Democratic Corporatism – the Italian Debate During
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Criticism of “Fascist Nostalgia” in the Political Thought of the New Right
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3866 Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, nr 3 Wrocław 2018 DOI: 10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.6 JOANNA SONDEL-CEDARMAS ORCID: 0000-0002-3037-9264 Uniwersytet Jagielloński Criticism of “fascist nostalgia” in the political thought of the New Right The seizure of power by the National Liberation Committee on 25th April, 1945 and the establishment of the republic on 2nd June, 1946 constituted the symbolic end to Mussolini’s dictatorship that had lasted for more than 20 years. However, it emerged relatively early that fascism was not a defi nitively closed chapter in the political and social life of Italy. As early as June of 1946, after the announcement of a presidential decree granting amnesty for crimes committed during the time of the Nazi-Fascist occupation between 1943 and 1945, the country saw a withdrawal from policies repressive towards fascists.1 Likewise, the national reconciliation policy gradually implemented in the second half of the 1940s by the government of Alcide De Gasperi, aiming at pacifying the nation and fostering the urgent re- building of the institution of the state, contributed to the emergence of ambivalent approaches towards Mussolini’s regime. On the one hand, Italy consequently tried to build its institutional and political order in clear opposition towards fascism, as exemplifi ed, among others, by a clause in the Constitution of 1947 that forbade the establishment of any form of fascist party, as well as the law passed on 20th June, 1 Conducted directly after the end of WW II, the epurazione action (purifi cation) that aimed at uprooting fascism, was discontinued on 22nd June 1946, when a decree of president Enrico De Nicola granting amnesty for crimes committed during the Nazi-Fascist occupation of Italy between 1943–1945 was implemented. -
Vinciguerra Inviata Dal Carcere in Cui È Detenuto (Per Scontare L’Ergastolo), Al Sito “Archivio Guerra Politica”, Oggi Non Più Esistente
La “Biblioteca del Covo” è lieta di mettere a disposizione dei propri lettori una parte della corrispondenza di Vincenzo Vinciguerra inviata dal carcere in cui è detenuto (per scontare l’ergastolo), al sito “Archivio Guerra Politica”, oggi non più esistente. Tale documentazione messa a disposizione a titolo gratuito, rappresenta una testimonianza d’eccezione sulla vita politica italiana del Novecento, che è indispensabile rendere di pubblica conoscenza, affinché la memoria collettiva del popolo italiano non venga defraudata della propria Storia. Al termine della corrispondenza di Vinciguerra abbiamo allegato il nostro articolo scritto in risposta alle recensioni che egli fece dei nostri lavori. LA “STRATEGIA DELLA TENSIONE” NELLA CORRISPONDENZA DAL CARCERE DI VINCENZO VINCIGUERRA. OMAGGIO ALLA “COERENZA”! Carcere di Opera, 15 maggio 2007. Dobbiamo rendere omaggio alla coerenza di personaggi come Gianfranco Fini, Franco Maria Servello, Pino Rauti, Gianni Alemanno, Ignazio La Russa, Teodoro Buontempo e tanti altri ancora. Perché non concordiamo con l’industriale Giuseppe Ciarrapico che, sulle pagine del “Corriere della Sera”, li ha definiti con disprezzo “rinnegati” (1). Il disprezzo lo meritano, ma non per quello che proclamano di essere oggi, bensì per quello che hanno affermato di essere per quasi mezzo secolo, durante il quale si sono presentati come gli eredi della Repubblica Sociale Italiana, i vessilliferi di quella bandiera sulla quale i combattenti fascisti avevano scritto la parola “Onore”. Costoro, alla pari di Giorgio Almirante, Arturo Michelini, Pino Romualdi, non hanno rinnegato l’onore, semplicemente perché sono sempre stati incompatibili con esso. Hanno affermato di avere un onore, ma non l’hanno mai avuto. “Sono veramente dispiaciuto – scriveva Gianfranco Fini ai reduci della Repubblica Sociale Italiana – di non poter partecipare…al VI congresso dell’Unione Nazionale Combattenti della Repubblica Sociale Italiana. -
Fascist Italy's Illiberal Cultural Networks Culture, Corporatism And
Genealogie e geografie dell’anti-democrazia nella crisi europea degli anni Trenta Fascismi, corporativismi, laburismi a cura di Laura Cerasi Fascist Italy’s Illiberal Cultural Networks Culture, Corporatism and International Relations Benjamin G. Martin Uppsala University, Sweden Abstract Italian fascists presented corporatism, a system of sector-wide unions bring- ing together workers and employers under firm state control, as a new way to resolve tensions between labour and capital, and to reincorporate the working classes in na- tional life. ‘Cultural corporatism’ – the fascist labour model applied to the realm of the arts – was likewise presented as a historic resolution of the problem of the artist’s role in modern society. Focusing on two art conferences in Venice in 1932 and 1934, this article explores how Italian leaders promoted cultural corporatism internationally, creating illiberal international networks designed to help promote fascist ideology and Italian soft power. Keywords Fascism. Corporatism. State control. Labour. Capital. Summary 1 Introduction. – 2 Broadcasting Cultural Corporatism. – 3 Venice 1932: Better Art Through Organisation. – 4 Italy’s International Cultural Outreach: Strategies and Themes. – 5 Venice 1934: Art and the State, Italy and the League. – 6 Conclusion. 1 Introduction The great ideological conflict of the interwar decades was a clash of world- views and visions of society, but it also had a quite practical component: which ideology could best respond to the concrete problems of the age? Problems like economic breakdown, mass unemployment, and labour unrest were not only practical, of course: they seemed linked to a broader breakdown of so- Studi di storia 8 e-ISSN 2610-9107 | ISSN 2610-9883 ISBN [ebook] 978-88-6969-317-5 | ISBN [print] 978-88-6969-318-2 Open access 137 Published 2019-05-31 © 2019 | cb Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License DOI 10.30687/978-88-6969-317-5/007 Martin Fascist Italy’s Illiberal Cultural Networks. -
A British Reflection: the Relationship Between Dante's Comedy and The
A British Reflection: the Relationship between Dante’s Comedy and the Italian Fascist Movement and Regime during the 1920s and 1930s with references to the Risorgimento. Keon Esky A thesis submitted in fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. University of Sydney 2016 KEON ESKY Fig. 1 Raffaello Sanzio, ‘La Disputa’ (detail) 1510-11, Fresco - Stanza della Segnatura, Palazzi Pontifici, Vatican. KEON ESKY ii I dedicate this thesis to my late father who would have wanted me to embark on such a journey, and to my partner who with patience and love has never stopped believing that I could do it. KEON ESKY iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis owes a debt of gratitude to many people in many different countries, and indeed continents. They have all contributed in various measures to the completion of this endeavour. However, this study is deeply indebted first and foremost to my supervisor Dr. Francesco Borghesi. Without his assistance throughout these many years, this thesis would not have been possible. For his support, patience, motivation, and vast knowledge I shall be forever thankful. He truly was my Virgil. Besides my supervisor, I would like to thank the whole Department of Italian Studies at the University of Sydney, who have patiently worked with me and assisted me when I needed it. My sincere thanks go to Dr. Rubino and the rest of the committees that in the years have formed the panel for the Annual Reviews for their insightful comments and encouragement, but equally for their firm questioning, which helped me widening the scope of my research and accept other perspectives. -
Fascism Rises in Europe
3 Fascism Rises in Europe MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES POWER AND AUTHORITY In These dictators changed the •fascism •Nazism response to political turmoil and course of history, and the world • Benito • Mein Kampf economic crises, Italy and is still recovering from their Mussolini • lebensraum Germany turned to totalitarian abuse of power. • Adolf Hitler dictators. SETTING THE STAGE Many democracies, including the United States, Britain, and France, remained strong despite the economic crisis caused by the Great Depression. However, millions of people lost faith in democratic govern- ment. In response, they turned to an extreme system of government called fas- cism. Fascists promised to revive the economy, punish those responsible for hard times, and restore order and national pride. Their message attracted many people who felt frustrated and angered by the peace treaties that followed World War I and by the Great Depression. TAKING NOTES Fascism’s Rise in Italy Comparing and Contrasting Use a chart Fascism (FASH•IHZ•uhm) was a new, militant political movement that empha- to compare Mussolini's sized loyalty to the state and obedience to its leader. Unlike communism, fascism rise to power and his had no clearly defined theory or program. Nevertheless, most Fascists shared goals with Hitler's. several ideas. They preached an extreme form of nationalism, or loyalty to one’s country. Fascists believed that nations must struggle—peaceful states were Hitler Mussolini doomed to be conquered. They pledged loyalty to an authoritarian leader who Rise: Rise: guided and brought order to the state. In each nation, Fascists wore uniforms of a certain color, used special salutes, and held mass rallies. -
M Franchi Thesis for Library
The London School of Economics and Political Science Mediated tensions: Italian newspapers and the legal recognition of de facto unions Marina Franchi A thesis submitted to the Gender Institute of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, May 2015 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 88924 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help (if applicable) I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Hilary Wright 2 Abstract The recognition of rights to couples outside the institution of marriage has been, and still is, a contentious issue in Italian Politics. Normative notions of family and kinship perpetuate the exclusion of those who do not conform to the heterosexual norm. At the same time the increased visibility of kinship arrangements that evade the heterosexual script and their claims for legal recognition, expose the fragility and the constructedness of heteronorms. During the Prodi II Government (2006-2008) the possibility of a law recognising legal status to de facto unions stirred a major controversy in which the conservative political forces and the Catholic hierarchies opposed any form of recognition, with particular acrimony shown toward same sex couples. -
12 the Return of the Ukrainian Far Right the Case of VO Svoboda
12 The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right The Case of VO Svoboda Per Anders Rudling Ukraine, one of the youngest states in Europe, received its current borders between 1939 and 1954. The country remains divided between east and west, a division that is discernible in language, culture, religion and, not the least, historical memory. Whereas Ukrainian nationalism in the 1990s was described in terms of “a minority faith,” over the past half-decade there has been a signifi cant upswing in far-right activity (Wilson, 1997: 117–146). The far-right tradition is particularly strong in western Ukraine. Today a signifi cant ultra-nationalist party, the All-Ukrainian Association ( Vseukrains’ke Ob ’’ iednanne , VO) Svoboda, appears to be on the verge of a political breakthrough at the national level. This article is a survey, not only of its ideology and the political tradition to which it belongs but also of the political climate which facilitated its growth. It contextualizes the current turn to the right in western Ukraine against the backdrop of instrumental- ization of history and the offi cial rehabilitation of the ultra-nationalists of the 1930s and 1940s. MEMORIES OF A VIOLENT 20TH CENTURY Swept to power by the Orange Revolution, the third president of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010), put in substantial efforts into the pro- duction of historical myths. He tasked a set of nationalistically minded historians to produce and disseminate an edifying national history as well as a new set of national heroes. Given Yushchenko’s aim to unify the country around a new set of historical myths, his legitimizing historians ironically sought their heroes in the interwar period, during which the Ukrainian-speaking lands were divided, and had very different historical experiences. -
Rivista Quadrimestrale Di Politica Economica, Sociologia E Relazioni Industriali Fondata Da Giacomo Brodolini
Rivista quadrimestrale di politica economica, sociologia e relazioni industriali fondata da Giacomo Brodolini Anno LII, gennaio-aprile 2018, n. 1 Enzo Bartocci Giuseppe Ciccarone Annamaria Simonazzi direttori Massimo Mascini direttore responsabile Giorgio Benvenuto Yasmine Ergas Leonello Tronti condirettori COMITATO EDITORIALE Dominique Anxo Paolo Bagnoli Paolo Borioni Gerhard Bosch Luisa Corazza Michele Faioli Emilio Gabaglio Umberto Gentiloni Riccardo Leoni Franco Liso Fabrizio Loreto Claudio Lucifora Enrica Morlicchio Andrea Panaccione Paolo Piacentini Paolo Pini Enrico Pugliese Michele Raitano Enzo Russo Donatella Strangio Paola Villa Andrew Watt COMITATO DI REDAZIONE Adriano Cicioni Manuelita Mancini Marilena Sacchetta Fondazione Giacomo Brodolini Riconosciuta con D.P.R. n. 230 del 13 aprile 1972 Sede sociale: via Solferino 32, 00185 Roma Tel. 0644249625 – Fax 0644249565 Internet: www.fondazionebrodolini.it Scopi della Fondazione (art. 2 dello Statuto) La Fondazione ha lo scopo di promuovere, coordinare e sviluppare le iniziative e le attività culturali e assistenziali dirette ad incrementare il benessere, l’istruzione e l’educazione dei lavoratori. In particolare la Fondazione ha il compito di: a) promuovere e curare le attività di studio e ricerca sui problemi inerenti alle condizioni di vita e di lavoro anche a livello comunitario e internazionale; a tale scopo può organizzare incontri, convegni e dibattiti per l’approfondimento di tali problemi dal punto di vista politico e sindacale; b) istituire borse di studio per i figli dei lavoratori; c) istituire corsi di formazione professionale, civica ed economico-sindacale; d) svolgere attività di ricerca e di sperimentazione nel settore delle metodologie didattiche specificamente rivolte alla formazione degli adulti;e ) promuovere e svolgere attività di pubblicazione e diffusione di studi e ricerche inerenti ai problemi del lavoro e del movimento sindacale, anche in forma periodica. -
Chiara Lubich: Tifical Congregation for Catholic Education on December 7, 2007
and scholars invited by Chiara ten years earlier to participate in a working group that she named the Scuola Abbà (Abba School), where the spiritual and cultural legacy of the charism of unity could be studied. ISC was the immediate precursor and incuba- tor for the Sophia University Institute, established by the Pon- Chiara Lubich: tifical Congregation for Catholic Education on December 7, 2007. In this article, I will offer an interpretation and analysis of that Inaugural Speech of Sophia speech, to uncover and highlight its inspiring intuition, its central message, its fundamental contents, and its cultural and academic Analysis and Interpretation 1 significance. In the future, all these themes, obviously, will have Piero Coda to be revisited and studied further. Sophia University Institute Chiara’s address contains two parts, as well as a brief introduc- tion and a conclusion. In the first part, Chiara relates the founda- tional experience of the Focolare Movement: the “pact of unity” Abstract: The author gives an extended analysis and commentary on of July 16, 1949, with Igino Giordani (Foco). From it sprang a pe- Chiara Lubich’s inauguration talk, focusing on its inspiring intuition, riod of intense mystical light known in the Focolare Movement as its central message, its fundamental contents, and its cultural and aca- “Paradise ’49.” 2 ‘The second part presents the “idea” of a university demic significance. He situates the talk within the long tradition of that, according to Chiara, springs from this event. According to Christian cultural development and gives special attention to the am- her, the founder of the Focolare, such a university is inextricably bition of this university to “teach wisdom.” connected with this pact. -
Youth, Gender, and Education in Fascist Italy, 1922-1939 Jennifer L
James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Senior Honors Projects, 2010-current Honors College Spring 2015 The model of masculinity: Youth, gender, and education in Fascist Italy, 1922-1939 Jennifer L. Nehrt James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/honors201019 Part of the European History Commons, History of Gender Commons, and the Social History Commons Recommended Citation Nehrt, Jennifer L., "The model of masculinity: Youth, gender, and education in Fascist Italy, 1922-1939" (2015). Senior Honors Projects, 2010-current. 66. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/honors201019/66 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Projects, 2010-current by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Model of Masculinity: Youth, Gender, and Education in Fascist Italy, 1922-1939 _______________________ An Honors Program Project Presented to the Faculty of the Undergraduate College of Arts and Letters James Madison University _______________________ by Jennifer Lynn Nehrt May 2015 Accepted by the faculty of the Department of History, James Madison University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Honors Program. FACULTY COMMITTEE: HONORS PROGRAM APPROVAL: Project Advisor: Jessica Davis, Ph.D. Philip Frana, Ph.D., Associate Professor, History Interim Director, Honors Program Reader: Emily Westkaemper, Ph.D. Assistant Professor, History Reader: Christian Davis, Ph.D. Assistant Professor, History PUBLIC PRESENTATION This work is accepted for presentation, in part or in full, at Honors Symposium on April 24, 2015. -
Unit I Spiral Exam – World War II (75 Points Total) PLEASE DO NO
Mr. Huesken 10th Grade United States History II Unit I Spiral Exam – World War II (75 points total) PLEASE DO NO WRITE ON THIS TEST DIRECTIONS – Please answer the following multiple-choice questions with the best possible answer. No answer will be used more than once. (45 questions @ 1 point each = 45 points) 1) All of the following were leaders of totalitarian governments in the 1930’s and 1940’s except: a. Joseph Stalin b. Francisco Franco. c. Benito Mussolini d. Neville Chamberlain. 2) In what country was the Fascist party and government formed? a. Italy b. Japan c. Spain d. Germany 3) The Battle of Britain forced Germany to do what to their war plans in Europe in 1942? a. Join the Axis powers. b. Fight a three-front war. c. Put off the invasion of Britain. d. Enter into a nonaggression pact with Britain. 4) The Nazis practiced genocide toward Jews, Gypsies, and other “undesirable” peoples in Europe. What does the term “genocide” mean? a. Acting out of anti-Semitic beliefs. b. Deliberate extermination of a specific group of people. c. Terrorizing of the citizens of a nation by a government. d. Killing of people for the express purpose of creating terror. 5) The term “blitzkrieg” was a military strategy that depended on what? a. A system of fortifications. b. Out-waiting the opponent. c. Surprise and quick, overwhelming force. d. The ability to make a long, steady advance. 6) In an effort to avoid a second “world war”, when did the Britain and France adopt a policy of appeasement toward Germany? a. -
Trade Union Policies and Practices for Gender Equalitypdf
Empowering Women at Work Trade Union Policies and Practices for Gender Equality Empowering Women at Work Trade Union Policies and Practices for Gender Equality Copyright © International Labour Organization 2020 First published 2020 Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to ILO Publishing (Rights and Licensing), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland, or by email: [email protected]. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered with a reproduction rights organization may make copies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. Visit www.ifrro.org to find the reproduction rights organization in your country. ISBN: 9789220336021 (Web PDF) Also available in French: Autonomiser les femmes au travail – Politiques et pratiques des organisations syndicales en faveur de l’égalité de genre, ISBN: 9789220336038 (Web PDF), Geneva, 2020 The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers. The responsibility for opinions expressed in signed articles, studies and other contributions rests solely with their authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by the International Labour Office of the opinions expressed in them.