation of the root to a given language system, names are divided into Polish, German and Latin. In the area of the Lidzbark district and the period under examination, onyms of German origin form a dominating group among surnames derived from occupa tions. Most of them are simple forms, created by elision of an article from phrases of the following type: Johann der Bäcker > Johann Bäcker. Some of them are de rived from complex analytic structures which were simplified and transformed into a synthetic form of the type: Mann mit der Axt (literally, ‘man with an axe’, denota tion of a woodcutter) > Axman 1707 . The examined material included e.g. the fol

1 The analysis explains German and Latin appellatives, as well as less often found Polish denota tions. Explanation of this type is not given while discussing surnames motivated by commonly known appellatives. 2 Explanations for Latin appellatives are quoted after Słownik łaciny średniowiecznej w Polsce , ed. M. Plezi, vol I and subsequent, Warszawa 19531967 and Słownik łacińskopolski , M. Plezi (ed.) vol. I X, Warszawa 19981999. 3 See e.g. Z. Kaleta, Nazwisko w kulturze polskiej , p. 67 and subsequent. 4 See e.g. Bch II, p. 200.

~ 46 ~ lowing surnames of German origin, which were created by onymisation of the name of the profession or the occupation: Armborst 1589, Aremborst 1700, Armbursch 1622 < Armborst(er) ‘crossbow maker’; Becher 1611 < Bech(er) ‘pitch burner’; Bechman 1763 < Bechmann ’pitch burner’; Becker 1569 < Becker ‘baker’; Bier mann 1618 < Biermann ‘beer seller’ or ‘beer drinker; Bott 1654 , Both 1736 < Bott ‘messenger, courier, usher; Breüer 1726 < Breuer ‘brewer’; Fiedler 1759 < Fi(e)dler ‘fiddler’; Fischer 1580 < Fischer ‘fisherman’; Fischman 1731 < Fischmann ‘fisher man’; Fleischer 1581 < Fleischer ‘butcher’; Föster 1672 < Förster ‘forester’; Geisler 1728 < Geisler ‘cattle dealer, butcher slaughtering small animals’; Goldsmidt 1609 < Goldschmidt ‘goldsmith’; Hepner 1577 < Hep(p)ner ‘sickle maker’ or ‘a person selling or cultivating hop’; Hipler 1583 < Hippler ‘wafer maker’; Hopner 1574 < Hoppner ‘a person cultivating or selling hop’; Kaeler 1643 < Köler : 1.‘cellar man ager of wineyards and rent from those wineyards, 2. ‘pitch burner, coalman; Kerner 1633 < Kerner : 1. ‘crop trader’, 2. ‘coachman of twowheeled small cart’, 3. ‘baker of firstclass bread’; Kesler 1601 < Kesler ‘boiler maker’; Klinger 1581 < Klinger: 1. ‘weapon manufacturer’, 2. ‘collector of funds’, 3. ‘organgrinder’; Krämer 1619 < Krämer ‘stallholder, market trader, retailer; Krüger 1573 < Krüger ‘innkeeper’, ‘owner’ or ‘leaseholder of village inn’; Leisner 1700 < Leisner ‘cartwright, wheel wright; Meltzer 1581 < Melzer ‘malster’; Meßing 1603 < Messing ‘brazier’; Möller 1535, Müller 1581, Miller 1700 < Möller/Müller/Miller ’miller‘ ; Ringschmied 1694 < Ringschmied ‘craftsman making rings or wheels’, this compound can be also in terpreted as ‘smith working in the area of the market’; Saager 1758 < Saager : 1. ‘timber mill worker, sawman’, 2. ‘speaker’, 3. ‘sower’, 4. ‘arbitrator’; Sattler 1581 < Sattler ‘saddler’; Schacht 1582 < Schacht : 1. ‘shaft master in the mine, 2. ‘crafts man producing handles, spear hilts; Schenke 1534 < Schenke ’innkeeper‘, also ’cup bearer‘; Schibert 1597 < Schubert ‘shoemaker’; Schlüter 1580 < Schlüter ‘steward’; Schmidt 1581, Schmitt 1595 < Schmied /Schmitt ‘smith’; Schneider 1581 < Schnei der ‘tailor’, but also 1. ‘fabric seller’, 2. ‘woodcarver, turner’, 3. ‘butcher’, 4. ‘man castrating cattle’, 5. ‘reaper, harvester’, 6. ‘engraver, lithographer’; Schrödter 1716 < Schrödter ‘taylor’; Schröter 1599 < Schröter ‘taylor’; Stockdreher 1740 < Stockdre her ‘turner, making wooden sticks’; Sturman 1628 < Stü(h)rmann ‘steersman’; Tausch 1709 < Tausch ‘tradesman’; Tepper 1581 < Tepper : 1. ’person running retail of alcoholic drinks, innkeeper‘, 2. ‘potter, stove fitter‘; Vogt 1528 < Vogt : 1. ‘court advisor, lawyer, carer’, 2. ‘alderman, governor, steward; Wagner 1568, Wegner 1581 < Wagner 1. ‘craftsman making carts’, 2. ‘coachman, wagoner’, 3. ‘cartwright, wheel wright’, 4. ‘saddler making harnesses’; Walker 1729 < Walker ‘fuller’; Weber 1581 < Weber ‘weaver’; Weidner 1703 < Weidner : 1. ’hunter’, 2. also ’someone who feeds animals‘, 3. ’sheperd‘; Wehner 1518 < Wehner(t) ‘cartwright’; Zimmermann 1574 < Zimmermann ‘carpenter’, Zölner 1605 < Zölner ‘publican, customs house officer’. Two surnames originate from compound nicknames, created by combining the name of the occupation with a first name: Brunschmidt 1643 < Brunschmidt ‘Bruno smith’ and appellative: Weiermiller 1672 < *Weiermiller, perhaps a figura tive denotation of a lazy miller from Feier/Feier < feiern ‘celebrate, rest’ + Müller/Miller ‘miller’. The latter name, contrary to the majority of denotations de rived from occupational denotation, is expressively marked and indicates a pejora tive assessment of the original surname holder. There were recorded only a few forms of Latin origin which were recognized as surnames and not as names of professions. They were derived from appellatives constituting integral elements of the Polish lexical system, such as e.g. Pastor 1592 < pastor, originally ‘shepherd’, later ‘clergyman in Protestant churches’ and stems,

~ 47 ~ which were not assimilated by the Polish language, Lanio 1595 < lanio ‘butcher’; Pellioni 1587 < pelliō, ōnis ‘furrier’; Sarctor 1596 < sartor 1. ‘poor tailor, patcher up’, 2. ‘weeder, hoer’; Scultetus 1528 < scultetus ‘village leader, alderman, head of the commune, mayor’. Beside simple forms, created by transferring an appellative into the category of anthroponyms, the excerpted material contained surnames derived by addition of structural suffixes, such as: in : Popin 1581 < pop ‘priest’; er : Kührer 1744 < Kuhr 1. ‘guardian, sentry’, 2. ‘scout’; mann : Tolkman 1709 < Tolke ‘interpreter’, or es: Rofleises 1643 < Rofleisch . It also included forms derived by disintegration, e.g. Taber 1728 < Latin tabernator ‘innkeeper’ or German Taberner ; Zieman 1707 < ziemianin (‘landowner’). One surname was paradigmatically derived – Szewca 1706 , a form of genitive singular from the name of the occupation – szewc (‘shoe maker’), fulfilling the role of a nominative. Anthroponyms recorded in the area of the former Lidzbark district also in cluded surnames in which processes of linguistic adaptation took place, namely: Polonization, Germanization or Latinization. Polonized forms include e.g.: Gertner 1665 < Gärtner ‘gardener’, Gleser 1523 < Gläser ‘glazier’, also ‘glass seller’, umlaut ä was rendered by means of vowel e; Szolc 1666 < Scholz ‘village leader’, the nota tion reflects Polish pronunciation; Schlegerski 1683 , Schlegerowski 1688 < Schleger ‘woodcutter’, Schulzki 1716 < Schulz , names which were Polonized by the addition of the suffix ski and its variant owski. Besides adaptation to the inflec tional system of Polish, this type of behaviour could also reflect the ambition to giv ing a formal status of “noble” denotation to the surname. Germanized forms in clude, e.g. Woiwoda 1583, Woÿwod 1577, Voywodt 1749, Woywod 1761 < woje woda (‘voivode’), with advanced, unstressed e1 and alteration of j into i, also noted as ÿ, y ; Popke 1581 – a surname created by reversal of the Polish suffix ek into the Low German ke , from pop ; Pacholck 1763 – created by a removal of moving e and spelling k as ck . The following anthroponyms were subjected to wordformation process of Latinization: Popos 1643 < Pop , Treidlerus 1569 < German Treudler ‘secondhand dealer’, Treterus 1609 < Treter 1.’dancer, conjurer, magician‘, 2. ‘pressing grapes’, 3. a person pumping the air to the bellows of a pipe organ. Surname Collodi 1718 was backformed and Latinized graphically by substitution k: c, ł : ll, from the Polish appellative kołodziej (‘cartwright’) . Adaptation processes concerned mainly spelling and pronunciation levels; while wordformation and inflectional substitutions occurred less frequently. However, changes of this type were not numerous. Usually, German and Latin surnames were recorded in accor dance to the rules applied at those times. On the other hand, Polish forms, found sparsely in the category of onyms under discussion, were subject to full or partial Germanization or Latinization. Surnames derived from occupations refer to the activity performed directly or by association, by metaphorical and metonymical reference to the name of the tool, the product or the place of work. Consequently, German classifications distin guish two main categories of surnames derived from occupations: direkte Berufsnamen, e.g. Schmid < smith and indirekte Berufsnamen, e.g. Hammer < hammer, also originally a denotation of a smith. Some Polish classifications take into account a category of indirectly occupational surnames as well 2. In the area of the former Lidzbark district there were recorded e.g. the following simple forms, which can be classified into the group anthroponyms under discussion: Ast 1581 <

1 See S. Reczek, Polskie nazwy osobowe i miejscowe z XVIVII wieku w księgach parafialnych wsi Michalice powiatu namysłowskiego na Śląsku , “Onomastica” 1966, XI, p. 228. 2 See e.g. J. Bubak, Proces kształtowania się… , p. 157 and subsequent.

~ 48 ~ ast ‘branch, bough’, also ‘worker cutting snags from tree trunks’; Block 1575, Blok 1576 < Blok, from German Blockhus /Blockhaus ‘watchtower’, those names meto nymically referred to a guard 1; Dost 1709 < Doste ‘thyme’, figuratively ‘collector’ or ‘seller of herbs’; Hecht 1535 < Hecht ‘pike’, description of fishermen and fish traders, likewise Kulbarsch 1744 from Kaulbarsch ‘perch’; Hock 1665 < hocke ‘pannier’, ‘tradesman’; Hop 1579 , Hopp 1587, Hoppe 1581 < Hopp ‘hop’, but also 'someone cultivating or selling hop'; Kupper 1581 < Kupper ‘copper’, also descrip tion of a person making copperware; Nagel 1568 < Nagel , originally ‘nail, claw’, later ‘a wooden peg and metal nail’, the name of a smith; Rohfleisch 1699 < Rohfleisch < roh ‘raw’ + das Fleisch ‘meat’, ‘butcher’; Schaaf 1700 < schaf ‘sheep’, description of sheep breeder; Schau 1672 < Schau ‘shoe, boot, footwear’, referring to a shoemaker or a shoe seller; Worst 1753 < Wurst ‘sausage’, figuratively ‘butcher’ or ‘sausage maker’. Some forms are originally expressively marked, e.g. Schwentzfeier 1643 – surname equal to German nickname of a smith Schwen zfeier , in the opinion of B. Mossakowska 2 from Schwanz ‘tail’ and feurig ‘fiery, flaming’; although it seems that a more probable explanation of the genesis of this surname would be a relationship between the verb swanzen ‘roam about’, also ‘move nimbly’ and the noun Feuer ‘fire’ > Schwentzfeier ‘someone walking about fire’; Sparwein 1581 – from the German nickname of the innkeeper ‘someone who saves on wine’, from sparn ‘save’ and der Wein ‘wine’. The category of surnames derived from names of occupations also includes formations originating from designations indicating about social and economic status of the identified person. Although they do not answer directly the question: What does he do? they indirectly inform about the occupation of the holder of a given name. In the period under examination, the following forms of this type were found in the Lidzbark district: Beuer 1643 < Bauer ‘peasant, villager’; Fre iman 1737 < Freimann ‘free man’, from frei ‘free, freeborn’, ‘noble of origin´ + structural formant man; Halman 1692 – the origin of the surname can be related to the appellative halfman ‘leaseholder who cultivates soil in return for a half of yield’; Haushalter 1672 < Haushälter ‘host’; Hoffmann 1581 < Hoffmann : 1.‘courtier‘, 2. ’subordinate, leaseholder‘, 3. ’farmhand‘, 4. ‘manor host’, 5. ‘worker paid by the day‘; Juncker 1643 < Junker ‘young master, young nobleman, noble manlandowner’, cf. also junkier ‘officer cadet, noncommissioned officer, student of military school’; Kater 1601 < Kat(h)er , ‘hut owner, petty farmer’; Kehmer 1672 < Kemmer ‘courtier’; Leman 1633 < leman 3 ‘vassal, liege, feudatory’; Meyer 1531 < Meier ‘leaseholder, administrator, host’, and also generally ‘peasant, farmer, vil lager’. The majority of surnames derived from occupational names are of German origin, which is related to the domination of this language in the examined area and the period under analysis. Totally, 124 surnames created directly from the name of the occupation, function or office were excerpted from the analysed material. 107 of them are simple forms, created by transferring an appellative into the category of personal names without any change of its form – i.e. semantically derived. This type of surnameformation process is characteristic for German anthroponymy and the group of simple surnames of this provenance (which are formally equal to their appellative stem) is made of 88 items. Twelve names were derived by addition and

1 See E. Breza, Ze studiów nad nazwiskami pomorskimi , “Rocznik Gdański” 1999, vol. LIX, 119 131. Idem Pomorskie nazwisko Blok, Blokus , “Pomerania” 1984, No. 4, p. 3637. 2 See M p. 92. 3 In the Pomerania area, a class of lemans was distinguished as an intermediate level between peasants and nobility, see Breza 1 p. 138.

~ 49 ~ three by disintegration. The material contains only two examples of surnames de rived inflectionally and by alternation. The data presented prove that translocation was the most popular method of creating surnames from the names of occupations in the Lidzbark district.

2.4. HOMONYMIC NAMES The analysed material, beside other classes of surnames, included anthroponymical homonyms, i.e. personal names deriving its genesis from various stems. They have been listed under one entry in the dictionary, with indications of possible motiva tions. When potential etymological bases originated from other languages, hypo thetical Polish etymology was quoted as the first basis. The category of homonymic surnames includes names of original heterogenic scopes of meaning, which do not fit explicitly into any of previously analysed groups and those that can be created in various ways e.g. by suffixal derivation or by transfer. Surnames of inhabitants of the Lidzbarski district can be divided into two groups of homonymic anthroponyms: 1. originating from various types of motivational bases (anthroponyms, toponyms, appellatives), belonging to one language, 2. created from etymological bases originating from various languages. The first category included e.g. the following Polish forms: Bagna 1608 – a simple surname, equal to the name of the village of Bagna SG I p. 81 or inflectionally de rived (original form of the genitive singular or nominative plural of appellative bagno ); Rogal 1595 – from the nickname rogal ‘cheated husband, cuckold’ N p. 246 or the locality name Rogal SG IX p. 658; Sas(e)k – potential etymological bases include the locality name of Sasek Ch p. 127, ethnical name Saska ‘female inhabitant of Saxony’ and the appellative szaszek ‘clown, prankster, conjurer’ cf. also shortened name Sasz < Aleksander, Samson, Samuel, Izajasz Mal p. 21, 25; Turka 1637 – a surname inflectionally derived from the ethnic name Turek ‘some body originating from Turkey ’ or simple, equal to popular locality name Turka SG XII p. 639644, SG XV 2 p. 667. There were recorded, e.g. such German an throponyms as: Blumen 1632 – from the locality name Blumen Ch p. 19 or the ap pellative blumen ‘flowery’; Bodden 1629 – from a personal name or from the local ity name Boden Got p. 199200, cf. also topographic designation Boden ‘earth, land, ground’, ‘field, soil‘ often swampy Bch I p. 170, Got p. 200; Engel 1708 – from appellative Engel ‘angel’ or from first names of type Engelhardt Bch I p. 250, 405, N p. 101; Herder 11705 – from the given name Herder Bch I p. 602 or the appella tive Herder ‘shepherd, herder’; Horn 1738 – from the locality name Horn or the appellative Horn : 1. ‘horn’, 2. ‘musical instrument: horn, trumpet, French horn’, also ‘somebody who makes or plays hunting horns’ S5 p. 108; Huhn 1714 – from the diminutive of the given name Hunwald Got p. 334 or from the nickname of hen breeders and sellers H p. 252, this one from the appellative Huhn ‘hen’; Köpper 1608 – a surname equal to the name of the occupation Köpper ‘barbersurgeon’ H p. 292, Got p. 379 or derived with the formant er from Köpp, a hypocorism of the given name Jakob Bch II p. 91, or possibly from the former nickname Koppe ’raven’ Bch II p. 91; Linde 1714 – the basis is the nickname Lind(e) < linde ‘gentle, light, delicate’ N p. 192 or the topographic description Linde ‘at linden, under linden’ Bch

1 “Szczególnie wieloznaczne co do motywacji są antroponimy utworzone za pomocą przyrostka er. Możemy tu mieć do czynienia z przeniesieniem do klasy antroponimów nazwy zawodowej, na zwy osobowej oznaczającej pochodzenie od określonej nazwy zawodowej, nazwy osobowej ozna czającej pochodzenie od określonej nazwy miejscowej lub terenowej, wreszcie także szczególnie na terenie górnoniemieckim, z tworzoną za pomocą tego przyrostka nazwą osobową typu patroni micznego.” S5 p. XII, see also Bch I p. 153154.

~ 50 ~ II p. 19 or the popular local name Linde N p. 192, S5 p. 160, SG V p. 237; Wien 1616 – a surname from the shortened given name Wien < Winibert Got p. 612 or from locality name Wien ‘Wiedeń’ Bch II p. 805; Winter 1581 – from the appellative Win ter ‘winter’, the locality name Winter N p. 312 or the personal name Wintheri HB p. 565, Bch II p. 818, S5 p. 289. Homonymic surnames potentially motivated by names and appellatives from various languages have been divided depending on the provenance of their bases into: Polish or German, e.g. Bartsing 1609 – from a Germanized form of the Polish hy pocorism Barcik < Barcz or derived with the formant ing from the personal name Bartz/Bartsch ; Burky 1627 – a surname originating from the Polish personal name Burek , probably originally a form of genitive Burki < Burek or simple, equal to the locality name of Burki SG XV 1 p. 277 or the German personal name Bürky , a hypocoristic form of given names containing the element of Burg , most often Burghart Bch I p. 252; Feida 1725 – graphically Germanized, equal to the dialectal appellative fajda ’something messy’ SłW I p. 711 or derived with a suffix a from the German personal name Feid < Vitus, Vit Got p. 473; Firley 1519 – equal to the ap pellative firlej ‘carver’, the locality name Firlej SG II p. 39 or originating from the German personal name Vi(e)rley Bch I p. 461; Gad 1728 – from the appellative gad ‘reptile, coldblooded animal’, figuratively ‘mean person’ SłW I p. 790 or back formed from gadać ’talked’ Rymut 1 p. 211, Rosp 2 p. 2, a potential motivation also is the German personal name Gad 1, an element of compound given names: Gadafrid, Gademar, Gaderich etc., S5 p. 61; Geritz 1705 – from the Germanized Slavonic locality name Górzyce M p. 37 or from a hypocorism of the given name Gerhard HB p. 12, the source of motivation could also be a patronymic form of Geric < Giero ; Grin 1610 – equal to Gryń, an abbreviated form of the given name Grzegorz or an element of German compound given names Grin Rymut 1 p. 274, S5 p. 80; Gros 1581 – graphically Germanized from an abbreviated given name Grosz < Grodzisław or Gromisław or from the appellative grosz (‘penny’) M p. 41 , potential bases include also the German personal name Gros < Grausus and the appellative Gros ’main part‘; Harnack 1609 – the surname can be regarded as a graphically Germanized form Harniak < harny , herny 1. ‘pretty, graceful’, 2. ‘haughty, proud, arrogant’ SłW II p. 20 or as simple, equal to the German per sonal name Harnack Kohl 308; Koch 1615 – from Koch, a hypocoristic form of the first name Kochan, Konrad, Konstantyn MC p. 187, Rosp 2 p. 331 or from the ap pellative Koch ‘cook’, and also ’owner of canteen, innkeeper‘, ’person taking care of kitchen, cellar man‘ 2, cf. also the appellative kochać (‘love’) Rymut 1 p. 420 and the locality name Koch SG IV p. 223; Kotski 1748 – derived with suffix ski from appellative kot ‘cat, type of house animal’ or the German personal name Kotz ; Lenk 1714 – possible basis of nomination include the nickname Len(i)k, from the appel lative leniek ‘lazybones’ SłW II p. 715, German appellative linc, lënc ‘left’ Lex p. 127, and the locality names Lenck, Lenke, Lenki SG V p. 633; Marz 1610 – from Marc(z) < Marek M p. 69 or the German personal name Marz 3; Rasz 1583 – equal to a shortened form of the given name Rasz < Rasław < Radosław Mal p. 20 or originating from the German nickname Rasch(e) ‘somebody quick, spry, clever,

1 H. Kaufmann, Ergänzungsband zu Ernst Förstemann Personennamen , MünchenHildesheim 1968, p. 130. 2 K. Linnartz, Unsere Familiennamen , I. Zehntausend Berufsnamen in ABC erklärt , Bonn 1958, p. 122. 3 R. und V. Kohlheim , Familiennamen. Herkunft und Bedeutung , MannheimLeipzigWienZürich 2005, p. 448.

~ 51 ~ nimble’, it could also originally indicate a person coming from the locality of Rasch, Rascha , Raschau Bch II p. 372, N p. 236, S5 p. 204; Rohs 1626 – a graphically Germanized form of the shortened given name Rosz or a backformed name from the German appellative Rohse < Rose ‘rose’ H p. 431 ; Tilz 1610 – Germanized from tylec ‘back part of an item’ or the locality name Tylice or created with the suffix z from the German abbreviated given name Til ; Polish or Prussian, e.g. Dengel 1586 – derived with the suffix el from dęga ‘mark, scar, rainbow’, ‘curve’, from dąg ‘strength, health’ Rymut 1 p. 133 ‘lath, stave’ SłW I p. 431 or from the Prussian personal name Dangele T p. 22; Mazut 1734 – derived from verb mazać (‘smear’) with the formant ut , or equal to the Old Prussian hy pocoristic form of the given name, derived with a suffix from the personal name Mase T s. 5556; Moszal 1611 – simple, equal to the name Moszal < Mojsław , Mo jżesz R p. 193 or derived by the suffix al T p. 176 from the Prussian element Mos T p. 62; Mykol 1618 – derived with the formant ol from Myk < Mikołaj Br p. 155 or equal to the Prussian personal name *Mykol T p. 58; Proyke 1529 – a graphically Germanized form from the Polish personal name Przejuk , this one created by the formant uk from przeć (‘push’) M p. 83 or from Old Prussian *Praikē, noted as Prayke, Proike T p. 79; German or Prussian, i.e. Kersch 1726 – from Old Prussian *Kersē T p. 44 or a German hypocoristic form of Kersch < Christianus Got p. 220; Reinick 1736 – from the Old Prussian anthroponym Reinikō T p. 82 or the German hypocorism of Reinick H p. 417; Rose 1669 – equal to the Old Prussian personal name *Rosē T p. 84 or the German nickname for a Rose lover and grower Rose N p. 247, Bch p. 430 or a popular locality name Rose SG IX p. 751 ; Tidigk 1641 – from the Old Prussian personal name *Tidikō T p. 105 or the German shortened name Thiedig < Thiederi/Diederich N p. 290291, H p. 515, Bch I p. 307; Zin(g)k* 1731 – from the Old Prussian personal name *Singē T p. 341 or the German nickname Zink ‘someone with a big, hooked nose’ < zinke ‘protruding ending, point’ Bch II p. 861, N p. 320, H p. 582; Polish or German or Prussian e.g. Dettki 1714 – from detko ‘scare for children’ SłW I p. 450, from dëtk ’10 groszy’ or ‘pennies’ Breza 2 p. 98 or from German Det tke, Dietke < Dietrich , Demetrius Rymut 1 p. 133 or from Prussian personal name Ditike T p. 25; Kap 1587 – equal to the appellative kap ‘drop, dripping’ SłW II p. 238 or *Kape, T p. 43, 141, a potential basis is also the German Kap ‘cape’ and Kappe 1. ‘copon’, 2. ‘coat with a hood’ Lex p. 104, cf. also local names Kapa and Kappe SG III p. 822, 825; Kater 1601 – the surname can be derived from German appellative Kat(h)er , ‘hut owner, petty farmer’ or from Old Prussian personal name *Kater T p. 43 or treated as a substitution of Polish Katar (‘rhinitis’) Rosp 2 p. 275, Rymut 1 s. 385; Welek 1639 – potential etymological basis include: I. a shortened form of the given name Wielek Mal p. 77, cf. also Felek < Feliks or Felicjan Breza 1 p. 131, SSNO II p. 29; II. German adjective welk ‘withered’; III. Old Prussian name Wel(i)ke T p. 116; IV. Kashubian Welk < wilk ('wolf’) Breza 1 p. 430; V. Welke < Waliko < Wal ‘Welsh, Roman’ Kauf 1 p. 380, S5 p. 277. Surnames, which potentially could be motivated by some equally probable bases were regarded as homonymic 1. The terms used with reference to this type of formations include ambiguous or equivocal. In total, 100 surnames of inhabi tants of the Lidzbark district were considered as homonyms. 30 were derived from

1 About homonyms, see Z. Saloni, Homonimia, [In:] Encyklopedia językoznawstwa ogólnego, K. Polański (ed.), Wrocław 1993, p. 212, edition II, amended and supplemented. Wrocław – War szawa – Kraków 1999, p. 239. E. Breza, Homonimia w polskiej antroponimii, [In:] Najnowsze przemiany nazewnicze, ed. E. JakusBorkowa; K. Nowik, Warszawa 1998, p. 293298.

~ 52 ~ various types of motivational bases (anthroponyms, toponyms, appellatives), be longing to one language – 9 are Polish surnames and 21 are German. 70 formations were classified into the category of homonymic surnames from etymological bases originating from various languages. Most anthroponyms might have derived, with equally probability, from Polish or German. Most surnames were created by trans location, while only a few were derived on a morphonological level.

2.5. VAGUE SURNAMES The analysed material contained anthroponyms, the etymology of which could not be established in a satisfactory way 1. The character of the sources, dates of recording and the fact that they are second description after the given name, in dicate their affiliation with the class of surnames. On the basis of their form, it can be assumed that most of them are personal names of German origin. Some forma tions can be hypothetically associated with specific etymological bases: Blohutt 1581 – potential motivations can include German the appellative Blohus < Blok haus ‘sentry box’, the Slavonic personal name Błot from błoto , cf. also Blott , a Germanized form of Slavonic appellatives błoto (‘mud’) and płot (‘fence’) Bch I p. 164; Enhler 1581 – the surname perhaps originating from first names of the type Engelbrecht, Engelhardt ; Fiestenau 1581 – from the hypothetical local name Fi estenau ?; Kerbohm 1622 – perhaps from IndoEuropean /s/ker ‘cut’ 2 + Bohm , a Low German equivalent of Baum ‘tree’ H p. 67 > Kerbohm ’cutting trees‘ or ’a cut tree‘?; Lamshöft 1636 – a surname of German origin, unclear, the first segment from the appellative Lamm ‘lamb’ + höft < hof? ‘grange, manor’; Remdt 1581 – perhaps from a shortened from of the German name Re(i)mbert H p. 419; Schnapmiler 1710 – cf. the German appellative schnappen ‘catch, capture’ + Miller ‘miller’; Vannegut 1609 – the origin of the surname can be associated with a local name Wannagen , see also Wannaginnen , Wannag SG XII p. 939; Wozech 1587 – perhaps it is graphically Germanized from the first name Wociech. Unfortunately, the excerpted material also included certain surnames which did not imply any probable interpretative associations, such as: Hempner 1556, Nuntersche 1581, Plohett 1581, Rickgarbe 1523, Sohm 1753, Stapuch 1682, Tondar 175.

1 It could also be possible that those surnames were improperly read or written. 2 See A. KarszniewiczMazur, Zapożyczenia leksykalne…, p. 201.

3. FINAL REMARKS The aim of the paper was to collect and to present the fullest possible an throponymical material from the Lidzbark district in the period of 15001772, and to reveal the process of surname development in this area, focusing on accompany ing linguistic circumstances. In total, a few thousand surnames were excerpted from over 150 manuscripts and 17 printed sources. The surnames were semanti cally and structurally analysed. On the basis of this analysis, it was found that in the 16 th 18 th centuries, a stabilised naming system existed in the region 1. The an throponyms presented in the study are officially used personal names. Structures without surnames were already uncommon, though there were some sparse specific descriptions found, such as Nobilis Domina Ursula Matthia a Pakusch ab Adekamp hone∫ta coniunx 1618, Nobilis D. Sigismundus a Nadram Capitaney Heilsbergen 1667 Rogóż, Michael v. Preuck alias von der Laute Marscalkus 15561565. Occa sionally, the role of an identifier was played by the name of the occupation (e.g. Socio Adamo 1587, Molitor Casparus 1587, Georgius scultetus 1587, Leonardus Scriba 1587) or the specification of a place of residence combined with a given name. But the combination of a given name and a surname was a customarily es tablished means of identification. According to the method of formation and the structure, surnames have been classified as simple (morphologically underived) and derived (by wordformation or inflection processes). The majority of anthroponyms are simple forms, created by transfer of their etymological base into the category of surnames, without any significant changes to their structure, e.g. Sommerfeld from the locality name Sommerfeld, Rachel from the given name Rachel, Rogala from the name of the coat of arms Rogala . Morphological derivation proved less effective in the collected material than transposition. Names regarded as derived were usually formed by adding a formant, which typically had a structural or patronymic function. The most productive suffixes include Polish: ski , its derivatives (owski, ewski, iński, yński, ecki, acki, icki ), icz and their compound variants ( ewicz, owicz) , Ger man: er, mann. In the area of the Lidzbark district, surnames were quite rarely created by conversion, alternation of suffixes or reduction of an element of the stem. Surnames were divided according to their etymological basis into three main groups: from anthroponyms, e.g. Benedict, Kilian, Materna ; Grod, Radek, Rosz, Rudel hoff, Reinholdt ; from toponyms, e.g. Jabłonowski < Jabłonowo, Szymanowski < Szymanowo, Galicki < Gality, Halicki < Halicz, Częstochowian < Częstochowa, Dąbrowian < Dąbrowa ; from names of occupations, e.g. Bosman, Cześnik, Kołodziej, Botnik, Furman, Gertner, Kesler, Möller, Schmidt, Schneider, Weber, Zimmermann. Additionally, there was a group of homonymic names, which was made up of names of originally heterogenic scopes of meaning, which did not fit explicitly into any of the other groups, and such that could be created in various ways, e.g. by suffixal derivation or by transfer. The genesis of about a dozen of surnames could not be satisfactorily explained and they were considered to be vague formations.

1 It should be mentioned, however, that the collected material includes a certain number of notation variants. This is caused by the fact that surname formation processes had not ended yet. The changes could take place both on the holder’s side or on the side of the clerk recording the sur name.

~ 54 ~ Applying the criterion of origin, the surnames were divided into Polish, Ger man, Prussian, Latin and hybrid ones. Genetically German surnames form the pre vailing group. However, it should be emphasized that they were used by persons inhabiting the then area of Poland who considered themselves, and who were con sidered, as autochthons. This thesis does not use the term foreign surnames , since German or Prussian formed a significant element of the Warmian ethnic blend of cultures. Domination of German anthroponyms was also influenced by the fact that this was an official language, in which clerks recorded a significant number of names – according to their pronunciation and German spelling rules. The sur names under analysis were subject to various adaptation processes: Polonization, Germanization and Latinization. While distinguishing and discussing individual groups of names, this aspect of word formation is emphasized. Additionally, notes concerning linguistic substitution also contain dictionary entries. A significant role in giving a name its final shape, besides natural linguistic adaptation, was also played by associations as well as by phonetic assimilations and simplifications. The material included in this dissertation can be used in genealogical and lin guistic research: onomastic, historical, linguistic and dialectological. The names collected also provide indirect information about the history of settlement and cul ture of this region. Of course, the thesis does not exhaust the entire issue and fur ther studies on this interesting subject of Warmian anthroponymy are necessary.

4. LIST OF SOURCES

4.1. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES STATE ARCHIVE IN OLSZTYN AP – Warmian Diocese Records – a collection of remains of sets from 13591937. Archipresbyteratus Heilsbergensis Privillegia archipresbyteratus et parochiarum decanatus, bulla, statuta (Willküre), ordinatio, acta aliorum fundationis, varia contracta, regesta decimarum et censum, acta contributionis, gravamina, inventaria domus, archipresbyteralis et domorum parochiales, acta processualia, acta de auctioni beneficiarum, informationes de parochiaris, hospilibus et beneficüs, notabilia historicae et chronologia ecclesiastica, curriculum vitae Jacobi Schröteri, puncta episcopi Cromeri in conventu provincionali praesentatibus a capitulo cathedralis etc. 13591757,497. DIOCESAN ARCHIVES IN OLSZTYN a) Episcopal Archive A – Records of the Episcopal Curia A 1 – Correspondence of Maurycy Ferbera (15231537), Warmian Bishop, 451. A 4 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis temporibus Martini Cromeri Episcopi 15801588, 520 pag. A 5 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis varmiensis, temporibus Martini Cromeri et Andreae Bathoraei Episcoporum Varmiensum 15871600, 587 pag. A 7 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis temporibus Petri Tilicki et Simonis Rudnicki Episcoporum Varmiensium 16001601, 479 pag. A 8 – Acta Consistorii Warmiensis 16061623, 543 pag. A 9 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Recimes Simone Rudnitzki Episco pus Varmiensi 16071611, fol. 607. A 11 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Simone Rudnicki Episcopo, Joanne Alberto Principe Poloniae ete; Administratore et Michaele Działyński Coadiutore, nec non Nicolao Szyszkowski, Venceslao de Leszno Leszczyński et Joanne Stephano Wydźga Episcopis Warmiensis 1616 1676; fol. 478. A 12 – Acta Officialatus Varmiensis 16461655, fol. 86. A 13 – Acta Illustrissimi Principis et Reverendissimi Domini D.Joannis Stephani Wydźga D.G. Episcopi Varmiensis et Sambiensis 16601678, 224 fol. A 14 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Varmiensis… Sede vacante, usque ad Egressum ex Episopatu Varmiensi ad Episcopatum Gnesnensem Ces. Principis D. Joannis Stephani Wydżga Ep. Varm. 15691679, fol. 154. A 15 – Acta Administratoris Episcopalis Varmiensis Adami Sigismundi Konarski Praepositi et Canonici Varmiensis 16791680, fol. 110. A 16 – Akta kurii biskupiej. Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Michaele Ra dzieiowice Radziejowski Episcopo 16801688, fol. 586. A 19 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Joanne Stanislao Sbąski Eppo 16891692, fol. 266. A 20 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Joanne Stanislao Sbąski ex Anno 1691, fol. 72. A 21 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Joanne Stanislao Sbąski Episcopo 16941695, fol. 129. A 22 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Joanne Stanislao Sbąski Episcopo 16961697, fol. 321. A 23 – Acta Officialanus Varmiensis 16891705, fol. 251.

~ 56 ~ A 24 – Acta Curiae. Acta Consistorii Varmiensis 17051711, fol. 171. A 25 – Acta Administrationis Episcopoatus Varmiensi 17051712, fol. 170. A 27 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Christophoro Joanne Szembek 17241725, fol. 327. A 28 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Christophoro Joanne Szembek Episcopo 17261728, fol. 986. A 29 – Acta Curiae Episcopalis Warmiensis sub Christophoro Joanne Szembek Episcopo 17291738, fol. 545. A 30 – Acta Cancellariae Ilustrissimi Christophori Joannis Szembek Episcopi Varmiensis 17291735, fol. 867. A 31 – Acta Cancellariae Ilustrissimi Christophori Joannis Szembek Episcopi Var miensis 17351740, fol. 616. B – Episcopal inspections AB B2 – Acta visitationis generalis Ecclesiarum Episcopatus Varmiensis 1581, fol. AB B5 – Acta Visitationum. Liber Visitationis generalis, quam facerunt Adamus Steinhallen et Jacobus Holczki Canonici Varm. (Roessel, Seeburg, Wartenburg, Gutstadt, Allenstein, Heilsberg) 1609, fol.289. AB B6 – Visitationis et Ordinationes Ecclesiarum –Ordinationes Officialium et Castri Heilsberg sub antiqius Dominis, authore Thoma Treter 1609, fol.156. AB B14 – Status Ecclesiae Parochialis Heilsbergensis 1716, fol. 39. AB B18 – Visitatio generalis Ecclesiarum Episcopatus Archipresbyteratus Heils berg, Guttstadt et Seeburg subjectarum peracta a xx. D.Bernardo T.Barone de Schenk Dec.Can.Varm. 1726, fol.126. AB B 90 – Visitationes decanales – Decanatus Heilsbergensis 17121801, fol.306. AB B117a – Records from inspection in the church in Bisztynek. C – Temporalia. Secular administration of the bishopric, various is sues, concerning church and secular authorities (economical and legal cases) C 53 – Clavis Archivi Heilsbergensi 1733, pag. 126. C 68 – Rationes Oeconomi Reverendissimi Episcopi Warmiensis 1587, fol. 109. E – single documents Eb – bishopric and its institutions Eb 28 – Copies of privileges of the convent of St. Catherine Congregation in Lidz bark 16201628. Eb 99 – Statement of Bishop Jan Stanisław Zbąski, 1695. Ec – diocesan churches and foundations at these churches. Ec 8 – Acknowledgement of the clergymen of the deanery of Lidzbark of the Fra ternity of Priests, on account of its establishment on 11 November 1611. Ec 13 – Introduction of the Fraternity of St. Anna in Stoczek (Springborn) 23 May 1672. Ec 16 – Introduction of the Fraternity of St. Francis in Stoczek (Springborn) 26 June 1694. Ec 20 – Conventio inter parochianos Bischofsteinensis ratione aedificiorum paro chialium 26 IX 1721. Ec 78 – Letter of Bishop Grabowski 24 November 1741. Ec 86 – Letter of Joannes Georgius Kunigk 20 November 1710. Ec 134 – Confirmatio et Approbatio ParochicofraternitasRosari in Eccla Heilsber gensi 6 IV 1643. Ec 139 – Rolle der Corporis Christi und Schützenbruderschaft in Heilsberg 22 IV 154624 V 1715.

~ 57 ~ Ec 143 – Privillegium. De manso Ecclesiae Heilsbergensi a Michaele Schiell denno legato 23 February 1636. Ec 148 – Papal brief of Benedict XIV. Granting indulgence to the altar of St. Cross in the chapel of St. Catherine in Lidzbark in the Bishop’s castle – during the times of Bishop St. A. Grabowski, 9 August 1758. Ed – general national issues, German and Polish Ed 12 – Revisio Commißorialis Cameratus Epālis Heilsbergensis 25 October 1712, fol.10. Ed 43 – Resolution of the Lidzbark assembly 25 February 1718, pag.7. Ee – municipal, economic issues Ee 15 – Grant of land, 1 October 1708. Ee 16 – Grant of land, 15 June 1709. Ee 18 – Grant of land, 12 May 1713. Ee 19 – Bishop Potocki grants 7 fiefs of land in Zagony (Sommerfeld) as a gift to equerry Paweł Głuchowski for 30 years, 27 August 1713. Ee 20 – Land grand act, 20 April 1714. Ee 21 – Land grand act, 27 June 1715. Ee 22 – Land grand act 23 June 1716. Ee 23 – Land grand act, 2 May 1718. Ee 24 – Land grand act, 9 October 1718. Ee 31 – Act of lease, 25 February 1727. Ee 32 – Renewal of the privilege 4 June 1703. Ee 33 – Act of lease, 25 February 1727. Ee 34 – Grant of land, 28 April 1729. Ee 35 – Grant of land, 13 January 1730. Ee 40 – Bishop Ignacy Krasicki grants gardener Stanisław Słonkowski a house near Lidzbark, previously belonging to Florian Sapuhn, 6 March 1769. Ee 99 – Letter, 22 November 1659. Eg – personalia and varia Eg 29/14, 29, 30, 37, 42, 44, 70 – Documents concerning family ab Hatten 17 th 18 th c. Eg 54 – Nobility diploma granted to family Ludwig from Demut (Demuth) by the Polish King Jan Kazimierz. Eg 121 – Letter, 4 October 1711. Eg 134 – Notary deed 29 April 1706. Eg 139 – Letter, 18 July 1711. H – manuscripts and rare prints (sets of various acts and old studies) AB H 37 – Archivum vetus et novum Ecclesiae Archipresbyteralis Heilsbergensis – Ex varris Historiae Prussicae Scriptoribus a… Georgio Adalberto Heide Canonico Culmensi, Archipresbytero Parocho Heilsbergensis collectum 13261764, p.119. AB H 427 – List of Prussian nobility. Annotatio nobilium, qui Maiestati Regiae et Reverendissimo Domino Coadiutori Varmienssi fidelitatis iuramentum praesitere 4 September 1576. AB H 470 – Craftsmen: certificates and other acts 17 th 19 th c. Parish records : Bisztynek 3 – Ratione Hospitalis Civitatis Eppalis Bisteinen ab Anno 1700, fol. 216. Bisztynek 4 – Ratones Ssmi Rosarÿ in Ecclesia Bisteinensi ab anno 1700…, pag. 391.

~ 58 ~ Bisztynek 5 – Rationes Ecclesiae Suburbanae Bisteinen sub TituloMarthae Post Gnalem Visitationem ab Anno 1700. Beneficium Sanctae Marthae et Corporis Christi, pag. 449. Bisztynek 12 – Varia. Remains of an accounting book (4 sheets) 16721673. Bisztynek 13 – Descriptio Ecclesiae Parochialis Bisteinensis… after 1683, fol.9. Blanki 1 – Parish records of Blankensee 16011839, fol.142. Blanki 3 – Parish records. Liber processum 17081777. Ignalin i Runowo 1 – Documenta quedam Ecclesiam tam Reimerswaldensen quam Raunau 16811783, pag.161. Ignalin 5 – Excerpt from parish and inspection records 15881888. Kiwity i Sułowo 1 Liber processum Ecclae Kiwiten et Schulen 16821760, fol.161. Kiwity 2 – Parish records: accounts, issues concerning the will of canon Rogala, correspondence 17231893, set of individual documents. Kochanówka 1 – Regestrum Parochiarum de Decim. Mansos habentium 1726 1826, strony nie są ponumerowane. Kraszewo 1 – Parish records 17211796, fol. 81. Kraszewo 5 – Acta die Documenten der Pfarre zu Reichenberg betr. 17161854, zbiór pojedynczych dokumentów. Kraszewo 6 – Acta die General – und – Decanal – Kirchen – Visitatione von Rei chenberg betr.17101849, strony nie ponumerowane. Krekole 2 – Regesturum Ecclesiae Krekollensis 17651813, pag. 94. Krekole 10 – Photocopy of parish chronicle of Krekole and others. Lidzbark 1 – Parish records – Lidzbark. Accounting book 17331842. Lidzbark 3 – Acta der Erzpriesterei. Registratur zu Heilsberg 17341795. Lidzbark 20 – Rationes Alveariorum et Apum, Mellis, Candelarum… XVIII w. Lidzbark 22 – Certificate of baptism of Jan Jost issued by Archipr. Andrzej Gąsiorowski 30 November 1737. Lidzbark 23 – Bishop Szymon Rudnicki grants permission to sell the house be longing to the Benefice of Corpus Cristi in Lidzbark, Reszel 7 September 1618. Lidzbark 24 – Bishop Szymon Rudnicki confirms renewal and expansion of the Benefice for the adoration of Blessed Virgin Mary, founded by the Lidzbark parish priest Jan Leo in the 17 th c. Lidzbark 25 – A circular letter summoning a general synod for 17 November 1610. Lidzbark 28 – Records of deanery inspections, of Lidzbark deanery 17 th 18 th c. Lidzbark 29 – Cameratus Heilsbergensis percepta censum, percepto genealia 18 th c. Rogóż 1 – Baptism records 15741696 1. Taufen (15741696) 2. Trauung (1574 1696). Rogóż 2 – Baptism records 17021764 + certificate of 1765 k.1. Rogóż 3 – Parish records. Regestrum jurium, decimarum, villarum, etc. 1696 1934. Rogóż 4 – Liber decimarum, Copuli, Pullorum et Chartarum Paschalium Ordo Sedilium 17441900. Rogóż 5 – Parish records. Księga rachunkowa 16101789. Rogóż 6 – Nomina confirmatorum in Ecclesia Parochiali Roghausen (XVIII w.) Stoczek 1 – Book of the Convent of St. Bernardine Order in Stoczek 17161744. Stoczek 2 – Circular letters of higher superiors of St. Bernardine Order 1744 1782, fol. 233.

~ 59 ~ Wozławki 1 – Ein Gedicht über die Bauern zu Wuslack aus dem Jahre 1740 – von A.BirchHirschfeld. Wozławki 2 Vita Rusticorum Wuslaccensium 1740. Żegoty 1 – Sigillum Ecclesiae Parochialis Siegfriedeswaldensis Decanatus Heils bergensis Diecesis Warmiensis XVIIXVIII w., fol.93. Żegoty 2 – Accounts of Siegfriedeswalde church 16041835. Żegoty 3 – Records of the Żegota parish (Siegfriedeswalde), copies of documents, bishop’s letters, mainly by I. Krasicki 13571820. b) Chapter Archive Contr. 14 – Rationes Publicae et Privatae Episcopatus Varm. Etc. 16591755. Contr. 15 – Contributiones personales (Capitationum et alia) 16631737, fol. 301. Contr. 16 – Lists, correspondence and other documents related to contributions imposed in 17 th and 19 th c., fol.447.

4.2. PRINTED SOURCES AND SOURCE PUBLICATIONS S. Achremczyk, Testament kanclerza wielkiego koronnego i biskupa warmiń skie go Andrzeja Chryzostoma Załuskiego , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1984, no. 4 (166), p. 375397. S. Achremczyk, Inwentarz ruchomości pozostałych po śmierci biskupa warmiń skiego Andrzeja Chryzostoma Załuskiego , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1986, no. 34 (173174), p. 147165. J.B. Kluk, Malarze z Lidzbarka Warmińskiego 16801780 , “Rocznik Olsztyński” XVII, 1997, p. 93107. A. Kopiczko, Ustrój i organizacja diecezji warmińskiej w latach 15251772 , Olsztyn 1993. Korespondencja Stanisława Hozjusza kardynała i biskupa warmińskiego vol. V r. 1564, opr. ks. A. Szorc, “Studia Warmińskie” XII, 1976. Listy z lat 15251548 ze zbiorów Władysława Pociechy, Witolda Taszyckiego i Adama Turasiewicza. Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Wydział Filologiczny. Li sty polskie XVI wieku ed. K. Rymut, vol. I, Kraków 1998. R. Marchwiński, Ludność Lidzbarka Warmińskiego w świetle wykazu szosu z 1581 r. , “Komunikaty MazurskoWarmińskie” 1974, no. 12 (119120), p. 59 70. J. Obłąk, Kaplice polskie Marcina Kromera na Warmii , “Studia Warmińskie” II, 1965, p. 730. J. Obłąk., Miscellanea Krasiciana , “Studia Warmińskie” XIX, 1982, p. 96121. Ordinancia castri Heylsbergk herausgegeben von C.P.Woelky , [In:] Scriptores Rerum Warmiensium oder Quellenschriften zur Geschichte Ermlands im Namen des historischen Vereins für Ermland , b. I, Braunsberg 1866, p. 314346. J. Piskorska, Lidzbark Warmiński. Inwentarz ruchomych zabytków sztuki ko ścielnej diecezji warmińskiej według stanu z 1980 r., “Studia Warmińskie” XIX, 1982, p. 339405. E. Sieniawski, Biskupstwo warmińskie, jego założenie i rozwój na ziemi pruskiej z uwzględnieniem dziejów ludności i stosunków jeograficznych ziem dawniej krzyżackich , vol. 12, Poznań 1878. B.G. Śliwińska, Dzieje zgromadzenia sióstr świętej Katarzyny dziewicy i męczen nicy , Olsztyn 1996. J. Wojtkowski, Sprawy warmińskie i krzyżackie we włocławskim egzemplarzu piętnastowiecznego wydania listów kardynalskich Eneasza Sylwiusza Piccolomi niego , “Studia Warmińskie” 1967, IV, p. 527552. F. Hipler, Die ältesten Schakverzeichnisse der ermländischen Kirchen, Inventari um post mortem reverendissimi domini Mauritii Episcopi conscriptum [Kgl.

~ 60 ~ Staatsarchiv zu Königsberg A398] “Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Alte rumskunde Ermlands“ VIII (1886), p. 494598 . Verzeichnis des Diözesanklerus [In:] H. Żochowski, Die Seelsorge im Ermland un ter Bischof Christoph Andreas Johann Szembek 17241740, “Zeitschrift für die Ge schichte und Alterumskunde Ermlands“ Beiheft 11, 1993, p. 249256. A. Boenigk, Kloster Springborn , “Zeitschrift für die Geschichte und Alterumskunde Ermlands“ XX, 1919, p. 228335. H. Zins, Nieznany testament biskupa warmińskiego Maurycego Ferbera , “Rocz nik Olsztyński” 1958, I, p. 223233.

5. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Bch I, II – J.K. Brechenmacher, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der Deutschen Fa miliennamen , II Auflage, t. III, Limburg a.d. Lahn 19571963. BCK – B. CzopekKopciuch, Adaptacje niemieckich nazw miejscowych w języku polskim , Kraków 1995. Breza 1 – E. Breza, Nazwiska Pomorzan. Pochodzenie i zmiany , Gdańsk 2000. Breza 2 – E. Breza, Nazwiska Pomorzan. Pochodzenie i zmiany , Gdańsk 2002. Ch – W. Chojnacki, Słownik polskich nazw miejscowości w b. Prusach Wschod nich i na obszarze b. wolnego miasta Gdańska wg stanu z 1941 roku , Poznań 1946. Got – M. Gottschald, Deutsche Namekunde. Unsere Familiennamen nach ihrer Bedeutung , Berlin 1954. H – H. Bahlow, Deutschen Namenlexicon. Familien und Vornamen nach Ur sprung und Sinn erklärt , München 1967. HB – H. Bahlow, Niederdeutsches Namenbuch, Vaduz Lichtenstein 1987. Lex – M. Lexers, Mittelhochdeutsches Wörterbuch , Leipzig 1964. M – B. Mossakowska, Nazwiska mieszkańców Komornictwa Olsztyńskiego , Gdańsk 1993. Mal – M. Malec, Staropolskie skrócone nazwy osobowe od imion dwuczłonowych , Wrocław – Warszawa – Kraków 1982. MC – M. CzaplickaNiedbalska, Nazwiska mieszkańców Bydgoszczy od II połowy XV wieku do I połowy XVIII wieku , Bydgoszcz 1996. N – H. Naumann, Familiennamenbuch , Leipzig 1987. Rosp 1, 2 – S. Rospond, Słownik nazwisk śląskich , vol. 1: AF, vol. 2: GK War szawaWrocławKraków 1967, 1973. S5 – Słownik etymologicznomotywacyjny staropolskich nazw osobowych , part 5 Nazwy osobowe pochodzenia niemieckiego , ed. Z. Klimek, Kraków 1997. SG – Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego i innych krajów słowiańskich , eds. F. Sulimierski, B. Chlebowski, W. Walewski, Warszawa 1880, reprint Warsza wa 1986. SłW – Słownik języka polskiego, eds. J. Karłowicz, A. Kryński, W. Niedźwiedzki, Warszawa 19001927, vol. 18. SSNO – Słownik staropolskich nazw osobowych , ed. W. Taszycki, vol. IVI, Wro cław – Warszawa – Kraków 19651981. T – R. Trautmann , Die altpreußischen Personennamen , 2. Umveränderte Auflage, Göttingen 1974.

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